IŠ LIETUVIŲ LEKSIKOLOGIJOS IR LEKSIKOGRAFIJOS

LIETUVOS TSR MOKSLŲ AKADEMIJA

ON THE HISTORY OF LIVESTOCK TERMINOLOGY IN THE BALTIC LANGUAGES*

A. SABALIAUSKAS

NAMES FOR A HERD OF LIVESTOCK

The Indo-European languages have no common or even widely used name for a herd of domestic animals being grazed. Most language groups have their own names, which arose through various semantic developments, and sometimes even closely related languages differ in the names they use.

The Baltic languages, too, have no common name for a herd of livestock.

Lith. bandà

The most commonly used Lithuanian word for a herd of livestock is bandà. It is a very interesting word in livestock terminology. Its meanings, one might say, somehow reflect various stages in the history of animal husbandry and provide good semantic parallels for explaining the origins of words used with similar meanings in other Indo-European languages.

The academic dictionary of the Lithuanian language lists seven meanings for this word: 1) a herd of livestock, a flock; 2) crops (flax) sown by a hired hand, a farmer’s son, or a younger brother; a crop; 3) land on which a crop is sown; 4) an in-kind supplement to wages given to a hired hand; 5) wages formerly paid to a hired hand in kind; 6) benefit, wealth, property, a share; money; 7) a rather small loaf, a small loaf of bread (LKŽd., I, 519—20; in the second edition of volume I of the dictionary, the meanings are divided up somewhat differently).

Looking at this series of meanings, one is led to think that the original meaning of Lith. bandà must have been ‘animal, head of livestock’, since only then can the development of the meanings mentioned above be explained. This meaning of Lith. bandà can still be discerned in old Lithuanian writings; cf.: giwen kaip banda bei neischmintingoses kiaules (1579, W₂₁), tauczîamus ir assîamus ir kitai bândai (1599, DP 340₃₃), Daug jaunimo kaip banda labai piggei tapo pardûta (Br P, II, 346), and so forth.¹ From this meaning developed the meanings ‘herd of livestock’ and ‘benefit, money, wealth’, and from the latter, ‘crops sown’ and ‘land on which those crops are sown’. The meaning ‘small loaf’ stands somewhat apart from all these. It should apparently be associated with the meaning ‘an in-kind supplement to a hired hand’s wages’. Most likely

^*Cf. the author’s previously published works in this field: Названия безрогового скота, „Проблемы индоевропейского языкознания“, Москва, 1964, p. 59—65; Baltų kalbų naminių gyvulių pavadinimai, „Lietuvių kalbotyros klausimai“, X, Vilnius, 1968, p. 101—190.

¹ K. Būga, Rinktiniai raštai, III, Vilnius, 1961, p. 664.

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bandà was originally not merely a small loaf, but a loaf of ragaišis or bread given among other things.

Lith. bandà has a long written tradition—the word is recorded even before the appearance of the earliest written monuments of the Lithuanian language.

Thus, the word banda in the sense of ‘property’ is already found in the 1468 Casimir Code: “And if servants steal something from someone, and (then) it is written at the top of this sheet how each theft is to be punished: if he steals for the first time, he is not to be hanged, but his fine is to be paid from his bond; and if there is no bond, then his master shall pay for him, and the servant shall be punished and flogged...”². It is also used in this sense in the First Lithuanian Statute (1529): “If servants steal in the vicinity and are caught with the stolen goods, whose value is half a grosz: then they are to be punished as thieves; but if the value of the goods is not half a grosz: then the damage is to be paid from their bond (=tunc debet solvi damnum ex rebus eius) or the goods are to be returned, and they are to be beaten with straps...”³. Lith. bandà in the senses ‘property’ and ‘wages in kind’ is also often found in other Lithuanian documents written in foreign languages in later periods⁴.

A considerable number of other words have also developed from Lith. bandà, with meanings closely connected to its senses: bandýkštis ‘herd animal, cattle’ (the word is found both in old writings—M. Mažvydas, J. Bretkūnas, M. Daukša—and in dialects—Akmenė, Barstyčiai, Betygala; LKŽd., I(2), 640), bandystis (in “Žiwatas,” published in 1787: LKŽd., I(2), 641), bandinga ‘pregnant’ (LKŽd., I(2), 640), bandaūti ‘to serve (to herd cattle)’ (LKŽd., I(2), 639), bandinė ‘enclosure for keeping a herd; pasture farther from the farm; shepherds’ feast at Pentecost; gatherings’ (LKŽd., I(2), 640), bandininkas ‘herd or cattle barn’ (LKŽd., I(2), 640), bandininkas ‘herdsman, shepherd; farmhand’ (LKŽd., I(2), 640), bandišius ‘shepherd’ (LKŽd., I(2), 641), bandiskas ‘characteristic of a herd, animal-like’ (LKŽd., I(2), 641), bandótis ‘to sow a herd; to benefit from something’ (LKŽd., I(2), 642), bandúotis ‘to profit from a crop, to profit from a herd’ (LKŽd., I(2), 643), bandìnis ‘one’s own’ (LKŽd., I(2), 641), liúosbandė ‘young cattle not tethered in the barn; free-ranging cattle’ (LKŽd., VII, 620).

Among the words mentioned here, bandìnis ‘one’s own’ (used in Dusetos) seems somewhat distant from the others in meaning. The sense ‘one’s own’ apparently arose from ‘bandinis, i.e. sown in the band’, cf. Gaspadarnus linus pabai̇gėm braukt, liko tik bandiniai (Dusetos). Alongside bandinių linų and rye, bandinis puodas, bandinis botagas and so on also came into use.

In some of its senses, Lith. bandà has also entered the languages of neighboring peoples—not only their written languages, but their spoken ones as well.

Lat. bānda ‘the piece of land, or the sowing on it, allotted by the master to a farmhand as wages; sideline, supplementary earnings; gain, business, profit’, bānds (EM, I, 261–2; EH, I, 204) is used in Latvian folk songs and occurs in some

² K. Jablonskis, Lietuviški žodžiai senosios Lietuvos raštinių kalboje, I, Kaunas, 1941, p. 15.

³ K. Jablonskis, Lietuviški žodžiai senosios Lietuvos raštinių kalboje, I, p. 15–17; J. Jurginis, Baudžiavos įsigalėjimas Lietuvoje, Vilnius, 1962, p. 135–136.

⁴ K. Jablonskis, Lietuviški žodžiai senosios Lietuvos raštinių kalboje, I, p. 307–308, 330, 337–341.

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in some other language monuments and dialects⁵. The word bañda may also have entered Latvian at times via the Curonians. However, since no more prominent traces of this word are found among the remnants of the Curonian language (unless we associate with it the place name Bandowe⁶), it would be more appropriate to regard Latvian bañda as a Lithuanian borrowing. Finally, it is even possible that some Latvians became acquainted with this word through Lithuanians, and others through the Curonians.

Latvian also has more words inseparable from Latvian bañda, cf. Latvian bañdnieks ‘a servant to whom the landlord has given a piece of land as wages’, bañdenieks, feminine bandniece, bañduoties ‘to work for oneself, earn through supplementary work’ (EM, I, 262), bándāties ‘to engage in sowing the wage fields (bandas)’, bandžuot ‘to seek to obtain food or supplementary earnings’, bandžēris ‘one who is in the habit of drinking away his bandas’ (EH, I, 204).

Latvian bañda has also left quite clear traces in Latvian toponymy, cf. Bañdas-kalns, Bañdas-plava, Bañdu-purvs, Bandu lauks, Bandu-sils, Bandulauks, Bañdaiņis, Bañdene, Bañdenes, Bañdenīcas, Bañdenieki, Bañdnieki, Bañdenieku-vējsudmalas, Bañdēņi⁷.

There are place names in Latvia that might indicate that Latvians once also had their own form bandà, phonetically precisely corresponding to Lithuanian, namely *buoda or *buode. Such place names are Latvian Buōdes, Buōdel-purvs, Buōdīte, Buōdnieki. These words are generally considered related to Latvian buōde ‘the booth’ (< Middle Low German bōde), buōdnieks ‘the merchant, the shopkeeper’; however, these forms may sometimes preserve the old Latvian *buoda or *buode, corresponding to Lithuanian bandą⁸.

Lithuanian bandà is also used with various meanings in Belarusian, cf. Belarusian бонда ‘flatbread, croissant, bun; loaf, small loaf; a gift of slaughtered meat (something taken to relatives or acquaintances after an animal has been slaughtered)’⁹.

In some Belarusian dialects (in the Brest region, in the triangle between Kobryn, Ivacevičy, and Luninets), the word бонда is used in the sense ‘cows given to a bride as part of her dowry’. The word is used in this sense in neighboring Ukrainian dialects as well¹⁰.

No word corresponding to Lithuanian bandą is found in Old Prussian texts. However, there are several Prussian place names and personal names that testify that the word may have existed in that language; cf. the place names Bandadis, Bandeynen, Bandeln, Banduken¹¹, and the personal names Bandeyke, Bandiko, Banduke, Bandupe, Bandush¹².

The Old Prussian monuments record another word that should probably be connected with the Baltic name for an animal or herd of animals from this root—that is, Old Prussian nienbon-den ‘uselessly (=unnützlich)’ (a word in the Second Catechism), ni enbāndan ‘in vain (=vergeblich)’ (a word in the Third Catechism)¹³. The Old Prussian context would indicate that the literal Old Prussian

⁵ K. Būga, Rinktiniai raštai, III, p. 665; E. Fraenkel, Et. Wb., 34; V. Urbutis, LKK, VI, p. 297.

⁶ K. Būga, Rinktiniai raštai, III, p. 168.

⁷ J. Endzelīns, Latvijas PSR vietvārdi, I, 1, Rīgā, 1956, p. 84.

⁸ J. Endzelīns, ten pat, p. 152–153.

⁹ K. Būga, Rinktiniai raštai, III, p. 665; V. Urbutis, Baltistica, V(1), p. 50–51.

¹⁰ Д. С. ТеленТЮК, Диалектологічний бюлетень, вип. IV, Київ, 1953, p. 58–59; А. П. Непокупний, Мовознавство, 1968, 6, p. 35.

¹¹ G. Gerullis, Die altpreussischen Ortsnamen, Berlin und Leipzig, 1922, p. 16.

¹² R. Trautmann, Die altpreussischen Personennamen, Göttingen, 1925, p. 16, 17.

¹³ R. Trautmann, Die altpreussischen Sprachdenkmäler, Göttingen, 1910, p. 11, 23; Prūsų kalbos paminklai, parengė V. Mažiulis, Vilnius, 1966, p. 101, 139.

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the meaning of ni enbāndan could be ‘not for benefit’, cf. Tou ni tur sten emmen twayse deywas nienbandan westwey (= Du solt den namen Gottes nicht unnützlich führen); Tou turri stan Emnan twaisei Deiwas ni enbāndan westwei (= Du solt den Namen des Herren deines Gottes nicht vergeblich führen).

Many researchers support this etymology of the Prussian word¹⁴; for the semantics, compare Lithuanian nauda, Latvian naūda ‘money’: Old Icelandic naut ‘head of cattle’, Old English neat ‘head of cattle, animal’¹⁵.

Further, Lithuanian bandà is linked to words from the Indo-European root *bhendh- ‘bind’; compare Sanskrit bad-hnāti ‘he binds’, Avestan bandayai-ti, Sanskrit bāndhuḥ ‘relative’, Gothic bindan ‘bind’, Greek πεῖσμα ‘rope’, Lithuanian bendras, and others¹⁶.

Lithuanian bandà seems to differ in meaning from words in these Indo-European languages. The original meaning of Lithuanian bandà must have been ‘animals that are tied up or kept in a pen (“tethered”)’. Phonetically, linking Lithuanian bandà with words in this group raises no doubts, but the semantics give some cause for doubt, since historical data are lacking about this kind of animal-herding practice. The meaning ‘animal enclosure’ is very closely associated with words from the Indo-European root *bhendh- (compare Greek φάτνη ‘manger’, Celtic berne ‘wagon basket’). Thus the original meaning of Lithuanian bandà could have been ‘an enclosure for animals (in a field or pasture)’, from which the meaning ‘herd of animals’ could then have developed. We see an analogous semantic change in Lithuanian gardas ‘enclosure in a field or pasture’, which, as we shall see, is used in the meaning ‘herd of animals’ in our old writings. Another possible explanation of the original meaning of Lithuanian bandà is that the word could have meant ‘animals held in common, animals grazed communally’. The meanings of words from the Indo-European root *bhendh- would not contradict this hypothesis either. Moreover, the origin of the Lithuanian word kaimenė would partly support this interpretation of the original meaning of Lithuanian bandà.

J. Endzelīns attempted a different explanation of the origin of Lithuanian bandà. He linked Baltic *bandā with Lithuanian bandyti ‘try, attempt’ and Prussian perbanda ‘tried’, citing as semantic parallels Gothic kiusan ‘test, try’, Greek γεύσθαι ‘taste, try, eat’, and Latin gustāre ‘taste, enjoy’¹⁷.

B. Jēgeris, agreeing with this idea of J. Endzelīns, further links Lithuanian bandà with Indo-European *bhen- ‘strike, wound’. In B. Jēgeris’s view, the meanings of Lithuanian bandà developed from this root as follows: ‘strike’ (Latvian beride ‘the executioner’, beñdēt ‘torment, treat cruelly’) > ‘try’ (Prussian perbanda ‘tried’, Lithuanian bandyti) > ‘taste’ (Lithuanian bandyti, Latvian bandas dzīt). According to B. Jēgeris, ‘piece of land’ could have developed directly from ‘strike’ (Lithuanian bandà, Latvian bānda) (*that which has been cleared [a piece of land]); from ‘piece of land (handed over as payment)’ the meaning ‘benefit’ could have developed (Prussian ni enbāndan, Lithuanian bandà, Latvian bānda); from ‘benefit’, by way of a putative ‘useful livestock’ meaning, the meaning ‘herd’ (Lithuanian bandà) developed¹⁸.

¹⁴ R. Trautmann, Die altpreussischen Sprachdenkmäler, p. 384; K. Būga, Rinktiniai raštai, III, p. 665; J. Endzelīns, Senprūšu valoda, Rīga, 1943, p. 215; E. Fraenkel, Et. Wb., p. 34.

¹⁵ J. Pokorny, Et. Wb., p. 768.

¹⁶ J. Pokorny, Et. Wb., p. 127; M. Mayrhofer, Et. Wb., II, p. 406; apparently, Grynbergeris (Grienberger) was the first to explain the origin of Lithuanian bandà in this way, Sbb. Wien Nr. 142, VIII (1900), p. 43; compare B. Jēgers, KZ, 80, p. 125.

¹⁷ EM, I, p. 262; Izglītības Ministrijas Mēnešraksts, 1921, Nr. 2, p. 194–195 (signed Pēteris Liepiņš; compare the bibliography of J. Endzelīns’s works, Rakstu krājums…, Rīgā, 1959, p. 672).

¹⁸ B. Jēgers, KZ, 80, p. 128–129.

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B. Jäger’s explanation seems highly implausible to us. First, the relationship of Latvian bėnde to Indo-European *bhen- ‘to strike’ is very unclear: Latvian bėnde is most likely some kind of loanword. Nevertheless, the semantic development in the opposite direction is much more plausible: ‘livestock’ > ‘benefit’ > ‘land’.

Lith. kaimenė

Lith. kaimenė ‘group of livestock; herd’ (LKŽd., V, 55) is a fairly widely used word in both literary language and dialects. It is used most widely in the Western Aukštaitian dialects. This word was also very widespread in the Lithuanian dialects of the former East Prussia. We find the word kaimenė in old monuments of the Lithuanian language as well, mainly those whose authors are associated with the dialects mentioned above—in J. Bretkūnas’s Bible translation, M. Daukša’s Postil, the Gospels published in Kėdainiai in 1653, and S. Bitneris’s Bible translation.

Alongside the form kaimenė, the form kaiminė is also used in the dialects (Kapsukas, Bartininkai).

In the Lithuanian dialects, the distribution of the words kaimenė, kaiminė seems to coincide almost completely with the distribution of the words kaimas (Kalvarija, Kapsukas, Kazlų Rūda, Šakiai, Vilkaviškis), kaima (Eržvilkas, Jurbarkas, Raseiniai, Vilkija), and kaimė (Dotnuva, Gudžiūnai, Kėdainiai, Krekenava)¹⁹.

The origin of Lith. kaiminė is beyond doubt: it should be connected with Lith. kaimas²⁰. The original meaning of Lith. kaimenė was probably ‘the village’s livestock, livestock grazed communally by the village’.

The geographic distribution of Lith. kaimenė within Lithuanian itself, as well as the absence of traces of this word in other Baltic languages, would indicate that it is a relatively recent word.

The word recorded by A. Juška, kaimina ‘heap, group’ (I grew up among a kaimina’s children, LKŽd., V, 55), should also be connected with Lith. kaiminė.

Lith. guotas

In Lithuanian, the word guotas ‘herd, group, crowd; a small cluster of trees, mushrooms, shrubs, or crops; tuft’ is also used to mean ‘herd of animals’ (LKŽd., III, 740). Alongside the form guotas, the academic dictionary of the Lithuanian language also records the forms guotas and guostas ‘tuft, guotas’ (LKŽd., III, 739).

The word guotas is used mainly in the southern part of Lithuania (Alytus, Aukštadvaris, Birštonas, Daukšiai, Leipalingis, Liškiava, Rumiškės). It is also well attested in old Lithuanian texts—it occurs in J. Bretkūnas’s Postil, M. Daukša’s Postil, B. Vilentas’s Enchiridion, S. Bitner’s Bible translation, the 1653 Knyga Nobažnystės, and elsewhere.

K. Būga associates Lith. guotas with the ancient Indo-European name for ‘cattle’ (cf. Latv. guovs ‘cow’, Skt. gāuh ‘cattle’, O.H.G. chuo ‘cow’, etc.), explaining that the word’s original meaning was ‘herd of cows, cattle herd’.²¹

¹⁹ A manuscript map prepared by E. Grinaveckienė was used (Institute of the Lithuanian Language and Literature, Lithuanian SSR Academy of Sciences).

²⁰ E. Fraenkel, Et. Wb., p. 251; P. Skardžius, Lietuvių kalbos žodžių daryba. Vilnius, 1941, p. 236.

²¹ K. Būga, Rinktiniai raštai, II, Vilnius, 1959, p. 353.

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E. Frenkel associates Lith. guõtas not directly with the Indo-European name for ‘cattle’, but with Greek words from this root: βόσκειν ‘to pasture’, βοτήρ ‘herdsman’, βοτόν ‘cattle’²². However, little is gained by proceeding in this way; it seems to us that K. Būga’s association is more plausible, especially since the ancient Indo-European name for ‘cattle’ has been preserved in the Baltic languages (cf. Latv. guovs).

Perhaps, in agreement with K. Būga’s association, the most plausible reconstruction of Lith. guõtas would be Proto-Indo-European *gūō(u)-to-m ‘herd of cattle’, the latter proto-form being directly connected with Indo-European *gōu- ‘cattle’²³.

A very complex question is the relationship of Lith. guõtas to Lith. gaujà ‘heap, group, pack; crowd, throng; a large number’ (LKŽd., III, 168), gõveda ‘herd, troop, crowd, throng’, gõveda, goveda, govena, govežda, gõvija, govija (cf. also the isolated farmstead Góvija), gova, gõvada (LKŽd., III, 487). Lith. gova obviously arose from Lith. gõvada. We find a very similar development in one Belarusian dialect, where the form гаўя ‘herd of animals’ arose from Belarusian гаўяда (Staryja Darohi, between Slutsk and Babruysk)²⁴.

Some researchers regard Lith. gõveda, and consequently the other variants of this word as well, as Slavicisms; in their view, Lith. gõveda ‘herd, troop, crowd, throng’ derives from Polish gawiedź²⁵. However, K. Būga²⁶, followed in this by P. Skardžius²⁷, E. Frenkel²⁸, and F. Slawski²⁹ regard Lith. gõveda as a word of Lithuanian origin, connecting it with Lith. gaujà. It is difficult to determine whether Lith. gõveda is a loanword or an inherited Lithuanian word. For example, the form govezda (recorded in F. Kuršaitis’s dictionary, though unknown to Kuršaitis himself) seems to indicate that it is a loanword from Polish, but it would then be very difficult to explain the emergence of the forms gõvija, govena, gova. Therefore, perhaps both the word gõveda and govija and its other forms should be considered native words, while the form govezda should be treated as a Polish loanword or as a form remodeled from Lith. gõveda under the influence of Polish gawiedź.

A highly hypothetical but nevertheless possible connection of these words with Lith. guõtas should also be considered³⁰. If this connection were correct, the original meaning of both Lith. gaujà and gõveda would have been ‘herd of cattle’.

Lith. kėltuva

The principal meaning of Lith. kėltuva is ‘cattle, an animal’, but this word (in its singular form) is also quite widely used to mean ‘a group or herd of cattle’. In this meaning, Lith. kėltuva is used in living speech in the easternmost part of Lithuania (Adutiškis, Dysna, Tverečius), as well as in Lithuanian-speaking enclaves in Belarus. The word is also found in the meaning ‘a group of cattle’ in our old writings (M. Mažvydas, J. Bretkūnas). Cf.:

„...Jobui kialtuwa atymta“, Mž, 433.

²² E. Fraenkel, Et. Wb., p. 177.

²³ J. Pokorny, Et. Wb., p. 483.

²⁴ Дыялекталагічны атлас беларускай мовы, Мінск, 1963, zemėlapis Nr. 293.

²⁵ LKŽd., III, p. 487; J. Otrębski, LP, 4, p. 39; J. Otręmbskis argues that Lith. gaujà may have developed from Lith. govijà.

²⁶ K. Būga, Rinktiniai raštai, I, sudarė Z. Zinkevičius, Vilnius, 1958, p. 328.

²⁷ P. Skardžius, Lietuvių kalbos žodžių daryba, p. 82, 231.

²⁸ E. Fraenkel, Et. Wb., p. 140.

²⁹ F. Slawski, Sl. et., I, p. 262.

³⁰ K. Būga, Rinktiniai raštai, III, p. 867; J. Pokorny, Et. Wb., p. 483.

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_{“...and near me you shall be, you and your children,... your small and great cattle (written}there: keltuwa,” BrB 1 Moz 45, 10 (LKŽd., V, 551).

Lith. kėltuva is related to Lith. kėlti³¹.

Lith. pėkus, Pr. pecku

Lith. pėkus is also used in the sense ‘herd of livestock’; its original meaning, like that of the word kėltuva, is ‘cattle, animal’. The word pėkus is very frequently used in the sense ‘herd of livestock’ in our old writings (M. Mažvydas, J. Bretkūnas, M. Daukša, S. Chilinskis). There it is sometimes simply used as a synonym of banda, kėltuva ‘herd of livestock’. Cf.:

“...he was very rich in cattle (herds),” BrB 1 Moz 13, 2.

“...a calf was brought to the herd (in the margin: to the herd),” BrB 1 Moz 18, 7.

“...he had... much livestock,” BrP, II, 194.

“...feeding the livestock,” Mž, 193.

“...his livestock numbered seven thousand sheep,” Ch Job I 3.

Lith. pėkus is used similarly in the 1642 edition of K. Širvydas’s dictionary:

“Bydle, bydło, skot. Pecus, udis, et pecus, oris. Pekus, kieltuwą”.

“Bydlecy. Pecuarius, Pecorinus. Pekaus, kieltuwu” (Dic., 26).

“Nápáść bydło, Pascerebene. Prigánit, pripenet peku” (Dic., 192).

“Pasę bydło, Pasco, bubulcitor, feruo pecudes. Ganau peku” (Dic., 286).

In contemporary Lithuanian, pėkus is recorded in the sense ‘herd of livestock’ only in the Zietela dialect.

Examples from the Old Prussian Catechism III would suggest that in Prussian, too, the word pecku (gen. sg.) was used in the sense ‘herd of livestock’:

“…Clothes and shoes, food and drink, house and farmstead, wife and child, fields and livestock, fields and coins, and all good things…”

…In addition, clothes and shoes, food and drink, house and farmstead, wife and child, fields and livestock, and all goods…

All that is needed for the sustenance of life, such as food and drink, clothes, shoes, house, farmstead, fields, livestock, money…

Everything that belongs to the sustenance and necessities of life, such as food, drink, clothes, shoes, house, farmstead, fields, livestock, money…

…who gives sustenance to all people of the lands, who gives their food…

…He who gives food to all flesh, He who gives its fodder to the livestock…”³²

There are no Latvian equivalents of Lithuanian pėkus, Prussian pecku.

There are two opinions concerning the origin of Lithuanian pėkus: some consider this word an old borrowing from Germanic, others an old Baltic word. The latter opinion seems more acceptable³³.

Lith. gyvuliai, gyvīs, etc.

In Lithuanian, the plural form gyvulys gyvuliai is also used with the meaning ‘a herd of livestock’; cf. also the forms gyvolis, gyvulis, gyvuolis (LKŽd., III, 383, 384, 385, 387)³⁴.

³¹ E. Fraenkel, Et. Wb., p. 238; A. Sabaliauskas, LKK, X, p. 136–137.

³² R. Trautmann, The Old Prussian Language Monuments, p. 28, 29, 36, 37, 52, 53; Monuments of the Prussian Language, p. 152, 153, 164, 165, 196, 197.

³³ E. Fraenkel, Et. Wb., p. 564–565; A. Sabaliauskas, LKK, X, p. 136.

³⁴ K. Būga, Selected Writings, I, p. 122–123.

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In the southeastern dialects of Lithuanian themselves, another word from this root, gyvīs, is used with the meaning ‘a herd of livestock’; cf. Pro kur varo gyvį, varykla vadinas (Lazūnai): Visi dudena, kad jo vaikas jau gyvį gano (Dieveniškės); LKŽd., III, 383. The word gyvīs is widely used in various Lithuanian dialects and in old written monuments with the meaning ‘a living thing, a living being’ and other similar meanings, but it is recorded with the meaning ‘a herd of livestock’ only in the aforementioned dialects.

We also find names for ‘a herd of livestock’ derived from this root (IE *gṷi-, Lithuanian gy-, Slavic ži-) in the Slavic languages: Belarusian жывёла, жывина, Polish żywina, żywizna, żywioła, Old Russian животина, Serbian живо, Slovene živina³⁵. Clearly, in both Lithuanian and individual Slavic languages, such a meaning for words from this root could have arisen entirely independently (cf. Serbian-Croatian живина ‘domestic poultry’, Ukrainian живина); in particular cases, however, borrowing may also have occurred. For example, Belarusian жывина, which, as the data of the Belarusian dialectological atlas show, is used more widely only in the vicinity of Grodno, is undoubtedly a borrowing from Polish. A particularly interesting phenomenon is the set of names with the formant -l-, which form a completely compact area encompassing Lithuanian, almost all Belarusian dialects, and part of the Polish dialects that directly adjoin the Lithuanian-speaking area³⁶. The more intensive use of Lithuanian gyvulys, gyvuliai suggests that Belarusian жывёла and Polish żywioła may have arisen under the influence of Lithuanian.

The form gyvīs, used in Dieveniškės and Lazūnai in the meaning ‘a herd of livestock’, is apparently not a new formation in these dialects but a remnant of the old Lithuanian use of gyvis, since this word is used quite widely in old texts with the meaning ‘animal’; cf. Avis yra romus, … nekaltas gyvis DP 209: Ta ranka penį visus gyvius, kiekvienam tikrą penukšlą duodama SP I 242; Anoji kančia, ir nebylius gyvius galėtų pajudint galėjimop DP 176; Gyvis, išėjęs išg girų, staugimu, kaukimu, baubimu teip baisus bus DP 7 (LKŽd., III, 383).

For the use of the singular form gyvis with the meaning ‘a herd of livestock’, cf. the use of Lithuanian kėltuva and pėkus.

We find no words from the IE *gṷi- root with the meaning ‘a herd of livestock’ in either Old Prussian or Latvian. Latvian does, it is true, have the words dzīvnieks ‘ein lebendes Wesen, ein Tier’, dzīvuonis, dzīvīte ‘ein Haustier’ (EM, I, 560), but these appear to have arisen fairly recently, and there is no tendency to use them with the meaning ‘a herd of livestock’.

In Latvian dialects, the name of a domestic animal from the IE *gṷi root, živats ‘ein Tier; ein Haustier’, „sīkluops“ (ein Schaf, Schwein), is found. However, it is a borrowing from Russian (EM, IV, 814).

Lat. luopi

Lith. gyvulys roughly corresponds in meaning and usage to Latv. luōps. The plural form luōpi is used in Latvian also with the meaning ‘herd of livestock’; cf. Laid luopus ārā!; Jādzen luopi ganųos; Luopus ganīt (EM, II, 528).

Latv. luōps is a word entirely isolated in the Baltic and Slavic languages, which should probably be connected with Alb. lopē ‘cow’³⁷.

³⁵ O. N. Trubachev, The Origin of the Names of Domestic Animals in the Slavic Languages, Moscow, 1960, p. 100; Dialectological Atlas of the Belarusian Language, map No. 293.

³⁶ O. N. Trubachev, The Origin of the Names of Domestic Animals in the Slavic Languages, pp. 100–101.

³⁷ J. Pokorny, Et. Wb., p. 654; A. Sabaliauskas, LKK, X, p. 137.

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Latv. bars

The word bars is very widely used in Latvian in the sense ‘herd of livestock’; the diminutive form bariņš is also used, as are the phrases luõpu bars, luõpu bariņš.

The word bars is used in Latvian in various senses. K. Mühlenbach’s dictionary lists as many as six meanings of this word (in fact, even more could be distinguished): 1) die Schwade; 2) ein bestimmter Strich Feldes bei der Flachsraufe; 3) die Mast; 4) der Haufe, die Menge, die Schar, Herde, 5) die Sandmassen in der Flussmündungen, die das Fahrwasser seichter machen; 6) atberi (klātpieduotuo barības tiesu sauc par beriem, baru, biežāk atberiem; cf. atberes ‘Wiedergabe des aus dem Gemeindemagazin geliehenen Getreides; das Getreide, das bei der Wiedergabe gleichsam als Prozent mehr abgegeben wird’) (EM, I, 150, 264–5).

In Lithuanian, the word bãras, corresponding to Latv. bars, is likewise used in similar senses: ‘a strip of field worked at one time (when reaping grain, pulling flax, mowing); a group of people (in this sense found only in the writings of S. Gimžauskas (Linkmenys) and in A. Juška’s dictionary)’ (LKŽd., I(2) 651–2). In recent times, the word bãras has become very widely used in contemporary Lithuanian in the sense ‘a field or area of some kind of activity’.

As we can see, the meanings of Lith. bãras, and especially Latv. bars, vary considerably. This prompted J. Endzelīns to suspect that Latv. bars had more than one origin. He was inclined to connect Latv. bars in senses 1–3 with Middle Irish berraim ‘shear’, Avestan tiži-bāra ‘with a sharp edge’, Latin ferīre ‘to strike’, forus ‘path around a garden bed’, Old High German bara ‘enclosed land’, Russian забор ‘fence’, Greek φόρος ‘a piece of land, furrow’. J. Endzelīns was inclined to connect Latv. bars in senses 4–5 with Indo-European *bher- ‘to carry’, and only in its sixth sense did he connect Latv. bars with Latv. bērt, Lith. berti, while agreeing that Latv. bars in its fourth sense might also be connected with these verbs³⁸.

However, J. Endzelīns was probably mistaken in considering Latv. bars a word of as many as three different origins. It seems to us that all the meanings of both Lith. bãras and Latv. bars can be explained by connecting these words with the verbs Lith. berti, Latv. bērt. A. Leskien had already explained the origins of Lith. bãras and Latv. bars in this way³⁹. Many later scholars supported A. Leskien’s explanation. K. Būga maintained that “bãras is as much land as can be covered with seed in a single sowing pass”⁴⁰; P. Skardžius⁴¹, E. Fraenkel⁴², and J. Otrębski⁴³ held the same view. The main reason J. Endzelīns apparently doubted this etymology was the fact that in the Baltic languages another old word is used in the sense ‘area of land sown’: Lith. biržė, Latv. birze, which is connected with OCS brazda ‘furrow’, Russian борозда, Polish brózda⁴⁴ (in fact, this etymology seems rather doubtful).

However, the original meanings of these words (Lith. biržė, Lith. bãras) may have been different—their semantic convergence is a result of later development.

³⁸ EM, I, p. 265.

³⁹ A. Leskien, Der Ablaut der Wurzelsilben im Litauischen, Leipzig, 1884, p. 321; Bildung der Nomina im Litauischen, Leipzig, 1891, p. 167 (pastarajame veikale teigia kiek abejodamas).

⁴⁰ K. Būga, Selected Writings, II, p. 294.

⁴¹ P. Skardžius, Word Formation in the Lithuanian Language, p. 26.

⁴² E. Fraenkel, Et. Wb., p. 34–35.

⁴³ J. Otrębski, Gramatyka języka litewskiego, II, Warszawa, 1965, p. 33.

⁴⁴ E. Fraenkel, Et. Wb., p. 44–45; EM, I, p. 299.

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Although the meaning ‘herd of animals’ can scarcely be directly connected with the verb bérti, meanings such as ‘a multitude’ and ‘a group’ can generally be associated with this verb (cf. The branches of the linden are strewn with buds; The sky was clear, strewn with shining stars, LKŽd., I(2), 773; Latv. biru birām ‘in Scharen’, birum birumiem, EM, I, 298). The meaning ‘herd of animals, flock’ also arises quite readily from ‘a multitude’, ‘a group’; cf. Lithuanian guõtas ‘herd – group’, Lithuanian kaĩmenė ‘herd – group’, Lithuanian gyvìs ‘herd – multitude’, and so on.

As we have mentioned, J. Endzelīns was inclined to connect Latvian bars in senses 4–5 with Indo-European *bher- ‘tragen’. However, Lithuanian bérti and Latvian bērt are also associated with the aforementioned Indo-European root. J. Endzelīns did seem to have some doubts about this connection, however, noting that K. Būga, J. Mikola, A. Brückner, and R. Trautmann connected Lithuanian bérti and Latvian bērt with Indo-European *bher ‘tragen’ “ohne sich über die Entwickelung der Bedeutung zu äussern”⁴⁵. It seems to us that meanings of Lithuanian bérti such as ‘to litter (of an animal)’ and ‘to bear, give birth’ could bring it closer to Indo-European *bher-; cf. A sow that has farrowed; If you watch the sow until she farrows, you’ll get a piglet LKŽd., I(2), 773, 847. However, these meanings may also be Lithuanian innovations; cf. similar meanings of the verbs griūti, irti.

Latv. ganeklis and so on.

In Latvian we find several names for a ‘herd of animals’ derived from the verb ganīt (Lith. ganýti): ganeklis (vīrs ganekli aizdzen mājā), ganekles (the word occurs in Glück’s Bible translation (1689)), ganība (uz mūsu ganībām vesela ganība luopu), ganīkla (šur un tur luopu ganīklas ganās), ganāmais (būs viens gans, viens ganāmais), ganāmie (EM, I, 599, 600; EH, I, 382).

In the writings of J. Žemaitė, the word gãniava occurs with the meaning ‘herd of animals’ (You cannot pasture such herds of animals in those pastures, LKŽd., III, 102). However, gãniava here is probably not a fact of living speech, but rather a word that arose through a misunderstanding from gõniava, used in Žemaitė’s native region (probably the work of editors of Žemaitė’s writings).

Lith. gõniava, gonà and so on.

In Lithuanian dialects we find names for a ‘herd of animals’ that should be associated with the verb ginti ‘to drive, drive a herd to pasture’: gõniava ‘herd, flock, multitude’, gonà ‘group, multitude’ (The shepherd drives a gonà of cows. I have never seen such a gonõs of animals before Als.), gõna, gõnas, gõnė (Such a gõnė of pigs would eat something Kair.), gonìa (Open the barn door; I’ve brought back a gonìa Vlk.), gonyčia (LKŽd., III, 482)⁴⁶.

Lith. gárdas

The word is used in the sense ‘herd of livestock’ only in our old writings—it is used in this way by J. Bretkūnas, M. Daukša, S. Chilinskis, and others. Cf.:

“...and there will be one shepherd, and one herd,” BrP, II, 209.

“...a good shepherd, who does not leave his lost lamb on his shoulders, so that he may bring it into his own herd,” DP, 174.

“...and they would gather all the herds there,” Ch 1 Moz 29,3.

⁴⁵ EM, I, p. 292.

⁴⁶ P. Skardžius, Word Formation in the Lithuanian Language, p. 47.

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“...he gathered all the herds,” Ch 1 Moz 29, 8.

“...and his brothers went to pasture their father’s herd,” Ch 1 Moz 37, 12.

“...who tends the herd and does not drink the herd’s milk? Bt 1 Pv K 9,7 (cf. also LKŽd., III, 120).

As we know, in Lithuanian the word gardas is used in the sense of a particular enclosure (‘a partitioned section of a barn’, ‘an enclosure in a field or pasture’, ‘a box made of boards for transporting pigs’, LKŽd., III, 120). The latter, ‘enclosure’, sense is undoubtedly older. The sense ‘herd of livestock’ apparently developed from the sense ‘an enclosure in a field or pasture’.

Lith. gardas is related to Old Slav. gradъ ‘castle, town, garden’, Rus. город ‘town’, Skt. grháḥ ‘house’, Goth. gards, Goth. garda ‘enclosure’, Alb. garth ‘hedge’, and others.⁴⁷

A counterpart of Lith. gardas is also found in Latvian; cf. Lat. gards ‘an enclosure at or inside a stable’ (recorded in the writings of J. Janševskis). J. Endzelīns tends to regard this Latvian word as a Lithuanianism (Anscheinend aus li. gãrdas dass., wenn wirklich mit kurzem a; vgl. gārds 1, EH, I, 384). It seems to us that Lat. gārds ‘an enclosure for livestock being fattened, especially pigs’ should likewise be considered a Lithuanianism (EM, I, 618; EH, I, 390). For, judging from the material in K. Mühlenbach’s dictionary and its supplements, this word is used almost exclusively along the Lithuanian border (Dunika, Gruobinia, Lazduona, Nyca, Nygranda, Rucava). The lengthening of the root vowel a in the Latvian word should be explained by the pronunciation of Lithuanian speakers in the Lithuanian border region: the Lithuanian speakers there (Akmenė, Klykoliai, Mažeikiai), from whom this word must have passed into Latvian, pronounced Lith. gardas as gãrc. Even if Lat. gārds were not a loanword from Lithuanian, Lithuanian would at least have helped it survive in those Latvian dialects.

Lith. gardas in the sense ‘enclosure’ also entered the Finnic languages of the Baltic region; cf. Finnish karsina, Karelian karžina, and others.⁴⁸

Lith. stōdas

Lith. stōdas is also used in the sense of ‘herd of livestock’ only in old writings—the word is used in this sense by J. Bretkūnas, M. Daukša, K. Širvydas, and others. Cf.:

„...nuneche awi ich Stodo (paraštėje: Gardo)...“, BrB 1 Sam 17, 34.

„...stōdai ir kaimenės, tawos...“, DP, 290.

„...piewos, łakos, kãimenes, stōdai...“, DP, 306.

„Paweýksłu tieġ tapi stōdo... (Wžormi, movi, bėdac stāda...)“, SP, II, 136.

„...piemenimus, Stodą ganantiemus...“, KN, 130.

Alongside the form stodas, the form stoda⁴⁹ is also used in old writings.

There are various opinions about the origin of Lith. stōdas. A. Brückner surmised that Lithuanians borrowed this word from Polish⁵⁰. K. Būga, who for a long time was uncertain whether it was a native word or a loanword⁵¹, regards it as a loanword from Russian⁵², while P. Skardžius regards it as a loanword

⁴⁷ E. Fraenkel, Et. Wb., p. 135–136; M. Vasmer, Et. Wb., I, p. 297; J. Pokorny, Et. Wb., p. 444.

⁴⁸ Y. H. Toivonen, Suomen kielen etymologinen sanakirja, I, Helsinki, 1955, p. 165; A. Sabaliauskas, LKK, VI, p. 118.

⁴⁹ K. Būga, Rinktiniai raštai, II, p. 592.

⁵⁰ A. Brückner, Die slavischen Fremdwörter im Litauischen, Weimar, 1877, p. 137.

⁵¹ K. Būga, Rinktiniai raštai, II, 92, II, p. 591–592.

⁵² K. Būga, Rinktiniai raštai, III, p. 46.

2. Iš lietuvių leksikologijos ir leksikografijos

17

LKI BIBLIOTEKA

from Belarusian⁵³. Categorically, perhaps, no opinion can be entirely rejected. However, P. Skardžius, among other things, recalls the very similar usage of Lithuanian stōdas and Belarusian cmado in Belarusian-language documents from Lithuania (cf. кони, стада и животина князя Лит. Мет. (1520). РИБ. XX 1434). Finally, it is possible that such a name for a herd of animals entered Lithuanian from the Slavic languages by various routes.

Lith. armuõ

Lith. armuõ meaning ‘herd of animals’ is recorded once, namely, in A. Baranauskas’s Bible translation: Iš armen(i)ės patiną nesutemptą apieravos, 3Moz 1,3 (LKŽd, I (2), 310). It seems to us that the Latin armentum (...si holocaustum fuerit ejus oblatio, ac de armento...3 Moz 1, 3), which in Latin means ‘large working animals (horses, oxen); a herd of working animals’, prompted A. Baranauskas to use Lith. armuõ in this context.

Otherwise, Lith. armuõ ‘ploughed layer of soil; arable land; ploughing, soil’ (: Lith. árti) is nowhere used with the meaning ‘herd of animals’.

Lith. gaibjė

Lith. gaibjė meaning ‘herd of animals’ is recorded in the following Lithuanian-language sources: “Clavis Germanico-Lithvana,” J. Brodovskis’s dictionary, F. Nesselmann’s dictionary, and F. Kurschat’s dictionary (with the note that F. Kurschat himself did not know this word from spoken usage). The structure of this word would indicate that it is not an authentic Lithuanian-language form, since words of this type of formation do not occur in Lithuanian at all. The question arises how it could have appeared in those sources of our language. F. Kurschat took the word from F. Nesselmann’s dictionary. F. Nesselmann copied it from the manuscript of J. Brodovskis’s dictionary. F. Nesselmann copied it accurately, because the relevant passage in the manuscript of J. Brodovskis’s dictionary is very clearly legible:

“Gótas Awju. Gardas, Stodas. Gauje, Gaibje” (B, 613).

The word gaibjė probably entered the manuscript of J. Brodovskis’s dictionary from the seventeenth-century dictionary “Clavis Germanico-Lithvana,” where it is also written very clearly:

“Heerde Vieh. Kaimene, ės. F. Gúta, ôs F. Gaibje, ės. F. Gáuje, ęs. F.” (C, I, 873).

One may even surmise that J. Brodovskis, while copying this word from the aforementioned source, switched its position with the word gauje, since he knew the latter, while he moved the word gaibje to the end as a word unfamiliar to him. J. Lebedys has clearly demonstrated that J. Brodovskis did indeed use “Clavis Germanico-Lithvana”⁵⁴. However, how the word gaibjė came to appear in the latter manuscript cannot yet be said.

⁵³ P. Skardžius, Die slavischen Lehnwörter im Altlitauischen, Kaunas, 1931, p. 206.

⁵⁴ J. Lebedys, Smulkioji lietuvių tautosaka XVII—XVIII a., Vilnius, 1956, p. 23.

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Lith. pūlkas, Latv. pulks

In both Lithuanian and Latvian, the word pūlkas (Latv. pulks) is used in the sense of ‘a group of animals’.

The word pūlkas is already found in the sense of ‘a group of animals’ in the 1629 edition of K. Širvydas’s dictionary:

„Stado, grex, armentum. pulkas“

„Stadko, grex pusillus, pulkelis“ (Dic., 174).

The 1642 edition of K. Širvydas’s dictionary likewise contains:

„Stādo bydla, Armentum, grex pulkas“ (Dic., 421).

In the sense of ‘a group of animals’, pūlkas is also frequently used in Lithuanian dialects. Here, however, it is most often used not as a synonym for herd or flock, but more generally in the sense of ‘a group, a multitude (referring mainly to living things)’ and is usually said with a modifying word, cf. a flock of sheep, a group of pigs, a group of cows, etc. In some Lithuanian dialects, pūlkas is nevertheless used almost as a synonym for herd or flock, cf. They used to graze by the flock (Pumpėnai); They used to graze the animals in two groups (Linkuva).

Very similar usage is also found with the Latvian word pūlks ‘a (living) heap, a band, a multitude in general’, ganāms pulks ‘the herd’, ganāmpulks, ļopu pulks, ļopu pulciņš, pulks, pulciņš (Kur tu dzīsi savu pulciņu?) (EM, I, 600, III, 407; EH, I, 382)⁵⁵.

Lith. pūlkas and Latv. pūlks are borrowings from Old Russian, cf. Old Russian pъlkъ ‘regiment, army, military force, military expedition, camp’⁵⁶. The word apparently entered the Baltic languages with the meaning of a military term, while the other meanings arose later within the Baltic languages. A similar process of semantic broadening is also observable in some Slavic languages, cf. Russian dialectal полок ‘group (of girls)’, Serbo-Croatian nyk ‘people, folk, crowd’, Czech pluk ‘heap’.

The Slavs borrowed this word from the ancient Germanic language (*fulkaz), cf. Old High German folk, Old English folc ‘army, band’⁵⁷.

Lith. tabūnas

In the sense ‘herd of animals’, the word tabūnas is also occasionally found in Lithuanian dialects. In general, this word is used in Lithuanian with several meanings: ‘a herd of animals (most often horses)’ (Kurtuvėnai, Liškiava, Ukmergė, Salamiestis), ‘a group, a multitude’ (Alytus, Anykščiai, Druskininkai, Dusetos, Jurbarkas, Južintai, Laukuva, Lazdijai, Rudamina, Ukmergė, Utena), ‘a pasture enclosed on all sides’ (Kurtuvėnai, Radviliškis, Šiauliai).

The word tabūnas entered Lithuanian from the Slavic languages. The word is used in the eastern Slavic languages in the sense ‘herd of horses’; cf. Russian табун, Belarusian табун, Ukrainian табун. From there it also entered Polish; cf. Polish tabun⁵⁸. The eastern Slavs borrowed this word from

⁵⁵ The author obtained examples not found in K. Mühlenbach and J. Endzelin’s dictionary from D. Zemzarė, a candidate of philological sciences.

⁵⁶ P. Skardžius, The Slavic Loanwords in Old Lithuanian, p. 183; E. Fraenkel, Et. Wb., p. 665–666; EM, III, 407.

⁵⁷ M. Vasmer, Et. Wb., II, p. 393–394; F. Kluge, Et. Wb., p. 825; E. Klein, Et. Dic., I, p. 607.

⁵⁸ A. Brückner, Sł. et., p. 563.

2*

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Turkic-Tatar languages; cf. Kazan Tatar tabun ‘herd of horses’, Chagatai tabun, Crimean Tatar tabum ‘herd, group’⁵⁹.

It is difficult to say from which Slavic language Lithuanian tabūnas originated; perhaps it is most likely that Lithuanians received this word from Russian. The meanings ‘group in general, multitude’ and ‘enclosed pasture’ arose within Lithuanian itself.

Lat. pūlis

This word is used in Latvian in several meanings: ‘the heap; the mass’, ‘the herd; the chain (of young animals)’, ‘the nest’, ‘the shower of rain’ (EM, III, 446–7). The meaning ‘herd of animals’ has undoubtedly developed from the meaning ‘heap, multitude’.

J. Endzelīns is inclined to associate Latvian pūlis with Latvian pauna ‘the skull; the mouth’, Latvian paũna ‘a small cap; a knapsack; a bundle’ (EM, III, 128). These words should then be connected with words belonging to the Indo-European root *pū-, *peu-, *pou- ‘to inflate; inflated, swollen’; cf. Sanskrit phuphusah ‘lungs’, Armenian (h)ogi ‘smell, breath, soul’, and others.⁶⁰

* * *

The Baltic languages have a great many names for ‘a herd of animals’, especially Lithuanian. These names are most often words of Baltic origin, derived from various roots. A semantic development from ‘multitude, group’ → ‘herd of animals’ and ‘animal, animals’ → ‘herd of animals’ is frequently found. A few names for ‘a herd of animals’ also entered the Baltic languages from Slavic languages.

NAMES FOR SHEPHERDS

There is no common name for ‘shepherd’ that is widespread across the Indo-European languages. However, individual groups of Indo-European languages usually have common names formed through similar semantic developments, sometimes even from the same Indo-European root; cf. Latin pāstor ‘shepherd’: Latin pāscō, -ere ‘to pasture, to engage in animal husbandry’, Russian пастух ‘shepherd’: Russian пасти ‘to pasture’, Armenian hoviv (< *ou̯i-pā-) ‘shepherd’; German Hirt ‘shepherd’: German Herde ‘herd’; English (shep)herd ‘shepherd’; English herd ‘herd’, Lithuanian ker džius ‘senior, older shepherd’, and others.

Names for shepherds arose in a similar way in the Baltic languages as well.

Lith. piemuo

This name is very old; there is reason to believe that it may date back to Proto-Indo-European. In fact, among the Baltic languages, this name for ‘shepherd’ is currently found only in Lithuanian, but there is sufficient evidence to show that it once existed across the Baltic languages.

Lithuanian piemuõ has direct equivalents only in Greek; cf. Greek ποιμήν ‘shepherd’, ποιμνή ‘herd’. There is, admittedly, disagreement over the precise correspondence between the root vocalism of Lithuanian piemuõ and the Greek words. However, whether we connect Baltic ie directly with

⁵⁹ M. Vasmer, Et. Wb., III, p. 66.

⁶⁰ J. Pokorny, Et. Wb., p. 847.

20

ide. *oi, or whether we explain the vocalism of the Baltic word’s root as having changed under the influence of other words, the relationship between Lithuanian piemuo and Greek ποιμήν is beyond doubt.

The Lithuanian and Greek words for ‘shepherd’ are related to the Indo-European proform *pō(i), whose primary meaning was ‘to tend livestock’. Later, a new meaning, ‘to protect something’ in general, also developed from this meaning.

Words from this root are found not only in Lithuanian and Greek, but also in other Indo-European languages; cf. Sanskrit pāti ‘he protects, tends’, Avestan pāiti, Sanskrit gōpāḥ ‘shepherd (originally a herdsman, a cowherd; cf. Sanskrit gauḥ ‘cattle, bull, cow’)’, pāyuḥ ‘protector’, pālāḥ ‘guard, shepherd’, nṛpaḥ ‘king (protector of people)’, and Old Persian xšāθrapāvan ‘governor of a province, satrap’¹.

An attempt has also been made to relate a group of Germanic-language words to Indo-European *pō(i); cf. Gothic fōdr ‘sheath’, Old English fōdor, German Futter ‘lining’². Semantically, the connection of the Germanic words with Indo-European *pō(i) is explained by the possibility that Gothic fōdr and the other words can be associated with the meaning ‘to protect by covering’.

There have been attempts to connect Indo-European *pō(i) with Indo-European *pā- ‘to feed, nourish, tend’³, from which the Indo-European words for ‘shepherd’ already mentioned originated (Latin pāstor, Russian пастух, Armenian hoviv). However, these attempts were unsuccessful.

The association of Hittite paddar ‘basket, bag’⁴ with Indo-European *pō(i)⁵ is also highly doubtful.

The Slavic languages did not inherit any words from the Indo-European *pō(i) root. It is true that Russian and Ukrainian have the word чабан for a sheep shepherd. However, it entered Russian from the Turkic-Tatar languages (cf. Crimean Tatar čōban ‘shepherd’⁶), which in turn borrowed this term for ‘shepherd’ from Persian; cf. Persian šūban ‘shepherd’, Afghan špūn < *fšu-pāna- ‘herdsman’, cf. Sanskrit pāṇāḥ ‘protecting’⁷.

In Latvian and Old Prussian, we find no word for ‘shepherd’ corresponding to Lithuanian piemuo. However, traces of this word can be discerned in certain place names and personal names.

In Old Prussian, we find the place name Paymekopo (recorded in documents from 1311). It seems that this place name, if derived from Paymenkopo, could be connected with Lithuanian piemuo. For the formation of Old Prussian Paymekopo, cf. Old Prussian Auctacops, Auctukape: Lithuanian aukštas + Lithuanian kāpas⁸.

An attempt has also been made to connect the Latvian personal name Paim and place name Paimis⁹ with Lithuanian piemuo.

As we can see, the root vocalism of these examples does not match that of Lithuanian piemuo, but it corresponds to the vocalism of Greek ποιμήν. It is possible that two variants of this word for ‘shepherd’ existed in the Baltic languages—*peim- ir *poim-. The latter variant may even have been older. This is suggested by a word of Baltic origin for ‘shepherd’ in the Baltic Finnic languages; cf. Finnish paimen ‘shepherd’, paimen

¹ J. Pokorny, Et. Wb., p. 839; M. Mayrhofer, Et. Wb., I, 348, II, 251, 262.

² J. Pokorny, Et. Wb., p. 839; F. Kluge, Et. Wb., p. 226—227.

³ M. Mayrhofer, Et. Wb., II, p. 251; J. Pokorny, Et. Wb., p. 787.

⁴ F. Kluge, Et. Wb., p. 227.

⁵ J. Friedrich, Hethitisches Wörterbuch, Heidelberg, 1952, p. 166.

⁶ M. Vasmer, Et. Wb., III, p. 297.

⁷ M. Mayrhofer, Et. Wb., II, p. 251.

⁸ G. Gerullis, Die altpreussischen Ortsnamen, p. 12, 112.

⁹ E. Blese, Latviešu personu vārdu un uzvārdu studijas, I, Rīgā, 1929, p. 333; E. Blese tokį (šaknyje su -ai-) latvių kalbos piemens pavadinimą linkęs laikyti sekundariniu skoliniu iš Pabaltijo suomių kalbų.

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iaa ‘to pasture’, Est. paimendama ‘to pasture, to guard’, Karel. paimen ‘shepherd’, Liv. paimēn ‘shepherd’, paimentta ‘to pasture, to guard’, Veps. paimen ‘shepherd’, paimenta ‘to pasture, to guard’, and so on.¹⁰

[The Baltic-Finnic languages probably borrowed the Baltic name for ‘shepherd’, along with other words relating to animal husbandry and agriculture, in the last centuries BCE. In the Finnic languages, a verb meaning ‘to pasture, to guard’ also developed from it, as well as other related words; cf. Finnish paimentaminen ‘herding, pasturing’, paimenkoira ‘sheepdog’, paimenpilli ‘shepherd’s pipe’, paimenpoika ‘young shepherd’, paimentolainen ‘nomad’, and so on.¹¹

An interesting question is why Latvian did not retain this name for ‘shepherd’. It seems to us that the preposition pie may have played some role here. For when pie became a preposition in Latvian, Latvian words beginning with the sequence pie- could have been interpreted as compounds with a preposition. Words whose lexical connection with the preposition pie was no longer felt did not fit well into the system of the aforementioned compounds and gradually began to disappear, or their phonetics changed under the influence of other words. For this reason, for example, Latv. plāva may have displaced the old Latv. pieva (EH, II, 278); for this reason, perhaps, no phonetic counterpart of Lith. pieštūs is found in Latvian. This hypothesis of ours, of course, cannot apply to Latvian words in which ie < en, nor to words which became monosyllabic after their endings were shortened.

Latv. gans, Lith. gānas, and so on.

In Latvian, a name for ‘shepherd’ from a different root became established; cf. Latv. gans ‘shepherd’, diminutive forms ganiņš, ganelis, ganēns, gane, gaņa, ganiene, ganikis ‘a shepherd (a small, insignificant shepherd)’, gantājs ‘the keeper’ (EM, I, 599, 600; EH, I, 382). These words are related to Latv. ganīt and Lith. ganyti.

Names for ‘shepherd’ derived from the latter verb are also used in Lithuanian; cf. Lith. gānas ‘herder, shepherd’, ganýtojas, ganikas, ganūkas, ganė ‘female shepherd, female herder’ (LKŽd., III, 96, 100, 107, 108).

A considerable number of compound names for ‘shepherd’ are also used, whose second component is a word from this root. Cf.:

Lith. ančiāgonis ‘duck herder’ (LKŽd., I(2), 131) < Lith. ántis + ganýti.

Lith. arklāganis ‘one who herds horses’, arklāganis, arkliaganỹs, arkliāgonis, arkliiganis, arkliūganis (LKŽd., I(2), 301, 303, 305, 307) < Lith. arklys + ganýti.

Lith. aviganis ‘sheep herder, shepherd’, avigonis, aviāgonis, avēliaganis (LKŽd., I(2), 521, 523, 525) < Lith. avis + ganýti.

Lith. galvijagonis ‘shepherd, herd herder’, galvijagonis (LKŽd., III, 83) < Lith. galvijas + ganýti.

Lith. jautaganỹs ‘cattle herder; shepherd’, jaučiāgonis (LKŽd., IV, 295, 322) < Lith. jautis + ganýti.

Lith. karvāganis ‘cowherd’ (LKŽd., V, 352) < Lith. kárvė + ganýti.

Y. H. Toivonen, E. Itkonen, A. J. Joki, Suomen kielen etymologinen sanakirja, II, Helsinki, 1958, p. 459; J. Kalima, Itämerensuomalaisten kielten balttilaiset lainasanat, Helsinki, 1936, p. 145; V. Thomsen, Beröringer mellem de finske og de baltiske (litauisk-lettiske) Sprog, Köbenhavn, 1890, p. 208.¹⁰

¹¹A. Sabaliauskas, LKK, VI, p. 130.

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Lith. kiaulāganis ‘swineherd’, kiaulāgonis, kiaūlganis, kiauliāganis, kiauliāgonis (LKŽd., V, 687, 691, 693) < Lith. kiaũlė + ganýti.

Lith. ožkaganỹs ‘goatherd’, ožkāganis¹² < Lith. ožkà + ganýti.

Lith. žąsigonis ‘gooseherd’ < Lith. žąsìs + ganýti.

Lith. bandāganis ‘herdsman, cattle herder’, bandganis (LKŽd., I(2), 639) < Lith. bandà + ganýti.

Lith. diēnaganis ‘one who grazes livestock only by day; an inferior herdsman’ (LKŽd., II, 346) < Lith. diēnā + ganýti.

Lith. naktigonis ‘one who grazes livestock at night (usually horses)’ < Lith. naktis + ganýti.

Lith. rytāgonis ‘one who grazes livestock in the morning’ < Lith. rytās + ganýti.

Compound names for herdsmen of similar origin are also widely used in Latvian. Compare:

Lat. āitgans ‘the shepherd’ (EH, I, 5) < Lat. āita ‘sheep’ + gans ‘herdsman’.

Lat. cūkgans ‘the swineherd’, cūkganis (EM, I, 398; EH, I, 280) < Lat. cūka ‘pig’ + gans.

Lat. giòvgans ‘the cowherd’ (EM, I, 692; EH, I, 424) < Lat. giòvs ‘cow’ + gans.

Lat. luōpgans ‘the livestock herder’ (EM, II, 527) < Lat. luōps ‘cattle, livestock’ + gans.

Lat. zīrgans ‘the horse herder’ (EM, IV, 726; EH, II, 808) < Lat. zīrgs ‘horse’ + gans.

Lat. zùosgans ‘the gooseherd’ (EM, IV, 759) < Lat. zùoss ‘goose’ + gans.

Lat. dižgans ‘the great (older) herdsman, chief herdsman’ (EH, I, 324) < Lat. dižs ‘big, imposing, noble’ + gans.

Lith. ganýti, Latv. ganīt are further linked with Lith. gìnti ‘to drive, herd; to drive a herd or livestock to pasture’, Latv. dzīt, Russian гнать ‘to drive, urge, pursue, chase away’, Polish gonić, OIrish gonim ‘I wound, kill’, Sanskrit hanti ‘he kills, slays’, Armenian gan ‘beating, flogging’, Greek φόνος ‘murder’, etc.¹³

The Proto-Indo-European proto-form *gu̯hen -(ə)- is reconstructed for these words; its original meaning was probably ‘to strike’. Baltic languages also have words from this root whose meanings have not diverged so far from the original meaning; cf. Lith. genėti ‘to prune branches; to cut down shrubs’, Latv. dzenēt, Lith. genys, Latv. dzenis, Old Prussian genix. In Slavic languages we find words from this root whose meanings come very close to those of Lith. ganýti, Latv. ganīt, Lith. gìnti, Latv. dzīt; cf. Russian вгон ‘pasture, grazing; cattle track; driving out’, Polish wygon.

In Lithuanian there are terms for a herdsman derived directly from the verb gìnti; cf. Lith. genùlis ‘little herdsman’ (LKŽd., III, 239), gìnikas ‘one who drives (livestock)’ LKŽd., III, 319), gintėjas (LKŽd., III, 327).

Lith. horse-keeper, sheep-keeper, etc.

There are also terms for herdsmen derived directly from the names of the corresponding animals. Cf.:

Lith. arklininkas ‘night horse-keeper, horse attendant; horse enthusiast, expert’, arklinȳkas (LKŽd., I (2), 305), arklinis ‘night horse-keeper, horse-herder, feeder’ (LKŽd.,

¹² Lithuanian-language examples for which no source is cited are generally taken from the card index of the academic Dictionary of the Lithuanian Language.

¹³ E. Fraenkel, Et. Wb., pp. 152—153; M. Vasmer, Et. Wb., I, p. 293; J. Pokorny, Et. Wb., pp. 491—493.

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I(2), 306), arklìčius ‘a no-good shepherd’ (LKŽd., I (2), 305; for the semantics cf. Lithuanian arklìnis ‘mischievous person’), cf. Lithuanian arklỹs.

Lithuanian avininkas ‘shepherd of sheep; sheep attendant, breeder, keeper’, avinýkas (LKŽd., I(2), 528), avinorius ‘shepherd of sheep’ (with a Slavic suffix, LKŽd., I(2), 529), cf. Lithuanian avis.

Lithuanian galvìjininkas ‘cattle herdsman’ (LKŽd., III, 83), galvininkas (LKŽd., III, 84), cf. Lithuanian galvijas.

Lithuanian jautìnininkas ‘herdsman of oxen; a person who works with oxen’, jautìnis ‘ox driver, herdsman, dealer; ox herdsman’ (LKŽd., IV, 324), jaučius ‘herdsman of oxen; chief herdsman’, jautìčius (LKŽd., IV, 295), jautìšius ‘ox attendant’ (LKŽd., IV, 325), cf. Lithuanian jautis.

Lithuanian karvininkas ‘cowherd, attendant, breeder’ (LKŽd., V, 357), karvišius ‘derogatory: cowherd’, karviškus (LKŽd., V, 358), cf. Lithuanian karvė.

Lithuanian kiaulininkas ‘swineherd, swine keeper, pig feeder, attendant’, kiaulininkas (LKŽd., V, 696), kiaulinis ‘swineherd; one who deals in pigs’, kiaulinis (LKŽd., V, 697), kiaulišius ‘swineherd, pig herdsman’, kiauliušis (LKŽd., V, 699), cf. Lithuanian kiaulė.

Lithuanian ožkininkas ‘one who keeps goats, goatherd’, ožkininkas, cf. Lithuanian ožka.

Lithuanian avinvedis ‘shepherd of sheep’ (LKŽd., I(2), 529), avinvedỹs < Lithuanian ávi̇̀nas + to lead.

Lithuanian kiauliapiemenis ‘swineherd’ (LKŽd., V, 694), kiauli̇̀piemenis (LKŽd., V, 700) < Lithuanian kiaulė+herdsman.

Lith. akėčpiemenis, ‘harrow shepherd,’ berniukas, gelčius, etc.

A few shepherd designations of other origins also occur in Lithuanian, most often used with a particular specific meaning or carrying some kind of emotional nuance. Cf.:

Lith. akėčpiemenis ‘a shepherd suited to working with a harrow, a farmhand boy’ (LKŽd., I(2), 51), akėtpiemenis (LKŽd., I(2), 55), < from Lith. akėčios ‘harrow’ + piemuo ‘shepherd.’

Lith. berniukas ‘little shepherd, younger farmhand (hired worker)’ (LKŽd., I(2), 770), cf. Lith. berniukas ‘boy.’

Lith. gelčius ‘child, little shepherd’ (LKŽd., III, 213), cf. Lith. geltónas, geltas ‘yellow’; for the semantics, cf. Lith. geltonsnāpis ‘immature person, milk-sop, brat.’

Lith. naktininkas ‘night herdsman,’ naktinis, cf. Lith. naktis ‘night.’

Lith. naktigulis ‘night herdsman,’ < from Lith. naktis ‘night’ + gulėti ‘to lie, stay.’

Lith. avčiorius

Lith. avčiorius ‘sheep owner, sheep shepherd’ (LKŽd., I(2), 520), < from Polish owczarz ‘shepherd.’

However, in the Lithuanian word one senses a lexical connection with Lith. avis ‘sheep.’ That this word was borrowed from Polish may perhaps be indicated by its source—the dictionary of J. Brodowski.

Latv. šēperis, šēruks

Lat. šēperis ‘a shepherd, a shepherd on an estate; the shepherd on an estate’ (EH, II, 626) — a word of German origin, cf. Ger. Schäfer; cf. also Lat. šēperis ‘sheepdog’, šēperītis (EM, IV, 17)¹⁴.

¹⁴ J. Sehwers, Sprachlich-kulturhistorische Untersuchungen, Leipzig, 1936, p. 130.

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Lat. šeruks ‘a (married) cattle tender and shepherd (especially on estates)’ (EM, IV, 17) is found in Latvian dialects along the Lithuanian border; in J. Endzelīns’s view, it may have been borrowed from Lithuanian, cf. Lith. šėrti, Latv. šėrt < < Lith. šerti.

Lith. kerdžius

Lithuanian has several special terms for a senior shepherd.

The most widespread term is kerdžius, which is also used in the literary language. Alongside the form kerdžius, dialects and various written monuments also attest other forms of the shepherd’s title from this root, cf. kerdeninkas (kerdenykas), kerdis, kerdžys (LKŽd., V, 600). This title also gave rise to many other words related to the kerdžius’s work or to herding livestock in general, cf. kerdystė ‘the work of a kerdžius’, kerdžystą, kerdžuvis ‘one who has been a kerdžius’, kerdūkas ‘young shepherd’, kerdžianka ‘woman who herds livestock’, kerdžiauti ‘to perform the duties of a kerdžius, to be a kerdžius’, kerdžinė ‘shepherds’ feast’, kerdžinyčia ‘the kerdžius’s hut’, kerdžiuvienė ‘the kerdžius’s wife’ (LKŽd., V, 600), kiaulkerdis ‘swineherd’, kiaulkerdžius (LKŽd., V, 699).

The form skerdžius and words derived from it (skerdžiauti, skerdystė, skerdžiuvienė) are also very widely used in Lithuanian dialects and in the literary language. The form skerdžius is newer—it arose through the addition of the consonant s- to the form kerdžius. Such consonant additions are fairly common in Lithuanian (and are not unfamiliar in Latvian either), cf. Lith. keterà: sketerà, kregždė: skregždė, kremzlė: skremzlė, etc.¹⁵

The appearance of the added s- in the word kerdžius has been explained in various ways. E. Fraenkel, cautioning that Lith. skerdžius should not be connected with Lith. skersti ‘to slaughter a pig’, explains the appearance of s- as due to the influence of the words sérgėti, sárgas¹⁶. J. Otrębski, by contrast, explains the emergence of Lith. skerdžius as precisely due to the influence of the word skersti, since the senior shepherd had also been a slaughterer of livestock¹⁷. Of these two explanations, J. Otrębski’s seems more convincing. However, it seems to us that s- may have arisen in the term for a senior shepherd without the influence of any particular word. After all, the added s- in both Lithuanian and Latvian cannot, in any case, all be explained etymologically as the influence of a particular word.

The addition of s- in the word kerdžius is an old phenomenon. Z. Zinkevičius also connects the hydronyms Skerdžius, Skérdžia with the word skerdžius¹⁸. However, these hydronyms may also be connected with words of the Lith. skardis, skardžius group, cf. Lith. Skerdupis alongside Skardupis and other very widespread hydronyms¹⁹. The latter possibility seems more plausible to us, all the more so because there are no hydronyms that could be connected with Lith. kerdžius.

¹⁵ J. Otrębski, Gramatyka języka litewskiego, I, Warszawa, 1958, p. 376–378; J. Endzelins, Latviešu valodas gramatyka, Rīga, 1951, p. 238–239; Z. Zinkevičius, Lietuvių dialektologija, Vilnius, 1966, p. 190–191.

¹⁶ E. Fraenkel, Et. Wb., p. 242.

¹⁷ J. Otrębski, Gramatyka języka litewskiego, I, p. 378.

¹⁸ Lietuvos TSR upių ir ežerų vardynas, Vilnius, 1963, p. 148; Z. Zinkevičius, Lietuvių dialektologija, p. 190.

¹⁹ Lietuvos TSR upių ir ežerų vardynas, p. 147–148.

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Lith. kerdžius has a fairly reliable etymology—it is associated with Proto-Indo-European *kerdho- forms whose original meaning was ‘row; herd, flock’. The semantic development of words from this proto-form is very well reflected in the Slavic languages, and partly in the Baltic languages as well; cf. Russ. череда ‘row, time, period; herd’, Ukr. череда ‘herd, group, crowd; row’, Belor. чарада ‘sequence, row; crowd, group; herd’, Pol. trzoda ‘herd, livestock’, Czech třída ‘order, row, class, change; street, boulevard’, Slovak črieda ‘herd, flock’, Upper Sorbian črjoda ‘heap’, and so forth.²⁰

Lith. kerdžius, O.Pr. kėrdan, and Russ. череда, when linked to PIE *kerdho, give rise to some doubt because of the initial consonantism of the Baltic and Slavic words—a velar where a palatal would be expected; cf. Skt. śárdha- ‘herd, group’, Av. sarəða. However, such an ‘irregular’ velar is quite often found in the Baltic languages, and this Baltic and Slavic designation should probably not be regarded as a borrowing from some western PIE dialects.

B. Jäger attempts to link these Baltic and Slavic words with PIE *(s)ger- ‘schnei-’²¹.

Among the Baltic languages, Lithuanian and Prussian have preserved words from this PIE root. In Lithuanian, as we have seen, a word from this root denotes the senior shepherd, whereas the Prussian word kėrdan, sg. acc. (a form recorded three times in the third catechism), and kerdan (a form recorded once in the same catechism) preserved the meaning ‘time’; cf. prei swaiam kerdan (= zu seiner zeit), en kėrdan (= bey zeit), Enstan kėrdan (= Zu der zeit)²². Thus, Baltic languages seem to have preserved two semantic poles of PIE *kerdho-. It therefore seems reasonable to suppose that, in the Baltic languages, before the meaning ‘senior shepherd’ or shepherd in general arose, a word from the same root must have been used in the sense ‘herd, flock’. We might even conjecture that the designation for a senior shepherd, kerdenykas, recorded in the 1573 manuscript of the Wolfenbüttel Postil, in a way reflects the old Lith. *kerda meaning ‘herd, flock’; cf. bandà: bandininkas ‘shepherd’, bandùlis ‘senior shepherd; kerdžius’.

In the meaning ‘shepherd’, a word from the PIE *kerdho- root is used in the Germanic languages; cf. Goth. hairdeis, OHG hirti, Ger. Hirt, Eng. (shep)herd, which itself derives from the Germanic word for ‘herd’; cf. Goth. hairda, OHG hërta, Ger. Herde, Eng. herd, and so forth.²³

That a word from the PIE *kerdho- root was formerly used in the sense ‘row, time’ not only in Prussian but also in other Baltic languages is indicated by the word’s entry into the Baltic Finnic languages; cf. Finn. kerta ‘layer, row; time’ (cf. compounds and expressions such as ainoa kerta ‘once’, vaatekerta ‘change of linen, clothes’, elämänkerta ‘biography’, vuosikerta ‘annual publication’, derivatives such as kerros ‘layer’, kertoa ‘tell; multiply (in mathematics)’, and so forth), Est. kord, Karel. kerda, Liv. kērda, and so forth.²⁴. It is true that recently some scholars (J. Ka-

²⁰ M. Vasmer, Et. Wb., III, p. 320; R. Trautmann, B.-sl. Wb., p. 127–128; О. Н. Трубачёв, The Origin of the Names of Domestic Animals in the Slavic Languages, p. 105.

²¹ B. Jēgers, KZ, 80, p. 46–48.

²² R. Trautmann, Die altpreussischen Sprachdenkmäler, p. 53, 61, 63, 69, 356; Monuments of the Prussian Language, p. 195, 209, 211, 223.

²³ F. Kluge, Et. Wb., p. 304, 310; J. Pokorny, Et. Wb., p. 579; E. Klein, Et. Dic., I, p. 722.

²⁴Y. H. Toivonen, Suomen kielen etymologinen sanakirja, I, p. 184–185; V. Thomsen, Beröringer mellem de finske og de baltiske (litauiske-lettiske) Sprog, p. 185–186; J. Kalima, Itämerensuomalaisten kielten balttilaiset lainasanat, p. 115–117.

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(limą, L. Hakulinen) somewhat doubted the Baltic origin of these words. However, their doubts are hardly justified. Both the meaning of the words and their phonetics indicate that they were indeed borrowed from Baltic.

In Latvian, we find no traces of Indo-European *kerdho-. It is true that the form kėrdzis ‘farmhand tending horses’ has been recorded in Latvian dialects (Rucava) (EM, II, 375). However, as J. Endzelīns has pointed out, it most likely derives from Lithuanian kerdžius.

The Lithuanian words kerdžius, skerdžius also found their way into documents concerning Lithuania written in Belarusian, Russian, and Polish; cf. Belarusian кердъ, скердъ, Russian кердъ, Polish skierdź²⁵.

H. Hirt, without any justification, attempted to treat Lithuanian kerdžius as a word of Germanic (Gothic) origin²⁶.

Lith. dieninis

Lithuanian dieninis ‘herdsman’ (LKŽd., II, 347), cf. Lithuanian dienà.

As we can see, the semantics of this Lithuanian term for a senior shepherd strongly recalls the development in meaning of Indo-European *kerdho-. Lithuanian dieninis is used across a relatively small dialect area (Bagaslaviškis, Gelvonai, Pabaiskas, Paberžė). The surname Dieninis is also found in eastern Lithuania; originally, it denoted the occupation of the person bearing it.

Lith. viršininkas

Lithuanian viršininkas ‘herdsman, senior shepherd’, cf. Lithuanian viršus.

Lithuanian viršininkas in the meaning ‘senior shepherd’ occurs most often in the northern part of central Lithuania (Akmenė, Eriškiai, Gruzdžiai, Grūžiai, Klykoliai, Linkuva, Papilė, Pušalotas, Rozalimas, Skaistgirys, Šeduva, Upytė, Žagarė). With the meaning ‘senior shepherd’, Lithuanian viršininkas also appears in documents from the Šiauliai and Žagarė areas written in Polish in the mid-eighteenth century. Alongside the word viršynik, those documents even contain the term viršynikostvo, derived from it, meaning ‘the occupation, duties of a senior shepherd’²⁷.

The subsequent history of this word is interesting. As early as the late nineteenth century, J. Jablonskis introduced it into the literary language, not with the meaning ‘senior shepherd’ but with the meaning ‘a person who has some authority over other people (Vorsteher, Vorgesetzter, начальник)’²⁸. Thanks chiefly to J. Jablonskis’s efforts, this word, with its new meaning, became firmly established in the Lithuanian literary language.

Several other words associated with animal husbandry also derive from Lithuanian viršininkas ‘senior shepherd’; cf. Lithuanian viršininkė ‘the wife of a viršininkas, a female senior shepherd’, viršininkai ‘the day when the senior shepherd, i.e. viršininkas, comes to the shepherd’s farm to eat and the shepherd does not have to tend the flock’ (Lauksodis, Linkuva).

²⁵ K. Jablonskis, Lietuviški žodžiai senosios Lietuvos raštinių kalboje, p. 212, 323, 358; E. Fraenkel, Et. Wb., p. 242.

²⁶ K. Būga, Rinktiniai raštai, II, p. 92.

²⁷ K. Jablonskis, Lietuviški žodžiai senosios Lietuvos raštinių kalboje, p. VIII–IX, 356–358.

²⁸ Jablonskio raštai, IV, Kaunas, 1935, p. 17; P. Skardžius, Lietuvių kalbos žodžių daryba, p. 601.

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Lith. bandùlis and others

Lith. bandùlis ‘herdsman’ (LKŽd., I(2), 643), bandžius (LKŽd., I(2), 644), bandūnis (LKŽd., I(2), 641), cf. also bandinininkas ‘herd keeper, shepherd’ (LKŽd., I(2), 640), bandišius ‘shepherd, feeder’ (LKŽd., I(2), 641), cf. Lith. bandà ‘herd.’

Lith. tvarklas

In the linguistic literature, since the time of A. Becenbergeris, the word tvarklas, used in J. Bretkūnas’s Bible translation, has been cited with the meaning ‘shepherd’²⁹. In later Lithuanian Bible translations from East Prussia, J. Bretkūnas’s tvarklas is rendered by kerdžius (.... and like a herd without a herdsman, Isa. 13:14)³⁰. Thus, one might suppose that in J. Bretkūnas’s Bible, too, the word tvarklas is used in the sense of ‘herdsman’. Unfortunately, the word entered the linguistic literature with the meaning ‘shepherd’ through an error. As noted, in later Lithuanian Bible translations from East Prussia, J. Bretkūnas’s word tvarklas in that phrase is rendered by kerdžius. In more recent German translations, the phrase is rendered: …und wie eine Herde ohne Hirten (Isa., 13:14)³¹. However, in Martin Luther’s 1549 Bible translation, the phrase reads as follows: …und wie ein Herd on hürten³². That German hürten here means not ‘herdsman’ or ‘shepherd’ but ‘enclosure’ is clearly shown by another phrase from the same chapter of the Bible: …die Hirten keine hurten da auffschlahen (Isa., 13:20), which J. Bretkūnas translates as: …Piemens… Twarklu ne tajis. Thus, in both the first phrase (which J. Bretkūnas translates as: … ir kaip Gūtas be Twarklių) and the second, J. Bretkūnas’s tvarklas means ‘an enclosure (= German Hürde, Middle High German hurt, plural hürte),’ not ‘shepherd.’

Lith. pastyrius, pulkaunýkas, ustovas

Lith. pastyrius ‘senior shepherd, chief herdsman’ (Daugėliškis, Dūkštas, Ignalina, Mielagėnai, Rimšė, Tverečius), cf. Russ. пастырь ‘shepherd, priest, herdsman’, Belar. пастыр, Ukr. пастир. The word probably entered Lithuanian from Russian. The word common to all Slavic languages is probably related to Russ. пасти ‘to graze’, etc. However, because of its unusual suffix for Slavic languages, it has even been considered a borrowing³³.

Lith. pulkaunýkas ‘senior shepherd, chief herdsman’ (Karsakiškis, Ukmergė), pulkaunykas < Russ. полковник ‘пастух’ (В. Н. Добровольский, См., 652).

The origin of Lith. ustōvas (užstōvas) ‘senior shepherd, chief herdsman; overseer’ (Anykščiai, Balninkai, Daugailiai, Kupiškis, Kupreliškis, Pandėlys, Pasvalys, Rokiškis, Salakas, Sudeikiai, Svėdasai, Tauragnai, Ukmergė, Utena, Užpaliai, Vyžuonos, Zarasai) raises certain doubts.

E. Frenkelis, probably rightly reconstructing the form užstōvas, connects this term for a senior shepherd with Lith. užstōti ‘to defend, support someone’s side; to be an obstacle,

²⁹ E. Fraenkel, Et. Wb., p. 1150; A. Bezzenberger, Beiträge zur Geschichte der litauischen Sprache, Göttingen, 1877, p. 333.

³⁰ Biblia, Tai esti: Wissas Szwentas Raßtas… Karalauczuje, 1816; Biblija, tai esti Visas Šventas Raštas, Berlynas, 1931.

³¹ Die Bibel oder die ganze Heilige Schrift, Berlin, 1907.

³² Biblia: Das ist: die gantze heilige Schrifft: Deutsch. Auff's new zugericht. D. Mart. Luth., Wittemberg, 1549.

³³ M. Vasmer, Et. Wb., II, p. 322.

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to restrain someone; to begin, užstojis ‘protection, shelter’, užstolis ‘saviour’ (a word from M. Daukša’s writings), etc.³⁴

However, it seems to us that the difference in meanings considerably complicates such a connection. So would it not be more accurate to regard Lithuanian ustòvas (užštòvas) as a kind of reworking of Lithuanian pristòvas ‘supervisor, overseer’ (< Russian пристава, Belarusian прыстаў or Polish przystaw).

Lithuanian paganìkas, pūganas, etc.

In Lithuanian we also find names for special assistants to shepherds—the head shepherd’s helpers. Cf.:

Lithuanian paganìkas ‘assistant to the head shepherd or shepherd’ (Girdiškė, Karklėnai, Laukuva, Nemakščiai, Šilalė, Švėkšna, Upyna, Žarėnai).

The form paganìkis is also fairly common in the dictionaries of the Lithuanian language of East Prussia:

“Hirten=Knabe Paganikkis, -io”, C, I, 952.

“Paganikkis, -io, m. a helper boy for the cattle herdsman (Niederung, Prökuls)”, G. H. F. Nesselmann, Wb., 256.

The diminutive form paganikėlis occurs in Lithuanian folk songs recorded by F. Nesselmann:

“Birbiń wamzdelį Paganikelis”³⁵.

A. Leskien attempted to explain the origin of Lithuanian paganìkis; in his view, “paganikis or pagunikis ‘helper boy for the cattle herdsman’ is most certainly the Russian pogonok ‘cattle driver’, Lithuanianized after paganyti, although, for the form with u, one could appeal to Old Prussian guntwei (inf.), gunnimai (1st pl.) ‘to drive’”³⁶.

This explanation by A. Leskien probably cannot be categorically rejected. There is, however, sufficient reason to doubt it. First, the meaning of Russian погонок ‘South Russian dialect: 1. the driver of plough oxen; cattle driver’ (И. Я. Павловский Р-н. сл. 1082) differs considerably from the meaning of Lithuanian paganìkas. Second, Lithuanian dialects have a synonym of Lithuanian paganìkas whose formation is entirely unlike Russian погонщик, but which is related to Lithuanian ganýti. Cf.:

Lithuanian pāganas ‘assistant to the head shepherd’ (Kretinga, Palanga, Salantai, Šateikiai), pāganaitis ‘little shepherd’ (Palanga), cf. Lithuanian paganyti³⁷.

P. Skardžius³⁸ and J. Otrębski³⁹ regard Lithuanian paganìkas as an indigenous word, connecting it with Lithuanian paganyti.

Lith. pavàrniṅkas, pìrmininkas, šalininkas

Lith. pavàrniṅkas ‘a herdsman who brings up the rear of the herd, alongside the chief herdsman’ (Akmenė), pavarinis (Žemaitkiemis), pavarinys (Lyduokiai), cf. Lith. varyti.

³⁴ E. Fraenkel, Et. Wb., p. 1175.

³⁵ Littauische Volkslieder, gesammelt kritisch bearbeitet und metrisch übersetzt von G. H. F. Nesselmann, Berlin, 1853, p. 20; plg. t. p. V. Kalvaitis, Prūsijos Lietuvių dainos, Tilžė, 1905, p. 341.

³⁶ A. Leskien, The Formation of Nouns in Lithuanian, p. 510.

³⁷ P. Skardžius, Lietuvių kalbos žodžių daryba, p. 444.

³⁸ P. Skardžius, Lietuvių kalbos žodžių daryba, p. 128.

³⁹ J. Otrębski, Gramatyka języka litewskiego, II, p. 277.

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Lith. pirmininkas (most often used in the plural) a shepherd walking behind the herd, a shepherd standing at the head of the flock (“ahead of it”) (Akmenė), cf. Lith. pirmas ‘first’. In the card file of the academic Dictionary of the Lithuanian Language, Lith. pirmininkas is also recorded once in the general sense ‘shepherd’ (Lazūnai, recorded by J. Senkus)⁴⁰, with the observation that it was heard once from an old man.

Lith. šalininkas (most often used in the plural) a shepherd walking behind the herd, a shepherd standing to the side of the flock (Akmenė), cf. Lith. šalis ‘side’.

In Lithuanian dialects, the senior shepherd is sometimes also called by other words commonly used to denote seniority or authority: piemenų karalius, galvà, tėvas, vyresnybė⁴¹. These names, however, usually carry a certain emotional coloring.

* * *

Having reviewed the names for ‘shepherd’ in the Baltic languages, we can conclude that only Lithuanian has preserved the old Indo-European name for ‘shepherd’ (Lith. piemuo). There is, however, reason to believe that this name also existed in the other Baltic languages. From Baltic, the name passed into the Baltic Finnic languages. Lithuanian also has a very old name for the senior shepherd (Lith. kerždžius). The Baltic languages have quite a number of names of various origins used farther north for a shepherd or senior shepherd; particularly many such names are found in Lithuanian.

NAMES FOR BUILDINGS USED TO HOUSE LIVESTOCK

The Indo-European languages have no common name for a building used to house livestock. Nor is there a common name in many Indo-European language branches. Names for this concept most often arose independently in individual languages, and there are numerous instances of borrowing.

The Baltic languages, too, lack a common name for this kind of building. However, as we shall see, Lithuanian and Latvian do share one or another name for this concept.

Very little historical information is available about the buildings used to house livestock among the ancient Balts. The brief references found in historical documents do not allow us to reconstruct a fuller picture of the development of this type of building. Both in Lithuania and in Latvia, buildings used to house livestock came in various types¹.

More detailed information about the barns of Lithuanian peasants is found in sixteenth-century documents. For example, an entry dated October 31, 1562, by Jacob Laškauskis, inspector of the Samogitian districts, in the inventory of the Karšuva district states: “For the manure, livestock must be kept not in the house, but in open-sided sheds, which should be properly fenced, as in Podlasie. And the steward, as an example, must have one built near his own residence in some bailiwick; and if anyone has never seen one, then it should be done in this way

⁴⁰ Z. Zinkevičius, Lithuanian Dialectology, p. 29.

⁴¹ Lietuvių etnografijos bruožai, red. A. Vyšniauskaitė, Vilnius, 1964, p. 93.

¹ Lietuvių etnografijos bruožai, red. A. Vyšniauskaitė, Vilnius, 1964, p. 262–269; Iz. Butkevičius, Lietuvių valstiečių ūkiniai pastatai, — Iš lietuvių kultūros istorijos, II, Vilnius, 1959, p. 237–256; K. Čerbulėnas, Namas („numas“ pirmasis lietuvių gyvenamojo pastato tipas, — Iš lietuvių kultūros istorijos, I, Vilnius, 1958, p. 104–145; Latviešu konversācijas vārdnīca, 10, Rīga, 1933–1934, sklt. 19235–43; A. Bielenstein, Die Holzbauten und Holzgeräte der Letten, I–II, St. Petersburg, 1907–1918; Latviešu etnogrāfija, red. kolēģija: A. Bīrons, S. Cimermanis, A. Krastiņa, I. Leinasare, H. Strods (atb. red.), Rīga, 1969, p. 134; S. Cimermanis, Latviešu tautas dzīves pieminekļi, Celtnes un to iekārta, Rīga, 1969, p. 81–88.

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to the east: choose a site from which water will not drain, then build a gate on the south side with a not very high fence, and on the east side build a barn, or a shed, with a low roof to shelter it from the wind, and protect it well by building at least two walls, filling the space between them with earth and constructing it in this way; at the northern end of the open yard build a second one, and likewise a third on the west side, while leaving an empty space in the middle so that the animals can freely leave the barns and enter them on their own; besides, spread straw and other things in the middle for the cattle to trample, and in this way there will be enough manure to fertilize the soil…²

One of the first more detailed descriptions of Lithuanian barns was provided by S. Daukantas³.

Lith. tvártas

The most widespread name in Lithuanian for a building used to house animals is tvártas. Today this word is used in the literary language and across a large area of Lithuanian dialects (parts of southern, central, and eastern Lithuania: Ariogala, Daugai, Dūkštas, Ignalina, Jurbarkas, Kapsukas, Kėdainiai, Lazdijai, Raseiniai, Simnas, Švenčionys, Varėna, Veisiejai, Vilkaviškis, Vilkija; Lithuanian-speaking enclaves in the territory of the Byelorussian SSR: Lazūnai, Zietela)⁴.

This word is also found in our old writings. For example, in S. B. Chilinskis’s Bible translation we find:

“We will build sheepfolds here for our flocks...”, 4 Moz 32, 16.

“... and he made sheepfolds for his flocks...”, 1 Moz, 33, 17.

J. Bretkūnas translates these biblical passages as follows:

“We will build sheepfolds here only for our flock...”, 4 Moz 32, 16.

“... and stayed there and made a dwelling for himself...”, 1 Moz 33, 17.

However, both S. B. Chilinskis’s form tvartas and J. Bretkūnas’s form tvarta (?) seem to be used here not in the modern sense of ‘a building for housing animals’, but in the sense of ‘an enclosure’. This can be stated with particular confidence about J. Bretkūnas. This assumption is also supported by the German biblical text; compare M. Luther’s 1549 edition of the Bible:

„We will build sheepfolds here for our livestock alone...“, 4 Moz 32, 16.

„...and built him a house, and made shelters for his livestock...“, 1 Moz. 33, 17⁵.

The word tvártas is used only in the sense of ‘enclosure’ in the Lithuanian dictionaries of East Prussia:

“Twártas, to, m. a small enclosed pen”, P. Ruhig, Lex., I, 166.

“Stall, Staldas, do, m. Twártas, to, m., enclosed only by a fence”, R. Ruhig, Lex. II, 336.

“Twartas, -to, m. a stable, an enclosed stall. Pennukßlū Twartas, a fattening stall that is fenced in,” Chr. Mielcke, Wb., I, 303.

² Sources on the History of the Lithuanian SSR, I, editorial board: K. Jablonskis (responsible editor), J. Jurginis, J. Žiugžda (chief editor), Vilnius, 1955, pp. 178–179.

³ Budą Senowęs — Letuwiu Kalnienų ir Žamajtių išsraše... Jokub’s Łaukys, Petropilie, 1845, pp. 22–23.

⁴ In indicating the distribution of various names for a barn across Lithuanian dialects, the author relies chiefly on a manuscript map prepared for B. Vanagienė’s Atlas of the Lithuanian Language. He thanks E. Šmitė, a candidate of philological sciences, for the Latvian dialect examples.

⁵ Biblia: Das ist: die gantze heilige Schrifft: Deudsch. Auff's new zugericht. D. Mart. Luth., Wittemberg, 1549.

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“Stall, Staldas, -do, m. only fenced in, Twārtas, -to, m.,” Chr. Mielcke, Wb., II, 450.

“twārtas, -o, noun m. an enclosure, a partition, a pen,” F. Kurschat, Wb., 472.

“kiaũltwartis, -čio, noun m. an enclosure for pigs.”

“kiaũlstaldīs, -džio, noun m. the pigsty,” F. Kurschat, Wb., 181.

How clearly F. Kursaitis distinguishes twārtą ‘enclosure’ from the notion ‘building for keeping livestock’ is especially evident from these examples:

“…to fence off a space in the stable for the calves, twārtą weŕbiams staldē nukalti (or padaryti; also: aptwērti),” F. Kurschat, Wb., I, 25.

“…to fence off a place in the stable for a calf, staldē weŕbiui twārtą padaryti…,” F. Kurschat, Wb., I, 36.

The word twārtas is used in the writings of the Lithuanians of East Prussia even when referring to a special part of a church; cf.:

“A special enclosure was assigned for women for the performance of their divine service,” K. Jurkšaitis, Jeruz. Išp., 1901, 97.

Thus, tvārtas, which initially meant an enclosure in general, a specially fenced-off place in a stable, later came to be used in the sense of ‘a building for keeping livestock.’

The etymology of this word is beyond doubt—it is related to Lithuanian tvērti, tvrtas, tvorà, tvārštis and other words of this root⁶.

In some parts of Žemaitija (Kvėdarna, Plungė, Rietavas, Salantai, Viekšniai), the word tvārtas is used in the sense ‘a bandage, a small cloth for tying around a wound’. The meaning ‘a building for keeping livestock’ is new in those places and came from the literary language.

It seems that a word of this root also existed in Prussian, used in the sense of Lithuanian tvārtas ‘a building for keeping livestock’; compare “Coaris Banse” (word 232 of the Elbing Vocabulary)⁷. German Banse can mean ‘a wide barn space alongside the threshing floor, the area on both sides of the threshing floor in the barn for piling things up’⁸.

A. Fick connected this Prussian word with Lithuanian kárti. However, A. Bezzenberger’s explanation seems much more reliable: he emends Prussian coaris to the form toaris and connects the latter with Lithuanian tvārtas, tvorà, tvērti⁹. Comparison of these words also raises certain uncertainties concerning the vocalism of the root in Prussian toaris. A similar case may be found in the Prussian word aloade (word 541 of the Elbing Vocabulary), ‘Haspe’, which is tentatively derived from *al(v)ōde or *alvadē.

R. Trautmann¹⁰ and J. Endzelīns¹¹ agreed with A. Bezzenberger’s etymology of Prussian toaris.

Latvian has no names of the same root for a building used to keep livestock. However, words of this root used with similar meanings are attested; compare Latvian tvarts ‘support, protection, refuge; fish weir’ (EM, IV, 289), tvertiņš ‘refuge’, tvertne ‘shelter for people; container, basin’ (EM, IV, 291). Latvian tvāra ‘a

⁶ E. Fraenkel, Et. Wb., p. 1151.

⁷ Prussian Language Monuments, p. 63; when citing examples from Prussian glossaries, the Prussian word is usually given first.

⁸ D. Sanders, Wörterbuch der deutschen Sprache, I, Leipzig, 1860, p. 81; F. L. K. Weigand, Deutsches Wörterbuch, I, Giessen, 1909, p. 153.

⁹ A. Bezzenberger, BB, 23, p. 232.

¹⁰ R. Trautmann, The Old Prussian Language Monuments, p. 361.

¹¹ J. Endzelīns, The Old Prussian Language, p. 140, 266.

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‘A fence made of horizontally laid poles’, tvāre ‘a fence; a barrier gate’ (EM, IV, 289)—might these not be borrowings from Lithuanian, since, as the data in K. Mülenbach’s dictionary show, they are found mainly right along the Lithuanian border (Gridzgalė, Mėmelė).

Lith. gūrbas, Latv. gūrba

Lith. gūrbas is used in the sense ‘a building for keeping livestock’ in the northeastern corner of Lithuania (Anykščiai, Debeikiai, Dusetos, Kamajėliai, Kavarskas, Obeliai, Rokiškis, Troškūnai, Utena, Vyžuonos).

Besides the meaning just mentioned, the word gūrbas is also used in Lithuanian dialects with other meanings: ‘basket, hamper’, ‘the upper part of a cart, woven from rods; the shafts and ends joined together (of a light, occasional cart)’, ‘manger’, ‘a cage for domestic birds (pigeons, geese, chickens...), woven from rods or assembled from boards; a place for laying eggs; a nesting place’, ‘doghouse’, ‘a partitioned section of a barn for smaller livestock (sheep, piglets, calves); pen; a partitioned part of a cellar for storing other vegetables’, ‘farmyard’, ‘cage (for wild animals)’, ‘a certain kind of beehive, covered with straw’, ‘a certain kind of crate for transporting livestock, usually pigs, for sale’, ‘a reel for winding and twisting thread’ (LKŽd., III, 741–2).

The word gūrbas in the sense ‘a building for keeping livestock’ is already used in K. Širvydas’s dictionary:

„Chlew, bara, Stabulum. gurbas“, C. Szyrwid, Dic. (1629 metų leidimas), 11.

„Chlew. Stabulum, caulae. Pune, gurbas“, C. Szyrwid, Dic. (1642 metų leidimas), 29.

„Obora, Stabulum, pecuaria loca. Gurbas“, C. Szyrwid, Dic. (1642 m. leidimas), 233.

„Swinnik, Suilehara. Kiaulu gurbas“, C. Szyrwid, Dic. (1642 m. leidimas), 430.

K. Širvydas’s dictionary examples show that eastern Lithuanians have long known the word gūrbas in the sense ‘a building for keeping livestock’: K. Širvydas came from precisely that part of Lithuania where the word is still used in this sense today.

There are various opinions about the origin of the word gūrbas.

K. Alminauskis considered German korb ‘basket, hamper’ and korv to be the source of Lithuanian gūrbas, as well as the form kūrbas, arguing that the word’s meanings had broadened in Lithuanian¹². The alternation of consonants g-: k- is indeed very common in Lithuanian; cf. gėmbė: kėmbė, glėbys: klėbys, griaūnos: kriaūnos, glusnūs: klusnūs, etc.¹³ German korb, in turn, derives from Latin; cf. Latin corbis ‘basket, hamper’¹⁴.

E. Fraenkel, while agreeing that Lithuanian kūrbas ‘basket, hamper’ is a borrowing from German, regarded Lithuanian kūrbas as an inherited word, connecting it with Indo-European *ger- ‘to weave’; cf. Greek ῥέρεον ‘woven enclosure of the booth in the marketplace in Athens, woven wagon basket, oblong light shield covered with raw oxhide’, γυργαθός ‘basket woven from willow, fish trap’, etc.¹⁵

¹² K. Alminauskis, Die Germanismen des Litauischen, Kaunas, 1934, p. 55, 76.

¹³ J. Endzelynas, Baltų kalbų garsai ir formos, Vilnius, 1957, p. 54; J. Otrębski. Gramatyka języka litewskiego, I, p. 324.

¹⁴ F. Kluge, Et. Wb., p. 393; J. Pokorny, Et. Wb., p. 387.

¹⁵ E. Fraenkel, Et. Wb., p. 178.

3. Iš lietuvių leksikologijos ir leksikografijos

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K. Būga also treated Lithuanian gūrbas as an indigenous word, attempting to connect it at times with Germanic kurba, German Korb¹⁶, and at other times with Slavic grъb ‘mound, hump, wrinkle’, Serbian грба¹⁷.

Considering that German Korb is a loanword from Latin, K. Būga’s first proposed connection must be ruled out. The second connection, it seems to us, is also not very reliable, since the Slavic words should be compared with Old Prussian garbis ‘mountain’¹⁸. K. Būga linked Lithuanian gūrbas with the aforementioned Slavic words, seeking semantic parallels: ‘heap (куча)’: ‘barn’.

Most likely, the explanations offered by both K. Alminauskis and E. Frenkel are partly correct. It seems to us that, in explaining the origin of Lithuanian gūrbas, the meanings of these words should be distinguished. The East Lithuanian gūrbas meaning ‘a building for keeping livestock’ (which, as we have seen, is already found in the earliest editions of K. Sirvydas’s dictionary), together with closely related meanings, should be regarded as an indigenous Baltic word. As we shall see, such a word is also found in Latvian. Gūrbas in the meaning ‘basket, hamper’, together with meanings more closely related to the latter, should be regarded as a loanword from German. Since semantically the meanings ‘barn’ and ‘basket’ are quite closely related (through ‘weaving’), it is difficult today to draw a sharp distinction between them in Lithuanian: the indigenous and borrowed words may have become conflated.

The arguments for the assumptions we have just set out are as follows. In Lithuanian, the word gūrbas has two entirely unrelated areas of occurrence: one in the northeastern corner of Lithuania, where gūrbas is used to mean ‘a building for keeping livestock’, and the other in the southwestern part of Lithuania, where the word is used mainly to mean ‘basket, hamper’. The word gūrbas is used with the latter meaning in parts of Samogitian and Western Aukštaitian, precisely in those Lithuanian dialects that had the most contact with German (Alksnėnai, Alvitas, Barzdai, Batakiai, Gražiškiai, Jurbarkas, Kybartai, Kudirkos Naumiestis, Lauksargis, Liudvinavas, Pilviškiai, Slavikai, Sudargas, Tauragė, Vilkaviškis)¹⁹.

It has already been mentioned that Lithuanian gūrbas is also used in the sense of ‘a particular kind of beehive’. In this sense, the word was recorded in Bartininkai (Vilkaviškis district). The form kuṙbas with the meaning ‘beehive’ is also found in Lithuanian dictionaries from East Prussia. Compare: „Bienenkorb, der, bičių kūrbas“, F. Kurschat, Wb., I, 239. „bitkurbis, -io, Subst. m. der Bienenkorb“, F. Kurschat, Wb., 49. „Bitinnis kurbėlis, ein Bienenkorb“. „Bitkurbas, o, m. ein Bienenkorb“, G. H. F. Neselmann, Wb., 212. Compare also the meaning of German Korb: ‘geflochtne Behältnisse für die Bienen zur Wohnung’²⁰.

It is difficult to imagine that, without the German language, the Lithuanian gūrbas meaning ‘a certain type of beehive, covered with straw’ would have arisen.

The form gūrbas in the sense of ‘the upper part of a wagon, woven from switches; a basket-like structure with little ends’ closely resembles the meaning of German Korb: ‘der hintere geflochtne Teil eines Leiter- oder Rüstwagens u. überhaupt ein Korbgeflecht auf solchem Wagen’²¹. Lithuanian gūrbas is recorded with the aforementioned meaning in Garliava, Lekėčiai, and Kretinga (LKŽd., III, 741).

¹⁶ K. Būga, Rinktiniai raštai, I, p. 331.

¹⁷ K. Būga, Rinktiniai raštai, II, p. 526.

¹⁸ M. Vasmer, Et. Wb., I, p. 294.

¹⁹ The data are taken from the card index of the Atlas of the Lithuanian Language.

²⁰ D. Sanders, Wörterbuch der deutschen Sprachen, I, p. 995.

²¹ D. Sanders, ibid., p. 995.

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In the sense ‘dog kennel’, alongside the form gurbas, the form gurbà is also used in Lithuanian dialects (Alytus, Leipalingis, Liškiava, Merkinė, Seirijai, Simnas, Veisiejai; LKŽd., III, 741).

Both Lithuanian gurbà and gurbas have Latvian counterparts. In Latvian, these words are likewise used with fairly varied meanings:

Latvian gùrba ‘a cage for starlings; a hedge; a wooden partition in a stable; a wooden box for laying eggs for domestic poultry; a wooden box in which chickens are transported to market; a birdhouse; “pig pen”, gurbs, gurbes ‘a pen where livestock are kept’ (EM, I, 683; EH, I, 420).

As we can see, the meanings of the Latvian words either coincide entirely with those of Lithuanian words from the same root or are very close to them. However, what seems to be missing here are the primary meanings characteristic of the Lithuanian word, namely ‘a building for keeping livestock’ and ‘a basket, hamper’. All the meanings of Latvian gùrba, gurbs seem to be transitional between the meanings ‘a basket, hamper’ and ‘a building for keeping livestock’.

The distribution of the Latvian words is also a rather interesting question. According to the data in K. Mühlenbach’s dictionary and its supplements, Latvian gùrba, gurbs are used only in the southwestern part of Latvia, right along the Lithuanian border (Asytė, Barta, Gruobinia, Kaletai, Nyca, Nygranda, Saka, Ventspils).

The geographic distribution of the Latvian word would suggest that Latvian gùrba may also have originated in Lithuanian. The Latvian word’s accentuation would support this assumption as well.

There is no trace of Latvian gùrba in Latvian toponymy either.

There are several place names in Lithuania that may be associated with Lithuanian gùrbas, cf. Gùrbai (Gruzdžiai), Gurbmiškis (a forest name, Gruzdžiai), Gurbšilėlis (Pilviškiai), Gùrbšilis, Gurbùkelis (a small road, Gruzdžiai), Gurbų miškas (Dūkštas), Pagùrbė (Dūkštas)²². However, associating these place names with Lithuanian gùrbas ‘a building for keeping livestock; a basket, hamper’ is highly questionable. For example, Gurbšilėlis is explained as ‘a rise’; in the territory of the Byelorussian SSR, in a Lithuanian-speaking enclave (Stanišiai, Varenavas district), we find the place name Gùrbos, explained as ‘graves (like little hills)’. Thus, the place names mentioned above should probably be associated with Lithuanian gùrbautas ‘a small rise in the ground, a mound’, Old Prussian garbis ‘mountain’ (thus correcting word 28 of the Elbing Vocabulary, grabis; cf. the Old Prussian place names Lulegarbis, Mantegarbs, Ladegarbe, Swentegarben, etc.)²³, Russian горб ‘any convexity on a flat surface’, Polish garb ‘a pathological protrusion of the chest or back in a person; an elevation, a convexity of the terrain’, Serbian-Croatian грба, etc. As we have seen, K. Būga also sought to connect Lithuanian gùrbas ‘a building for keeping livestock’ with these words.

Lith. kūtė, Latv. kūts

In northern Lithuania, the name kūtė for a building used to house livestock is widely used (Biržai, Joniškis, Kuršėnai, Linkuva, Mažeikiai, Radviliškis, Salantai, Skuodas, Šeduva, Šiauliai, Žagarė). At the westernmost and easternmost parts of this area

²² Lietuvos TSR administracinis-teritorinis suskirstymas, Vilnius, 1959, p. 716, 851. Duomenys, kurių nėra minėtame darbe, paimti iš Lietuvių kalbos ir literatūros instituto Vietovardžių kartotekos.

²³ R. Trautmann, Die altpreussischen Sprachdenkmäler, p. 82, 341; J. Endzelīns, Senprūšu valoda, p. 175; G. Gerullis, Die altpreussischen Ortsnamen, p. 80, 92, 94, 178–179.

3*

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the form kūtys is used (Kretinga, Pasvalys, Vabalninkas). The singular form kūtis is also known (LKŽd., VI, 1006).

The form kūtė is also used in the sense ‘an old, poor hut, little cottage’ (LKŽd., VI, 1000; Skaudvilė, Viduklė); cf. also kūta ‘house’ (Vilius Bruožis, LKŽd., VI, 999). However, words used in this sense do not fall within the area where kūtė is used for a building housing livestock.

The word kūtė seems to be absent from the old monuments of Lithuanian writing. The writings of M. Valančius and S. Daukantas are probably the oldest sources for this word.

The word kūts (alongside which the form kūte is also frequent) is very widely used in Latvian in the sense ‘a building for housing livestock’. The form kūts is also the standard literary-language name for this concept.

The form kūts (resp. kūte) is used throughout the dialect area of Vidzeme (Ainažiai, Aluoja, Cēsis, Limbaži, Mazsalaca, Rūjiena, Sigulda, Smiltene, Valka, Valmiera) and Zemgale (Auce, Bauska, Dobele, Eleja, Jelgava). In this dialect area, names for animal sheds with other roots are, one might say, not used. In western Latvia—in the dialects of Kurzeme—the forms kūts, kūte are used alongside other names for animal sheds (laidars, stallis). The forms kūts, kūte are almost entirely absent only in the easternmost part of Latvia—Latgale, where a Slavic-derived name for an animal shed is used.

It is not possible to draw any more precise boundary between the dialects in which the form kūts is used and those in which kūte is used. There are cases in which both forms are used in the same place (Alažiai, Aluoja, Inčukalns, Padure, Planyca, Sigulda, Taurkalne). Both forms are also used in dialects along the Lithuanian border.

Latv. kūts (resp. kūte) is used with the corresponding names of animals and birds; cf. Latv. aitu, guovju, luopu, putnu, zirgu kūts. Other variants of animal-shed names with this root are sometimes found; cf. kūtene ‘the stable’, kūtenis; čūku, zuosu kūtene, diminutive kūtiņa, pejorative kūtele (EM, II, 338; EH, I, 684).

Latv. kūts is already attested in sixteenth-century Latvian Gospel texts²⁴. The question of the origin of Lith. kūtė and Latv. kūts, like that of the Lith. gurbas and Latv. gurba discussed just above, is very complicated. Several explanations have been proposed, but each raises one doubt or another.

Until now, perhaps the most popular etymology has been that of A. Bezzenberger²⁵. He argued that the word entered Lithuanian and Latvian from Prussian. Prussian *kutis (where u < a after a guttural) would have derived from Middle Low German kate, kotte ‘hut, shed, stable’.

P. Persson, considering Lith. kūtė and Latv. kūts native Baltic words, linked them with Lith. kutỹs ‘purse’, Prussian keuto ‘skin’, Old High German hūt, Latin cutis, and Old High German hutta ‘hut’²⁶.

E. Berneker explained the origin of Lith. kūtė in the same way²⁷.

J. Endzelīns initially tended to agree with A. Bezzenberger’s explanation (… probably rather … alongside or through Lith. kūtis from Prussian *kūtis (with ū from ā) from Middle Low German kate or kotte … rather than with Lith. kutỹs ‘purse’, Prussian keuto, Old High German hūt…)²⁸.

²⁴ J. Endzelīns, Filologu biedrības raksti, XI, Rīgā, 1931, p. 201.

²⁵ A. Bezzenberger, KZ, 44, p. 291.

²⁶ P. Persson, Beiträge zur indogermanischen Wortforschung, Uppsala, 1921, p. 181, 183.

²⁷ E. Berneker, Et. Wb., I, 602.

²⁸ EM, II, p. 338.

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E. Frenkelis²⁹ unreservedly endorsed A. Becenberger's explanation, also citing J. Endzelynas as a proponent of this etymology. However, he failed to notice that J. Endzelynas later changed his opinion, devoting a special article to the etymology of Latvian kūts³⁰.

J. Endzelynas, in this article, while pointing out the chronological and phonetic shortcomings of A. Becenberger's etymology, is inclined to endorse P. Person's etymology. Such an etymology is possible, in J. Endzelynas's view, if Lithuanian kūtis is an inherited, non-borrowed word. At the same time, the Latvian scholar raises a very serious argument: this Lithuanian term for a building used to house livestock may be a borrowing from Latvian. If so, the root ū of the Latvian word may derive from un, in which case an entirely new etymology for this word becomes possible: Latvian kūts could be linked with Old Church Slavonic kašta ‘σκηνή’, Ukrainian куча ‘pigsty’, and Bulgarian къшта ‘hut’, which E. Berneker further connects with Bulgarian кътам ‘berge’, Russian кутать ‘verhüllen’, and so on.³¹

It seems to us that J. Endzelynas's explanation is quite plausible. First of all, a borrowing of Lithuanian kūtė from Latvian is entirely possible. The geographical distribution of Lithuanian kūtė ‘building for housing livestock’ would fully support this assumption. As the card index of the Atlas of the Lithuanian Language shows, the word is used in this sense only along the Latvian border. At the end of his article, J. Endzelynas seems to have expressed some doubt about the possibility that Lithuanian kūtė was borrowed from Latvian, because after writing the article he was informed that Lithuanian kūtės ‘barn’ also occurs in Suvalkija. However, the atlas card index data do not confirm the accuracy of this information. As mentioned, we do not find the word kūtė in old Lithuanian texts either; it is found only in writings from the mid-nineteenth century, whose authors came from the part of Lithuania where kūtė is still used today in the sense ‘building for housing cattle’.

The geographical distribution of Lithuanian kūtė is also a strong argument that this word could not have come from Prussian.

If Lithuanian kūtė is considered a borrowing from Latvian, and bearing in mind J. Endzelynas's suggestion that Latvian kūts may have developed from the form *kunt-, the name for this building used to house livestock could be linked not only with Old Church Slavonic kašta and related forms, as J. Endzelynas does, but also with Russian кут ‘corner, nook, dead end; the head or end of a blind inlet, bay, backwater, or cape; a corner of a peasant hut, the corner by the door, and a counter, a bunk’ (В. Даль, Сл., II, 227—8), Belarusian кут, Ukrainian кут (also used in dialects in the sense ‘pigsty’, Б. Д. Гринченко, Сл., II, 332), Bulgarian кът, Serbo-Croatian кут, Slovenian kat, Czech kout, Slovak kut, Polish kąt³²; compare also Russian закут ‘a shelter, kennel, or dugout of any kind; a straw hut; a warm (mousy) winter pen for small livestock; a storeroom, closet, pantry, especially a partitioned-off one’, закута, закутка (В. Даль, Сл. I, 594—5)³³.

A. Briukner had already suggested linking the Baltic term for a barn with these Slavic words; in his dictionary, next to Polish kąt, he adds the following note: “the original meaning in Lithuanian kutis, ‘a hollow dug by pigs’”³⁴. Of course, one cannot agree with A. Briukner's account of the original meaning of the Lithuanian word.

²⁹ E. Fraenkel, Et. Wb., p. 322.

³⁰ J. Endzēlins, Filologu biedrības raksti, XI, p. 200—201.

³¹ E. Berneker, Et. Wb., p. 602—603.

³² M. Vasmer, Et. Wb., I, p. 705; F. Slawski, Sl. et., II, p. 121—122.

³³ M. Vasmer, Et. Wb., I, p. 440.

³⁴ A. Brückner, Sl. et., p. 225.

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As we have mentioned, in Lithuanian dialects the word kūtė is also used in the sense ‘an old, ramshackle hut.’ Since the word kūtė is found in this sense in a different part of Lithuania from the one where the barn name under discussion occurs, it seems to us that it should perhaps be distinguished from Lithuanian kūtė ‘a building for housing livestock’ and considered to derive from German Kote ‘die Hütte’.

Lith. staldas, Latv. stallis, Pr. staldis

In the southern part of Samogitia and in some Western Aukštaitian dialects near the former East Prussia, the word staldas is used for a building in which livestock are kept (Kelmė, Pagėgiai, Rietavas, Skaudvilė, Slavikai, Sudargas, Šilalė, Tauragė, Užventis, Vainutas, Varniai); the form staldis also occurs (Endriejavas, Judrėnai, Juodkrantė, Nida, Sakučiai, Šilutė, Veiviržėnai).

This word is already found in our old writings. We find the form staldoie even in M. Daukša’s “Postil” (“Kaip iūsu ne pažėidę dargūs giwēnimas staldoie ir grînas guleimas prakarte”, DP, 425), whose author came from a region where the word staldas is no longer used today. In general, Lithuanian staldas is used chiefly in the writings of the Lithuanians of East Prussia: in J. Bretkūnas’s “Postil” (II, 23, 101), D. Klein’s “Hymnal” (32), the seventeenth-century manuscript dictionary “Lexicon Lithuanicum” (“Stale Staldas, Twartas”, 82 a), and, one might say, in all later East Prussian Lithuanian lexicographic works (the dictionaries of P. Ruigys, K. Milkus, G. H. F. Nesselmann, F. Kurschat, and others); it is also found fairly often in the folklore of the Lithuanians of this region³⁵.

Alongside the forms staldas, staldis, Lithuanian dialects also have the forms stalnė (Padvarėliai, Tirkšliai) and stalnis (Zastaučiai, Mažeikiai district). The latter forms, however, appear to be used only when referring to large stables for horses, usually estate horses. The adjective stalninis (arklys) (Šatės, Viekšniai) is also derived from these forms. Such names for horse stables, especially diminutive forms, are also fairly common in Samogitian folklore texts:

“Isz — ein ir brolelis Isz naujos stalnelės Bierą žirgą wesdamas Pas seselę ejdamas”, S. Daukantas, D. Ž., 12³⁶.

“Neįšzkoki berneli Sawo bierō žirgėlio, Tawa yra žirgėlis Mąno tiewo stalnelie”, S. Daukantas, D. Ž., 27.

“Bene buwaj stalnelie? Bene łankėj berneli? Bene tawo wajnikėlis? Stalnie ant gembelę?”, S. Daukantas, D. Ž., 89.

³⁵ Smulkioji lietuvių tautosaka XVII—XVIII a., paruošė J. Lebedys, Vilnius, 1956, p. 418, 426, 472.

³⁶ Songs of the Samogitians, transcribed according to the words by the song-singers, St. Petersburg, 1846.

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“One [I] drive into the little stable, another into the garden, a a a dza dza dza another into the garden,” S. Daukantas, D. Ž., 91.

In the quoted stanzas of Samogitian folk songs recorded by S. Daukantas, the words stalnelė, stalnė are used where other variants of these songs have stainėlė, stainė, stainia. We therefore think that E. Fraenkel³⁷, who knew the form with -ln- only from S. Daukantas, was wrong to connect these words with Lithuanian staldas: the forms stalnelė, stalnė arose in place of stainėlė, stainė. The form staldas may also at times have influenced their change. It should be noted that in the Samogitian folk songs published by S. Stanevičius in 1829, only the form stainė is found³⁸. As we shall see later, the forms stalnė, stalnīs also occur in present-day Samogitian dialects, found precisely near S. Daukantas’s birthplace.

A similar case, in which the second element of a diphthong i is replaced by the consonant l, is also found in Lithuanian kūlnas ‘a poor horse’ (Giedraičiai, Videniškiai, LKŽŽd., VI, 844), alongside the form kūinas.

Liet. staldas šaltinis yra vid. vok. žem. stall³⁹, dėl ll > ld plg. lat. meldēris < vok. žem. möller, est. mölder ‘Müller’, kelder ‘Keller’ ir kt.⁴⁰ Kaip ir lietuvių kalboje, su formantu -ld šis tvarto pavadinimas vartojamas danų kalboje, plg. dan. stald ‘tvartas’. Apskritai, tokį tvarto pavadinimą vartoja daugelis germanų kalbų, o iš germanų jį pasiskolino ir kai kurios kitos Europos kalbos. Pirminė šio žodžio reikšmė ‘vieta stovėti’ — jis sietinas su pr. stallīt ‘stovėti’, gr. στέλλειν ‘pataisyti’, skr. sthálati ‘jis stovi’ ir kt.⁴¹

In much the same semantic way, names for animal sheds arose in various Indo-European languages; compare Sanskrit gosthānam ‘cow shed’, Avestan goostānō, Old High German ewi-st ‘sheepfold’, Latin stabulum (the source of French étable, Spanish establo, Romanian staul, Modern Greek στάβλος, English stable, Irish stábla, and others): Indo-European *stā- ‘to stand, to set up’⁴².

In Prussian, too, we find a Germanic-origin name for a building used to house animals, phonetically corresponding to Lithuanian staldīs; compare word 226 in the Elbing Vocabulary, “Staldis Stal”⁴³.

Old Prussian staldīs, like Lithuanian staldas, came from German, probably from the Middle Low German form stall⁴⁴.

Latvian has several forms of this word for a barn; compare Latvian stallis ‘the stable, especially the horse stable’, stalis, stale ‘the stable’ (EM, III, 1042; EH, II, 569), stalle, stēļis.

³⁷ E. Fraenkel, Et. Wb., p. 894.

³⁸ S. Stanevičius, Dainos žemaičių, paruošė J. Lebedys, Vilnius, 1954, p. 14, 78, 122.

³⁹ K. Būga, Rinktiniai raštai, II, p. 591; E. Fraenkel, Et. Wb., p. 894.

⁴⁰ J. Endzelīns, Latviesu valodas gramatika, p. 247–248.

⁴¹ F. Kluge, Et. Wb., p. 737; J. Pokorny, Et. Wb., p. 1019–1020.

⁴² C. D. Buck, Dic., p. 150–151; J. Pokorny, Et. Wb., p. 1004–1010; M. Mayrhofer, Et. Wb., I, p. 350.

⁴³ Prūsų kalbos paminklai, 63; R. Trautmann, Die altpreussischen Sprachdenkmäler, p. 85.

⁴⁴ W. Prellwitz, Die deutschen Bestandteile in den lettischen Sprachen, Göttingen, 1891, p. 49; R. Trautmann, Die altpreussischen Sprachdenkmäler, p. 435; J. Endzelīns, Senprūšu valoda, p. 254.

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Lat. stallis ‘building for keeping livestock’ forms two distinctive areas within the present-day territory of the Latvian SSR. First, alongside the names for a cowshed kūts (or kūte), laidars is used in the westernmost part of Latvia—in the Courland dialects and in some of the Semigallian dialects (Aizpute, Alsunga, Barta, Blydienė, Dunika, Grobiņa, Kuldīga, Nygranda, Piltene, Saldus, Talsi). The second area of this name, which does not border the first directly and lies fairly far from it, is the southern part of the so-called Selonian dialects, adjoining the territory of the Lithuanian SSR (Abliai, Asarė, Biržai, Līvāni, Sauka, Subata, Zalva). In this area, too, stallis is not the only name for a cowshed: it is used here alongside kūts (or kūte) and klēvs (in the eastern part of the area). The form stellis occurs in Courland (Piltene, Ugale, Užava, Varve, Zlekas, Žuras). The form stalle is recorded only once (Virbai, north of Sabile). The word stallis is already found in G. Mancelius’s dictionary (1638), where it is used alongside kūts. Alongside other names for cowsheds, stallis is also found in J. Langius’s 1685 manuscript dictionary:

“Stallis (Kuhts, Klähws) a cowshed. Sirgo=Stal= lis, a horse stable. Gohwo=st. a cattle =stable. Zuhko=stallis, a pigsty,” J. Langius, Vrd., 286.

It is noteworthy that this Germanism is also found in the Estonian-language dictionary published by H. Stahl in 1637; cf. Est. tall⁴⁵. The different phonetics of the Latvian word might indicate that Latvians borrowed it at a different time from Lithuanians and Prussians. In any case, its source, like that of Est. tall, is Middle Low German stall, stal⁴⁶.

Lith. pūnė, Latv. pūne

The Lithuanian word pūnė, meaning ‘building for keeping livestock’, is used in a comparatively small area of the Eastern Aukštaitian dialects (Gelvonai, Neveronys, Pabaiskas, Siesikai, Šašuoliai, Širvintos, Ukmergė, Vepriai). This name also occurs in Lithuanian-speaking enclaves in the Byelorussian SSR (Geliūnai, Gervėčiai). In this sense, Lith. pūnė is already found in the 1642 edition of K. Širvydas’s dictionary: “Chlew. Stabulum, caulae, pune, gurbas”, C. Szyrwid, Dic., 29. “Koźiarnia, Caprile, caprilis casa, haedile. Obkinė pune”, C. Szyrwid, Dic., 126. “Obara, aliter: Claustrum, septum, dimitere pecus è claustris. Pune, namas”, C. Szyrwid, Dic., 233. Lith. pūnia, meaning ‘building for keeping livestock’, is also found in old Lithuanian documents written in languages other than Lithuanian. Cf.: “Дворец, где рикуния мешкает: у дворцы гридня с присенкомъ и ку тому клетка, пуня на быдло...” Panevėžiukas, Vilkija district (1563 document)⁴⁷.

⁴⁵ Anführung zu der Estnischen Sprach… von M. Henrico Stahlen, Revall, M.DC. XXXVII; cf. D. Zemzare, Latviešu vārdnīcas, Rīgā, 1961, pp. 49–50.

⁴⁶ J. Sehwers, Sprachlich-kulturhistorische Untersuchungen, p. 118; EM, III, p. 1042.

K. Jablonskis, Lithuanian Words in the Language of the Chanceries of Old Lithuania, p. 200.⁴⁷

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“Not far from this house, a wooden cattle shed, thatched with straw, with plank gates on hinges,” 1604 inventory of the Kėdainiai manor and town⁴⁸.

In Lithuanian, the word pūnė (and its other forms) is also used with other meanings; cf. pūnė ‘a chaff shed, a part of a threshing barn for piling chaff’ (Kupiškis, Naujamiestis, Vabalninkas), pūnis, -ies “мякиница” (K. Jaunis, Panevėžys dialects II 27), pūnia ‘a building for storing grain, a threshing barn’ (Dubingiai, Rimšė), pūnė (Viekšniai, Kossarzewski, Lituanica 117 a)⁴⁹.

In the writings of M. Valančius and S. Daukantas, this word is used in the sense of ‘hut, tent.’ Cf.:

“From springtime, having first dug a pūnė, Peter fenced it with trees, left an opening to crawl into the burrow, and settled in”⁵⁰.

“…from rags he made himself cloaks, huts and shelters, lacing them with hop vines and stalks, as well as with osiers and branches”⁵¹

A similar meaning for this word is also found in a manuscript of Lithuanian hymns dated to the beginning of the eighteenth century; cf.

“Desiring to learn this, not denying the saying, they set out for Bethlehem. In such a pūnia (?) Jesus is met by Joseph and Mary”⁵².

In the writings of M. Mažvydas and J. Bretkūnas, we find this word in the sense of ‘burrow, cave.’ Cf.:

“…as a lion in its den, and seizes the weary prey when it draws him into its own net” (Gesmes Chriksconiskas, II, Psalm X.)⁵³.

“Like a lion in its den…” (BrB, Psalm X, 9).

“…they… lie in wait in a crevice (corrected in the margin: in a hollow, in a cave [puneie]), BrB, Job 38, 40; in J. Bretkūnas’s manuscript, 39 (very beginning).

Cf. the German text of M. Luther’s 1549 Bible:

“…like a lion in the den…” (Psalm X).

“…they… and crouch in the cave….” (Job 39 [very beginning]).

Cf. the Latin Bible text:

“…like a lion in its den” (Psalm X, 9).

“Quando cubant in antris…” (Hiob., 38, 40).

In old Lithuanian inventories and other documents written in languages other than Lithuanian, the word punia is most often used in the sense of ‘a small building for storing grain, hay, and straw’. Cf.:

“Zyta w puni dersowatego y miotliastego kop piętnascie…”, 1600, Kraukėnai, Upytė district.

“…punia zrobiona na zboze słomą krita, wrota proste z desk, wrzeciądz y klotka w niej; druga punia nowa ieszcze nie stawiona…”, 1598, Breslauja.

“… а намъ давали две коле грошей за тую пуню”, 1516, Mstislavl?

⁴⁸ Lietuvos inventoriai XVII a., sudarė K. Jablonskis ir M. Jučas, Vilnius, 1962, p. 19.

⁴⁹ K. Būga, Rinktiniai raštai, II, p. 525.

⁵⁰ M. Valančius, Paaugusių žmonių knygelė, Tilžė, 1902, p. 102; Valančiaus raštai, red. J. Balčikonis, Kaunas, 1931, p. 244.

⁵¹ Budą Senowęs – Lietuwiu Kalnienų ir Žamajtių išraszę… Jokūb’s Laukys, Petropilie, 1845, p. 16.

⁵² V. Biržiška, Tauta ir žodis, VII, p. 259.

⁵³ Mažvydas, The Oldest Monuments of the Lithuanian Language up to the Year 1570, prepared for publication by J. Gerullis, Kaunas, 1922, p. 524.

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“A four-sided punia built for storing hay and a swiren for pouring in chaff and chaff-dust, built in a row…,” 1756, Tradevičiai, Polotsk voivodeship.

“A large, seven-sided punia for storing hay, in pine logs, without gates…,” 1775, Letcas, Vitebsk district.⁵⁴

“At the end of this threshing barn, a large, new punia made of logs for delivering grain, thatched with straw, its gate on hinges (with) a latch and with a bolt… this entire punia has seven walls, each wall five fathoms long. Going straight from this punia to the other, new gates stand between the threshing-floor partitions, on the right side, roofed with shingles and on hinges. From these gates, a punia made of logs, thatched with straw, with grain-storage bins on both sides inside and a threshing floor for threshing grain, thirty fathoms long and seven across, with two gates at the ends on wooden hinges, and a fence of eighty sections,” 1619, Šiaulėnai, Viduklė district.

“Going further, an old, dilapidated threshing barn and a large, poor punia,” 1645, Žalava, Ašmena district.

“Two threshing barns, one with a threshing floor, the third a punia for straw,” 1651, Palušė, Drevינinkai, Vilnius voivodeship.

“By this threshing barn, a wooden punia for storing rye…,” 1700, Papalčiai⁵⁵. In Latvian, both in the dialects and in various written sources, we find words corresponding to Lithuanian pūnė, used with similar meanings.

Latvian pūne ‘a barn; a hay- or straw-barn (also built as an annex); an annex to a klēts or kūts for storing hay, or to a threshing barn (for storing chaff and straw); an annex or a small, separate barn for storing chaff’, pūne ‘a barn’, pūnis, pūnis, pūnis, pūnis ‘a chaff barn; a small, barn-like building on a seashore or lakeshore for storing fishing gear; a small barn for hay, straw, and chaff (as an annex to the rija); a hay barn in the forest; a small barn for fishing equipment; a peasant hut’, pūna ‘a barn by the cattle shed; a net hut among fishermen’, pūnite ‘a barn’, pūnītis, pūnelis ‘a (pejorative) diminutive of pūnis’, pūnite ‘a little hut’ (EM, III, 413, 447; EH, II, 342).

Latvian pūnis is found as early as 1638 in G. Mancelius’s dictionary; compare:

“a barn, Schkunis, Wallh. Puhnis,” G. Mancelius, Lettus, 341⁵⁶.

There are two views regarding the origin of Lithuanian pūnė and Latvian pūne. Some researchers believe that this word entered Lithuanian and Latvian from the Slavic languages.

A. Brückner was the first to propose this view, noting that pūnė ‘stall, enclosure for livestock’ is found in K. Širvydas’s dictionary, while “unknown near Ragnit” (here he is probably referring to G. H. F. Nesselmann’s dictionary); he considers Russian or Belarusian пунья⁵⁷ to be the source of Lithuanian punė.

J. Endzelīns agreed with A. Brückner’s view (“…after Brückner… from Russian пунья⁵⁸”), as did P. Skardžius (“Given the meaning, probably from Belarusian пунья…⁵⁹”); E. Fraenkel, author of the etymological dictionary of the Lithuanian language, also held this view⁶⁰.

⁵⁴ K. Jablonskis, Lithuanian Words in the Written Language of Old Lithuania, pp. 65, 83, 90, 225, 236.

⁵⁵ Lithuanian Inventories of the Seventeenth Century, pp. 86, 141, 170, 436.

⁵⁶ D. Zemzare, Latvian Dictionaries, p. 440.

⁵⁷ A. Brückner. Slavic Loanwords in Lithuanian, p. 123.

⁵⁸ EM, III, p. 447.

⁵⁹ P. Skardžius, Die slavischen Lehnwörter im Alt-litauischen, p. 183.

⁶⁰ E. Fraenkel, Et. Wb., p. 667.

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Indeed, in all the neighboring Slavic languages we find this word used with almost the same meanings. Cf.:

Russian пуня ‘grain barn, chaff barn, husk store; open-sided hay barn; hayloft; shed; separate small storeroom, a wattle enclosure where all sorts of things are stored and where the owner sleeps in summer; in the western dialects, cattle shed’, пунька, V. Dal, Sl., III, 538. (According to V. Dal, this word is used in the vicinity of Novgorod, Tver [Kalinino], Ryazan, Oryol, Tambov, Kaluga, and Smolensk.)

Russian пуня ‘cattle shed; hay shed’, V. Dobrovolsky, Sl., 749.

Belarusian пуня ‘cattle shed; shed for hay or straw’, I. I. Nosovich, Sl., 538.

Polish punia ‘small wooden hay barn; hay shed, hay store’, punka, J. Karłowicz, A. Kryński and W. Niedźwiedzki, Sł., V, 433, 435.

According to the data of the Belarusian dialectological atlas, Belarusian пуня, meaning ‘a building for storing hay (sometimes also straw or grain)’, is used throughout northern and eastern Belarus; in the western part of this area the form пунька also occurs, while south of Mogilev the form пуніма⁶¹ has also been recorded. In western Belarus, the word пуня is also used in the sense ‘sheepfold’⁶².

Polish punia is used very rarely and was undoubtedly borrowed from Russian or Belarusian.

Apart from the Lithuanians’ and Latvians’ immediate neighbors, the other Slavic languages do not have this word. As we have mentioned, A. Brückner, J. Endzelīns, P. Skardžius, and E. Fraenkel regard Lithuanian pūnė and Latvian pūne as Slavicisms.

Another group of researchers believes that Lithuanian pūnė and Latvian pūne are native words and that, conversely, they entered the Slavic languages from the Baltic languages.

A. Potebnya⁶³, E. Karsky⁶⁴, A. Preobrazhensky⁶⁵, and K. Būga⁶⁶ considered Russian пуня and Belarusian пуня Balticisms. M. Vasmer⁶⁷, author of the best Russian etymological dictionary, also regards the word as a Balticism, basing his view mainly on the Slavic word’s geographical distribution.

It is in fact very difficult to say which side is right. In resolving this problem, the etymology of the word and the question of its original meaning are of great importance.

Linguists who regard Lithuanian pūnė and Latvian pūne as Slavicisms do not seem to have attempted so far to explain the origin of the Slavic word. Supporters of the second hypothesis have proposed two etymologies for the word.

First, Lithuanian pūnė is tentatively connected with Sanskrit pūnáti ‘cleans, purifies’, pá-vanah ‘wind (god)’, and Old High German fowen ‘to sift’. Thus, the original meaning of Lithuanian pūnė would be ‘a place where grain is cleaned’⁶⁸. This etymology is, of course, difficult to prove. It is unlikely that the ancient Balts had a building specifically intended for cleaning grain.

K. Būga attempted to explain the origin of Lithuanian pūnė and Latvian pūne on the basis of Baltic-language material. He connected Lithuanian pūnė with Lithuanian pūnė ‘the empty end of an egg (пужка, тузка яйца),

⁶¹ Дыялекталагічны атлас беларускай мовы, zemėlapis 236; Дыялекталагічны атлас беларускай мовы, уступныя артыкулы і каментарыі да карт, Мінск, 1963, p. 794—797.

⁶² Same place, map 231.

⁶³ А. А. Потебня, К истории звуков русского языка, III, Этимологические и другие заметки, Варшава, 1881, p. 90.

⁶⁴ Е. Ф. Карский, Белоруссы, I, Варшава, 1903, p. 135.

⁶⁵ А. Преображенский, Эт. сл., II, p. 153.

⁶⁶ K. Būga, Rinktiniai raštai. I, p. 582, II, p. 524—526.

⁶⁷ M. Vasmer. Et. Wb., II, p. 464—465.

⁶⁸ А. Преображенский, Эт. сл., II, p. 153; M. Vasmer, Et. Wb., II, p. 465.

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Latvian paũna ‘skull, head, snout’, Latvian puns ‘lump, protuberance, abscess’. In K. Būga’s opinion, the original meaning of Lithuanian pūnė was ‘a pile, heap of straw, chaff, or manure’. He points to similar semantic parallels: Latvian gubenis ‘barn (for straw, hay); an annex to a threshing barn’, gubens, gubene, gubezis: Latvian guba ‘pile, heap (of hay)’, Lithuanian gubà, gubė; Lithuanian kūginỹs ‘stable’: Lithuanian kūgis ‘heap, stack, pile’; Lithuanian gūbas ‘stable’: Slovene grb ‘mound, hillock, hump, wrinkle’⁶⁹. If the third semantic parallel cited by K. Būga may be open to question, the first two are entirely reliable.

In general, K. Būga’s etymology is more reliable than the first etymology of Lithuanian pūnė (: Sanskrit pūnāti). Semantically, the connection between Latvian paũna, Latvian puns, Lithuanian pūnė ‘the empty end of an egg’ and the meaning ‘pile’ is quite possible; compare Russian куча ‘pile, heap’: Lithuanian kaukas ‘growth, abscess’, kaukaras ‘hillock, hill, mound’, Gothic hauhs ‘high’⁷⁰; Lithuanian gumbas ‘a growth on a tree (plant), a swelling at some point; a sore, abscess, lump’, Lithuanian gumburas ‘protuberance, mound’: Latvian gumba ‘abscess; elevation, pile’, and the meaning ‘stable’ could have developed from ‘pile’, as the parallels mentioned above show (kūginys: kūgis; gubenis: guba). However, K. Būga’s etymology may raise certain doubts because in the Baltic languages we find no words that could be associated with Lithuanian pūnė ‘stable’ and Latvian pūne, used in the sense ‘pile’; moreover, the semantic leap from ‘abscess, protuberance’ to ‘stable’ may be too great. In our opinion, this consideration alone prevents K. Būga’s etymology from being regarded as entirely acceptable.

The question of the meanings of Lithuanian pūnė is also quite complex. While the meaning ‘huts, tents’ of the words used by M. Valančius and S. Daukantas could undoubtedly have easily developed from the meaning ‘stable, barn’, the emergence of the meanings ‘cave, den’ in the writings of M. Mažvydas and J. Bretkūnas is less clear. Of course, the meaning ‘cave, den’, as ‘a lion’s dwelling’, could also have developed from the meaning of stable as ‘an animal’s dwelling’.

Perhaps this variety of meanings of Baltic words could be an argument that Lithuanian pūnė, Latvian pūne are words of native Baltic origin.

In any case, there are nevertheless more facts indicating that the Slavs borrowed this word from the Balts than that the Balts borrowed it from the Slavs. However, no categorical assertion can yet be made.

Lithuanian nãmas, Latvian nams

In a certain area of central Lithuania (Dotnuva, Ėriškiai, Krakės, Kulva, Surviliškis, Šlapaberžė, Vadaktai), the word nãmas is used in the sense ‘a building for keeping livestock’.

Lithuanian nãmas is also found with this meaning in the 1642 edition of K. Širvydas’s dictionary; compare:

“Obora, aliter: Claustrum, septum dimitere pecus è claustris. Pune, namas”, C. Szyrwid, Dic. 233.

The word namas (in its various forms) is also often found in old documents from Lithuanian chancelleries written in languages other than Lithuanian. Compare:

“For manure, so that livestock may necessarily be kept not in namas, but that pens be made and properly fenced in the Podlasie manner…”, 1562, Karšuva.

⁶⁹ K. Būga, Selected Writings, II, pp. 525–526.

⁷⁰ M. Vasmer, Et. Wb., I, 708; F. Kluge, Et. Wb., p. 311; E. Fraenkel, Et. Wb., p. 229–230.

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“On the way from the courtyard to the threshing barn, a tower-shaped building for livestock, roofed with straw, and at the end of this building a shed made of brushwood, under one roof...”, 1597, Biliūnai, Raseiniai district.

“A building for storing grain, built of logs and covered with straw...”, 1599, Žarėnai.

“A building for livestock...”, 1600, Dubiniai, Beržėnai district.

“A tower, called nams in Lithuanian, made of fir wood, with three walls...”, 1619, Joku-biškiai near Šiaulėnai, Viduklė district.

“A building, that is, a tower for livestock, with all its fittings...”, 1639, Sokmedžiai Višutaičiai, Tendžiogala district.

“A building for keeping livestock...”, 1650, Kretkampis, Vilkija district.

“A building, or rather a Samogitian tower for keeping livestock...”, 1675, Plungė.

“A small livestock pen;... in this farmyard a building for livestock; the threshing barn behind the building, covered with straw and enclosed by a fence, is old...”, 1676, Laukuva.

“A new livestock pen, covered with straw, together with a building; a pigsty has been built alongside, covered with straw...”, 1676, Smilgiai.

“A livestock pen with buildings, whose doors are on pivot hinges...”, 1678, Dikta-riškis, Viduklė district.

“A stable and, at its far end, a granary, very recently built of wood and covered with straw. The buildings for livestock, called numa, were made of walls, with a section added at the end from hedges, and were covered with straw...”, 1705, Laukuva⁷¹.

“Two numy. A livestock pen, with another for sheep at its far end, and opposite one for pigs...”, 1667, Biržėnai⁷².

The examples given show that the word nãmas is used in these documents most often in the sense of ‘a particular building for keeping livestock’. The meaning ‘a building for storing grain’ also occurs. In the opinion of ethnographers, the nãmas mentioned in these documents, like the viežà, “was probably one of the earlier types [of buildings]: it had an elongated rectangular plan and was built with several rooms for keeping horses, cows, and smaller livestock. Sometimes people also lived at one end of it—of course, only the poor, since at that time (the sixteenth century—A. S.) prosperous peasants already lived in houses”⁷³.

In the documents mentioned, Lithuanian nãmas is also often found in compound words denoting specific parts of the “house.” Cf.:

“....a tower built of logs for livestock,...a log-built pen, with a small enclosure for pigs at the end....”, 1602 (1603), Miminiai, Ukmergė district.

“A tower with a pigsty and a grain-storage room, which cost eight kopa of groschen...”, 1584, Padubysys, Raseiniai district.

“....a tower with a roof made of boards and with a small window, built of wattle...”, 1603, Karklėnai Bukantai, Karklėnai district.⁷⁴

⁷¹ K. Jablonskis, Lithuanian Words in the Written Language of Old Lithuania, pp. 129, 130, 131, 132; more examples are also provided there.

⁷² Lithuanian Inventories of the Seventeenth Century, p. 266.

⁷³ Features of Lithuanian Ethnography, p. 262; cf. also Iz. Butkevičius, From the History of Lithuanian Culture, II, p. 243; K. Čerbulėnas, From the History of Lithuanian Culture, I, pp. 137–145.

⁷⁴ K. Jablonskis, Lithuanian Words in the Written Language of Old Lithuania, pp. 134, 135.

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Lat. nams is not used in the sense ‘a building for keeping livestock’, but some meanings of this word are, in fact, very close to the meaning mentioned. Cf.:

Lat. nams ‘a conical summer kitchen assembled from straight poles (also from the two halves of a boat sawn crosswise and no longer seaworthy); a summer kitchen; a small building in which everything is cooked during the summer (in winter only on festive occasions); a small wooden building in which food is cooked for livestock (formerly also for people), with a hearth and cauldron in the middle; the central part of the dwelling house, the kitchen; “a place in the room of the building where the stove stood”; in some areas the central room of the house is divided by a wall into a kitchen and hallway; an entrance hall; an extension without an upper floor in front of the bathhouse, with a large cauldron for boiling water; “in front of the bathhouse”, “the front room of the bathhouse where one undresses”, “an extension to the bathhouse where one washes clothes”; a hut for smoking sprats; a net shed assembled from the two halves of a boat sawn crosswise and no longer seaworthy; a small building; a house in town’ (EM, II, 692–3; EH, II, 4).

Looking at these meanings, one may probably conclude that the oldest meaning of Latvian nams was ‘a building equipped with a facility for heating a room, cooking food, or the like’. Lithuanian nãmas was probably initially used with a similar meaning. Of course, one cannot claim that Lithuanians and Latvians used this word for precisely identical buildings: their construction and purpose may have varied to some degree even in different parts of Lithuania and Latvia⁷⁵.

In old Latvian writings, Latvian nams is often used in the sense of Latin domus (‘house, dwelling place, family, household’); cf. G. Elger’s “Evangelien und Episteln” (1640),⁷⁶ the use of the word nams, where this word translates Latin domus:

„Vnd te egaja ekszan to nammu, vnd attradda to baernu a Maria sauwa mata…“, G. Elger, 17.

„Et intrantes domum, invenerunt puerum cum Maria matre eius…“, Mat. 2, 11.

„…vnd pepildia wyssu to nammu…“, G. Elger, 86.

„…et replevit totam domum…“, Ap D, 2, 3.

„…ka mans nams tôp pepildits…“, G. Elger, 92.

„…ut impleatur domus mea…“, Luk., 14, 23.

„…vziaem ekszan sauwems nammems“, G. Elger, 98.

„…recipiant me in domos suas“, Luk., 16, 4.

„Mans nams ir wens ludzamu nams…“, G. Elger, 99.

„Quia domus mea domus orationis est…“, Luk., 19, 46.

„…wena auksta Pharisaera namma…“, G. Elger, 106.

„…in domum cuius dum Pharisaeorum…“, Luk., 14, 1.

„Vnd tas tycceia ar wyssu sauwu nammu saimu“, G. Elger, 111.

„…et credidit ipse et domus eius tota“, Jon., 4, 53.

Even the Latin paterfamilias is translated by G. Elger as tas Nammukungs (G. Elger, 92; Luk., 14,21).

Lithuanian nãmas is used in the meaning of Latin domus both in old writings and in present-day language.

⁷⁵ Regarding the function of Latvian nams, cf. Latviešu konversācijas vārdnīca, 14, Rīgā, 1936, col. 28400–6.

⁷⁶ Gospels and Epistles translated into Latvian by Georg Elger, together with an index of his spiritual songs from around 1640, ed. K. Drāviņš, Lund, 1961.

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Regarding the origin of Lithuanian nāmas and Latvian nams, there are two opinions. Some scholars connect it with Old Church Slavonic domъ ‘house’, Russian дом, Sanskrit dāmah, Greek δόμος, Latin domus, Armenian tun, explaining the change in consonantism in the Baltic words through dissimilation⁷⁷. Others tend to connect Lithuanian nāmas and Latvian nams with Greek νομός ‘pasture; place of residence, dwelling’, Greek νέμω ‘I settle, cultivate, manage’, and Greek νομεύς ‘shepherd’⁷⁸. J. Endzelīns initially also supported the latter etymology⁷⁹, but later he tended to support connecting Lithuanian nāmas and Latvian nams with Old Church Slavonic domъ, etc.⁸⁰

For now, it is difficult to prove which opinion is correct. It seems to us more plausible to connect Lithuanian nāmas with the ancient Indo-European word for ‘house’. The alternation of d- and n- at the beginning of a word is, in any case, a fairly common phenomenon in Indo-European languages; compare Lithuanian devyni, Latvian deviņi, Old Church Slavonic devętь: Old Prussian newints, Sanskrit nava, Latin novem, Gothic niun; Lithuanian debesìs, Latvian debess ‘sky’; Old Church Slavonic nebo, genitive nebesą, Sanskrit nābhah ‘mist, fog, sky’, Greek νέφος ‘cloud’, and so on.

Latvian laidars, Lithuanian laidaras

Latvian laidars, meaning ‘building for keeping livestock’, is used in western Latvia—in Kurzeme (Aizpute, Arlava, Blydiene, Dobele, Dunika, Kandava, Matkule, Praviniai, Saka, Tadaiki, Tume, Uzava, Vandzene, Zvarde). This is not the only name used in that area: it is most often used alongside other Latvian names for a stable (kūts, kūte, stallis, stēllis). Sometimes laidars refers only to a large stable (Kandava, Laidze, Upesgriva). Sometimes speakers of the dialect perceive laidars as archaic (Kazdanga, Skaistkalne).

Latvian laidars is used not only in the sense ‘building for keeping livestock’ but also with other meanings; compare ‘an enclosed place in front of the livestock stable where the animals are let in; the manure heap within the stable enclosure; the area enclosed by livestock stables built all around it; an enclosure for livestock in the field’ (EM, II, 402; EH, I, 711). Alongside the form laidars, the forms laidaris, laiders, lāideris, lāideris, lāideris, leīdars, leideris are also found in Latvian dialects (EM, III, 402, 403, 446; EH, I, 711, 712). We also find the forms laidārzs, leidārzs, which arose through folk etymology, as these words were associated with Latvian dārzs ‘garden, vegetable garden’ (EM, II, 402). Compound forms are also used: ārlāidars ‘livestock enclosure in the field’ (EM, I, 243; EH, I, 195), laūklāidars (EM, II, 426; EH, I, 722).

Latvian laidars is already attested in G. Mancelis’s writings.

Lithuanian laidaras is not used in the sense ‘building for keeping livestock’. Its usage otherwise, however, is very similar to that of Latvian laidars; compare Lithuanian laidaras ‘enclosure by the stables for driving livestock into, an open farmyard; a fenced-off place in a pasture for gathering livestock’, laidaris, laidarỹs, lāideris (LKŽd., VII, 15, 16). The form laidaris is also recorded with the meanings ‘manure pit; dung heap, rubbish heap’ (A. Bezzenberger, Lit. Forsch., 132; LKŽd., VII, 16). A similar meaning is also recorded for the form lāideris (G. H. F. Nesselmann, Wb., 351; LKŽd., VII, 16).

E. Fraenkel, Et. Wb., p. 483; V. Mažiulis, LKK, II, p. 14; J. Pokorny, Et. Wb., p. 199. J. Pokorny’s position on the origin of Lithuanian nāmas and Latvian nams is rather unclear: in one entry of his dictionary he states that “lit. nāmas... ist aus *damas dissimiliert” (p. 199), while elsewhere he connects the word with Greek νέμω (pp. 763–764).⁷⁷

R. Trautmann, B-sl. Wb., p. 193; P. Skardžius, Lietuvių kalbos žodžių daryba, p. 31; M. Vasmer, Et. Wb., I, p. 361.⁷⁸

EM, II, p. 693.⁷⁹

J. Endzelīns, Filologu biedrības raksti, 12, pp. 175–176.⁸⁰

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As the card index of the Atlas of the Lithuanian Language shows, Lithuanian la ūdaras (la ū daris, la ū darỹs, la ū deris) is used in Samogitia and in a small part of the Western Aukštaitian dialect area (Joniškis, Kriukai, Šakyna, Žagarė)⁸¹. F. Kurschat did not know this word from living speech. Among earlier Lithuanian authors, the word la ūdaras appears to have been used only by S. Daukantas.

Latvian la ū daras in the sense ‘a building for keeping livestock’ is a more recent usage. The original meaning of Latvian la ū-dars and Lithuanian la ūdaras is ‘an enclosure for livestock’. The meaning ‘a building for keeping livestock’ developed from this meaning. As we have seen, an analogous process also occurred with the meanings of Lithuanian tvãrtas.

Lithuanian la ūdaras and Latvian la ū dars are associated with Lithuanian leisti, Latvian la īst, Lithuanian palãidas, and other words of this root⁸².

Lithuanian daŋgtis

In a fairly small area of central Lithuania (Darsūniškis, Kaišiadorys, Kruonis, Palomenė, Užuguostis, Vievis, Žasliai), the word daŋgtis is used in the sense ‘a building for keeping livestock’. Judging from the card index of the academic Dictionary of the Lithuanian Language, this word was probably formerly used in this sense over a somewhat larger area (it was recorded in the vicinity of Balbieriškis, Daugai, Šilavotas, and Valkininkai).

Lithuanian daŋgtis is already found in this sense in the so-called Postil of J. Morkūnas, dated 1600; compare:

„…tiktay biedname danktiia, kurime pekus sudariti buvo“, Post., 26.

Lithuanian daŋgtis is also used in the sense ‘granary, threshing barn’ (LKŽd., II, 176).

There is no doubt about the origin of this word. In addition to the meanings already mentioned, Lithuanian daŋgtis is used in the senses ‘covering, lid, top’ and ‘roof’. The meanings ‘livestock shed’ and ‘threshing barn’ arose from the latter sense; compare Lithuanian stõgas ‘cover of a building’: Lithuanian stõginė ‘shelter for storing straw or hay; barn’.

In the other Baltic languages, we find no names from this root for a building used to keep livestock.

Lith. kūginys

In a small area of the Eastern Highland dialects (Alizava, Jutkonys, Kupiškis, Salos, Skapiškis), the word kūginys is used in the sense of ‘a building for keeping livestock’. Formerly, the area in which this name for a cattle shed was used was apparently larger, but today it is gradually being displaced by the more widely used gurbas, kūtė or even tvãrtas, borrowed from the standard language.

Lith. kūginys, in the sense of ‘a building for keeping livestock’, is already found in M. Daukša’s Postil. Cf.:

“…and what is worse, the houses of God have truly turned into kūginys for you…”, DP, 412.

“…having turned toward the little barn or toward the roofless kūginys…”, DP, 534.

The fact that the word kūginys is found in M. Daukša’s Postil would also indicate that this word was more widely used in the past.

The origin of Lith. kūginys is also beyond doubt: it is related to Lith. kūgis ‘a large heap or stack of hay, straw, etc., a haycock; a small heap of raked hay or spring crops; a stack or pile of firewood’ (LKŽd., VI, 775–6); for the semantic parallel, cf. Latv. gubenis

⁸¹ The author used material compiled by E. Grinaveckienė.

⁸² EM, II, p. 402; P. Skardžius, Lietuvių kalbos žodžių daryba, p. 302; E. Fraenkel, Et. Wb., p. 330.

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‘a barn (for straw, hay); an outbuilding attached to a threshing barn’: Latv. guba, Lith. gubà, and perhaps also Lith. pūnė: Lith. pūnė ‘the empty end of an egg’, Latv. puns ‘lump, swelling, boil’⁸³.

Lith. abārēs

In a certain area of central Lithuania, roughly between Dotnuva and Kražiai (Kiaunoriai, Kubiliai, Kušleikiai, Tytuvėnai), the term abārės is used for ‘a building for keeping livestock’; the forms abārai (Krakės, Pakražantis), abārios, abāros, abariškas (Merkinė) also occur; LKŽd., I(2), 2–3. This term does not form a compact area, but is most often used alongside other names for a cowshed. Moreover, it usually refers to a large cowshed. These words have also been recorded here and there in localities outside the area specified above (Garliava, Liškiava, LKŽd., I(2), 2).

In addition to the meaning ‘a building for keeping livestock’, these words are used with the meanings ‘an open-fronted shed, farmyard’ (abarà, ābaras), ‘a large barn’ (abārės) (LKŽd., I, (2), 2)⁸⁴.

The source of Lith. abārės and other forms of this word is Polish obora ‘a building for horned cattle; a farmyard; an area in front of a cowshed or stable for cattle or horses’⁸⁵.

Polish obora has cognates in other Slavic languages as well; cf. Russian обора ‘enclosure, cattle pen’, обвора (В. Даль, Сл., II, 585), Bulgarian обор ‘cowshed’, Serbo-Croatian обор ‘enclosure, cattle pen, yard beside a house’, Slovene obor ‘enclosure’, Czech obora.

These words are further related to Old Russian воръ ‘enclosure’, Russian вергать ‘to put, place something in; hide, bury; dig, rummage’ (В. Даль Сл., I, 178), Old Slavic върети ‘to put in’, Polish wrzeć ‘to close’, Czech otevriti ‘to open’. Lith. vērti⁸⁶ also belongs to the same Indo-European root.

Latv. klēvs

Latv. klēvs is used in eastern Latvia—in Latgale (Balvi, Daugavpils, Ilūkste, Kārsava, Krāslava, Preiļi, Rēzekne, Viļāni, Zilupe)—with the meaning ‘a building for keeping livestock’. Alongside the form klēvs, the form klāvs also occurs occasionally (Atašiene, Līvāni, Pilda, Pruode). The name for a cowshed from this root is used very consistently in the aforementioned part of Latvia—only in the westernmost part of this area does it sometimes occur alongside the name kūts (or kūte), while in the southwestern part (around Līvāni, Subate, Viesīte), alongside klēvs one finds not only kūts (or kūte), but also stallis.

The name for a cowshed from this root is already found in early Latvian texts. However, the form used there is not an o-stem but an -ā-stem, klēva. Cf.:

„Stall, Stallis, Kuhts, Wallh. Seelb… Klähwa“, G. Mancelis, Lettus, 173.

„Ochsenstall, Wehrsckuhts, klähwa, Wallh.“, G. Mancelis, Lettus, 134.

„Kuhts (klähwa) ein Stall“, J. Langija Vrd., 125.

Latv. klahwa is characterized as an Upper Latvian word in G. F. Stender’s 1761 dictionary.

⁸³ K. Būga, Rinktiniai raštai, II, p. 525–526.

⁸⁴ K. Būga, Rinktiniai raštai, III, p. 284–285.

⁸⁵ A. Brückner, Die slavischen Fremdwörter im Litauischen, p. 66; E. Fraenkel, Et. Wb., p. 1.

⁸⁶ A. Brückner, Sl. et., p. 371; M. Vasmer, Et. Wb., I, 184; II, 243; V. Machek, Et. sl., p. 332; K. Būga, Rinktiniai raštai, III, p. 285.

4. Iš lietuvių leksikologijos ir leksikografijos

49

The forms klahws, klehws were recorded in K. Ulmanis’s dictionary, published in 1872⁸⁷. G. Mancelis’s reference Wallh. (=Wallhof, Latvian Valle, later Taurkalne (east of Jaunjelgava) suggests that the range of the barn name with this root once extended somewhat farther west than its present range.

In Nereta, Latvian klēvs is also recorded with the meaning ‘threshing barn (kluons)’ (EH, I, 616).

This barn name entered Latvian from a Slavic language; cf. Russian хлеб, Belarusian хлебу, gen. хлява, Ukrainian хлів, Polish chlew, and others. It is difficult to say from which Slavic language Latvians borrowed this word. J. Endzelīns considers Russian хлеб its source. The origin of this barn name within the Slavic languages themselves is also rather unclear. Nevertheless, most researchers believe that the Slavs borrowed this word from Gothic; cf. Gothic hlaiw ‘grave, cave’⁸⁹. As we can see, the meanings of the Gothic and Slavic words differ considerably. The original meaning of the word in the Slavic languages may have been ‘cave, dugout dwelling’.

In the Baltic languages we find quite a number of special barn names designating barns for particular kinds of livestock.

Horse barns

Lithuanian arklidė (Gaižūnai, Gudaičiai, Kriaušiškiai, Kriukai, Žagarė; it has also spread from the literary language into other Lithuanian dialects), arklūdė (a word not recorded anywhere in spoken language; cf. LKŽd., I (2), 307, coined on the model of the word pelūdė), arklinis (Dūkštas, Kazitiškis, Luodžiai, Šešuolėliai), arklinė (Alanta, Antalieptė, Ažytėnai, Daugailiai, Dubingiai, Giedraičiai, Lyduokiai, Skudutiškis, Šašuoliai, Videniškis, Želva), arkliniñkas (Alsėdžiai, Budriai, Girdiškė, Kaltinėnai, Lauko Soda, Pakražantis, Skuodas, Šakiai, Tirkšliai, Varduva), arklinýkas (Alovė, Barzdai, Butrimonys, Daugai, Kuršiai, Marijampolis, Mauručiai, Medeišiai, Nedingė, Nemaniūnai, Rimšė, Tverečius, Varėna, Žagarai), arklinýkė (Kruonis, Liškiava, Mašnyčia, Panošiškis, Pašlavantis, Savilionys, Šklėriai, Valkininkai, Vydeniai), cf. also LKŽd., I (2), 305–7): Lithuanian arklỹs⁹⁰.

Lithuanian arkliatvartis (Lazdijai, LKŽd., I (2), 305) < arklỹs + tvártas.

Lithuanian stainia (a word used in almost all Lithuanian dialects), stainė (Aukštadvaris, Daugėliškis, Eriškiai, Girkalnis, Gražiškiai, Kurtuvėnai, Pabaiskas, Raguva, Ramygala, Tytuvėnai, Troškūnai, Užventis, Venpriai), stainis (Gaižūnai), staininė (Kražiai, Sereikonai) < Polish stajnia ‘horse stable’⁹¹.

Lithuanian stonia (Alunta, Garliava, Jurbarkas, Kalvarija, Kamajai, Kapsukas, Liudvinavas, Pandelys, Rokiškis, Švėdasai, Šalčininkai) derives from an older Polish word form, stania⁹². Polish stania is a word of Polish origin, related to the verb stać ‘to stand’⁹³.

The form stonė is found in the monuments of the Lithuanian language of East Prussia. Cf.:

⁸⁷ D. Zemzare, Latviešu vārdnīcas, p. 439.

⁸⁸ EM, II, p. 225.

⁸⁹ M. Vasmer, Et. Wb., III, p. 245–246; F. Sławski, Sl. et., I, p. 66.

When indicating the geographical distribution of words, the materials of the Lithuanian Language Atlas prepared by B. Vanagienė were used.⁹⁰

⁹¹ A. Brückner, Die slavischen Fremdwörter im Litauischen, p. 136; E. Fraenkel, Et. Wb., p. 892.

⁹² E. Fraenkel, Et. Wb., p. 912; S. Reczek, Podręczny słownik dawnej polszczyzny, Wrocław–Warszawa–Kraków, 1968, p. 469.

⁹³ A. Brückner, Sl. et., p. 512, 513.

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“Stónė, ės, f. a roofed stable,” P. Ruhig, Lex., I, 142.

“Horse stable, roofed, Stónė, ės. f.,” P. Ruhig, Lex., II, 277.

“Horse stable, roofed, Stónė, ės, f.,” Chr. Mielcke, Wb., II, 370.

A form with an ė-stem is probably also found in the songs published by L. Rėza:

“To lay the Dūsu Stonę,

For my little horse”

(Recorded in the vicinity of Isrutis)⁹⁴.

The dictionary by M. Nyderman, A. Senas, F. Brenderis, and A. Salys gives the form staunià (Wb., IV, 93). This form is not recorded in the card index of the Academic Dictionary of the Lithuanian Language, but the adjective staũnas “well-fed, intended for riding (said of a horse)” (Debeikiai) is recorded there; cf. Lithuanian staininis: stainia, stóninis: stonia, which would indicate that the form staunià is a reliable linguistic fact.

Lithuanian strãje in the sense of ‘horse stable’ occurs in monuments of the Lithuanian language of East Prussia. Various forms of this word are recorded there. Cf.:

“Straja, ós, f. the litter, the bedding straw (Ragnit); then also the stable, especially the horse stable (frequent in Dainos). Cf. Sztrajus.

Straje, ės, f. same (Ragnit).

Strajus, aus, m. same.

Strajélė, ės, f. diminutive, same.

Strajùžė, ės. f. Dim. same.

Strajininkas, o, m. a stable hand, a groom; a stable horse,” G. H. F. Nesselmann, Wb., 505.

“strāja, -os, noun feminine: a horse stable with a paved floor and strewn with bedding straw,” F. Kurschat, Wb., 407.

In the Lithuanian folk songs published by V. Kalvaitis, we also find the form stragelė (recorded in the Ska... area)⁹⁵. The form of this word, used with -g-, is also shown by the word stragininkas in Chr. G. Mielcke’s dictionary:

“Stable horse, Arklys Stóninink's, Straginink's,” Chr. G. Mielcke, Wb., II, 450.

Forms of this name for a horse stable are also found with the word-initial št-. Cf.:

“Rise, dear father, rise, old man,

Give me the stable’s key…

I entered the stable,

And leaned upon my little horse”

(A Lithuanian folk song recorded in the Klaipėda region)⁹⁶.

As we can see, the root vocalism has also changed in these examples. The form strėja is also recorded in the dictionary by M. Nyderman, A. Senas, F. Brenderis, and A. Salis (Wb., IV, 116).

⁹⁴ L. Rėza, Lietuvių liaudies dainos, I, Vilnius, 1958, p. 226; V. Kalvaitis, Prūsijos Lietuvių dainos, Tilžė, 1905, p. 296.

⁹⁵ V. Kalvaitis, Prussian Lithuanian Songs, p. 13.

⁹⁶ Tautosakos darbai, VII, Kaunas, 1940, p. 34.

4*

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There are two opinions regarding the origin of Lithuanian strājē. As early as J. Šmits⁹⁷ and P. Personas⁹⁸ (with some reservations) regarded Lithuanian strāja as a native word, connecting it with words from the Indo-European root *ster-, *steru-: *streu- ‘to spread, strew’, cf. Sanskrit strṇāti ‘scatters (about), strews; throws down, casts down’, Latin sternō, -ere ‘to strew, spread out; lay low’, Old Church Slavonic prostrěti ‘to spread out’, Russian споръ ‘order’, and others. The origin of Lithuanian strājē is explained in the same way in the etymological dictionaries of M. Vasmer⁹⁹, J. Pokorny¹⁰⁰, and A. Walde (although in the second edition of A. Walde’s dictionary, on the basis of a letter from H. Hirt, it is noted that Lithuanian strāja may also be a Germanism)¹⁰¹.

This explanation of the origin of Lithuanian strājē is undoubtedly mistaken. It had already been criticized with sufficient justification by K. Būga in his notes and additions to A. Preobrazhensky’s etymological dictionary of the Russian language. However, K. Būga’s work was published only in 1959, so researchers had been unable to make use of it before then.

As K. Būga¹⁰² correctly observed, anyone who has carefully read the explanation of Lithuanian strājē in F. Nesselmann’s dictionary will not compare it with Slavic strojiti and other words. In fact, the accounts of this word in the dictionaries of F. Nesselmann and F. Kurschat reveal its semantic development and origin.

Thus, the source of Lithuanian strājē is German Streu ‘litter’, cf. the East Prussian German forms of this word, štraie, štrei¹⁰³. In Lithuanian, the semantic development of this loanword was as follows: ‘litter, straw for bedding’ → ‘a stable strewn with bedding’ → ‘horse stable’.

That Lithuanian strājē derives from German is also indicated by the parallel forms strāgē, štrajus, already mentioned above¹⁰⁴. The word’s geographical distribution also confirms this assumption: this Lithuanian word is found only in East Prussian Lithuanian texts and in the folklore of the Lithuanians of this region, as well as of the Klaipėda area.

K. Būga points out that the form strāja is impossible in Lithuanian: the form given in F. Kurschat’s dictionary is only a graphic, not a phonetic, representation of the word, since in Kurschat’s dialect strājē > means strājē, and he quite often writes -ia instead of unstressed -e at the end of a word.

The origin of Lithuanian strāja, štraja, štrajus ‘Streu’ had already been correctly identified by K. Alminauskis¹⁰⁵.

E. Fraenkel’s dictionary, too, tends to regard Lithuanian strāja as a Germanism. Among other things, it advances the argument that this word is not found in Slavic languages with the meaning ‘litter’¹⁰⁶.

German Streu ‘litter’ is related to the verb streuen ‘to pour, scatter, strew’¹⁰⁷, which in turn is cognate with Sanskrit strṇāti and other words in this group.

In Latvian we find the words streija, plural streijas ‘the litter (for horses and livestock)’, streijāt ‘to strew, scatter, spread litter’, strejāt (EM, III, 1085; EH,

⁹⁷ Joh. Schmidt, Zur Geschichte des indogermanischen Vokalismus, II, Weimar, 1875, p. 258.

⁹⁸ P. Persson, Beiträge zur indogermanischen Wortforschung, Uppsala, 1912, p. 787.

⁹⁹ M. Vasmer, Et. Wb., III, p. 29.

¹⁰⁰ J. Pokorny, Et. Wb., p. 1030.

¹⁰¹ A. Walde, Et. Wb., II, p. 590–591.

¹⁰² K. Būga, Rinktiniai raštai, II, p. 606.

¹⁰³ K. Alminauskis, Die Germanismen des Litauischen, p. 137, 138.

¹⁰⁴ K. Būga, Rinktiniai raštai, II, p. 606.

¹⁰⁵ K. Alminauskis, Die Germanismen des Litauischen, p. 120, 137, 138.

¹⁰⁶ E. Fraenkel, Et. Wb., p. 917.

¹⁰⁷ F. Kluge, Et. Wb., p. 758.

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II, 586), whose source is Low German strei, streu ‘all kinds of refuse’, strei(g)en ‘to scatter’¹⁰⁸. However, Latvian streja is not used in the sense ‘horse stable.’

Lithuanian kaniušnia (Miežionys, Vigutėnai, Zarasai), kaniukštė (Aukštadvaris, Jotainiai, Ramygala); this name for a horse stable is also found quite widely in our old writings: kaniukšlė (DP, 39), kaniukšne (MP, 202), kaniukštė (MP, 375; DP, 373, 534), cf. LKŽd., V, 210). The form kaniukšne is also found in the first edition of K. Sirvydas’s dictionary:

„Staynia, stabulum, equile, bouile, kaniukšne“, Dic., 175.

In the third edition of K. Sirvydas’s dictionary, the form kaniušne is used (Dic., 422).

This name for a horse stable entered Lithuanian from the Slavic languages; cf. Belarusian канюшня, Russian конюшня, Polish koniusznia. Lithuanians probably borrowed it from Belarusian¹⁰⁹. Forms with an inserted -k- arose within Lithuanian itself. In Lithuanian dialects, k is quite often inserted sporadically between a vowel (diphthong) and s or š, especially when a consonant follows them¹¹⁰. The form kaniukšlė also arose in Lithuanian; cf. Lithuanian šermukšlė beside šermukšnė, šermukšnis, krūmokšlis beside krūmokšnis, and so forth¹¹¹.

Lithuanian kaniukšlė (Notėnai, Židikai), kaniukštis (Gudeliai) are also used in the sense ‘pigsty’ (LKŽd., V, 210).

Latvian zirgstallis (EM, IV, 727) < zirgs ‘horse’ + stallis.

Latvian zirgsklēvs (EH, II, 808) < zirgs+klēvs.

In Latvian, as we have mentioned, the word stallis is often used in the sense ‘horse stable.’

Pigsties

Lith. kiaulidė (Aukštadvaris, Dotnuva, Kėdainiai, Nemajūnai, Pabiržė, Pakruojis, Saločiai, Šeduva, Šilalė, Šiluva, Švėkšna, Utena, Žagarė; widely spread into other dialects from the literary language), kiaulininkas (Alsėdžiai, Girkalnis, Kelmė, Kražiai, Kriukai, Kudirkos Naumiestis, Kuršėnai, Kvėdarna, Lieporiai, Papilė, Raudonė, Rietavas, Salantai, Sintautai, Skuodas, Šakiai, Šakyna, Tirkšliai, Užventis, Vegeriai, Veiviržėnai, Viduklė), the form kiaūlininkas; kiaulinýkas (Alytus, Alksnėnai, Alvitas, Barzdai, Garliava, Igliauka, Jieznas, Kalvarija, Kapsukas, Kazlų Rūda, Lekėčiai, Liubavas, Mauručiai, Medeišiai, Pilviškiai, Rudamina, Rumšiškės, Skriaudžiai, Tverečius, Vilkaviškis) is also found; the form kiaulinýkas; kiaulinis (Balčiai, Dūkštas, Inturkė, Kazitiškis, Puvočiai, Širvintos, Videniškis) is also used; the form kiaūlinis; kiaulinys (Minkūnai, Molėtai, Vilūčiai); kiaulinė (Balninkai, Dūkštas, Giedraičiai, Markutiškiai, Okainiai, Skudutiškis, Šimonys), kiaulinėčius (Antalieptė, Dubičiai, Kaniava, Paditvys, Pelesa, Plikiai, Rudnia, Vydeniai, Zarasai); kiaulinýčia (Kapsukas, Parovėja), with the form kiaulinýčia; kiaulynas (LKŽd., V, 696), kiaulinės ‘pigsties’ (LKŽd., V, 696), cf. LKŽd., V, 695–7): Lith. kiaulė.

Lith. migis (Aukštadvaris, Ažytenai, Čiobiškis, Daugėliškis, Eriškiai, Kulva, Okainiai, Palomenė, Pašušvys, Surviliškis, Šlapaberžė, Vepriai, Žeimys), sometimes also found in those localities in the form

¹⁰⁸ J. Sehwers, Sprachlich - kulturhistorische Untersuchungen, p. 123.

¹⁰⁹ P. Skardžius, Die slavischen Lehnwörter im Altlitauischen, p. 95.

¹¹⁰ Z. Zinkevičius, Lietuvių dialektologija, p. 194–195; J. Otrębski, Gramatyka języka litewskiego, I, p. 383–384.

¹¹¹ P. Skardžius, Lietuvių kalbos žodžių daryba, p. 293.

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In those localities the form migys; migelis (Gelvonai, Pociūnėliai, Pašušvys, Siesikai) is also sometimes found: Lith. migoti, cf. migis ‘an animal’s lair’. The meaning ‘pigsty’ developed from this latter meaning.

Lith. namėlis (Aukštadvaris): Lith. namas. Lith. namas, as we have seen, is also used in the sense ‘stable’.

Lith. svinárnykas (Šklėriai, Vievis, Žietela) < Belarusian свінарнік, cf. also Russian свинарник: свинья ‘pig’.

Lith. kiaulmigys (Alanta, Anykščiai, Dusetos, Gražiškiai, Karsakiškis, Krakės, Krekenava, Musninkai, Pabaiskas, Panevėžys, Pociūnėliai, Raguva, Siesikai, Sodeliai, Šašuoliai, Želva), also used in the forms kiaūliamigis, kiāulamagis, kiāūmigis (LKŽd., V, 688, 693, 701) < kiaulė+migis.

Lith. kiaūlatvartis (LKŽd., V, 688), kiaulėtvartis (LKŽd., V, 691), kiauliatvartis (LKŽd., V, 695), kiaūltvartis (LKŽd., V, 701), keltvartis (LKŽd., V, 552) < kiaulė+tvartas.

Lith. kiaulākūtė (Šatės, LKŽd., V, 688) < kiaulė+kūtė

Lith. kiaūliagurbis (Dusetos, LKŽd., V, 693) < kiaulė+gurbas.

Lith. kiaūlstaldis (LKŽd., V, 700) < kiaulė+staldas.

Lat. cūkkūts (EM, I, 398; EH, I, 281) < cūka ‘pig’+kūts.

Lat. cūkklevs (EH, I, 281) < cūka+klēvs.

Lat. cūkstallis (EH, I, 281) < cūka+stallis.

The name for a pigsty is also attested in monuments of Old Prussian: Seweynis Sewstal (word no. 229 in the Elbing vocabulary)¹¹². Pr. seweynis, although it is unclear how closely this spelling reflects the actual form of the Prussian word, should be connected with the corresponding Baltic names for ‘pig’; cf. Pr. swintian, Latv. suvens, sivens¹¹³.

Sheepfolds

Lith. avidė (Derveliai, Gadūnavas, Gaižūnai, Kėdainiai, Kietaviškės, Kupiškis, Raginėnai, Surviliškis, Svobiškis; this word entered other dialects from the literary language, and ultimately even in the localities listed here avidė may not always be an old linguistic form), aviniūkas (Alsėdžiai, Barčiai, Drobūkščiai, Dubičiai, Girdžiai, Lauko Soda, Laužai, Pakražantis, Rėkščiai, Sintautai, Skirpsčiai, Slavikai, Šiauduva, Varduva), avinykas (Dailidės, Mauručiai, Miežionys, Onuškis, Palomenė, Pavinkšniai, Rimšė, Sekonys, Tverečius), avinykė (Birštonas, Butrimonys, Čiobiškis, Darsūniškis, Daukšiai, Igliauka, Kalvarija, Kapčiamiestis, Kruonis, Liškiava, Marijampolis, Nauja Ūta, Paparčiai, Pašlavantis, Simnas, Vievis), avinė (Armališkės, Kaniava, Širvintos), avikinė (Giedraičiai, Minkūnai, Musninkai, Naujamiestis, Pagiriai, Šašuoliai, Vaiskūnai, Žeimelis), avikinis (Radžiūnai, Raguva), avikė (Darsiškiai, Kableliai, Lukštai), avėlinis (Dūkštas, Želva), avinyčia (Alksnėnai, Dotnuva, Juknaičiai, Smalininkai); see also LKŽd., I (2), 523, 525, 527, 528): Lith. avis.

Lith. jāuja (Lazūnai, LKŽd., IV, 299): Lith. jāuja ‘a building for drying and breaking flax’.

¹¹² Monuments of the Prussian language, p. 63.

¹¹³ A. Sabaliauskas, LKK, X, pp. 171–172.

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Lith. avītvartis (Kaniava, LKŽd., I(2), 530) < avis + tvārtas.

Latv. āitstallis (EH, I, 5) < āita ‘sheep’ + stallis.

Latv. avikūts (EH, I, 190) < avs ‘sheep’ + kūts.

Cow sheds

Lith. karvidė (Gaižūnai, Kapčiūnai, Lieporiai, Lukošaičiai, Nairiai, Noriūnai, Rūdupiai, Salamiestis, Sodeliai, Telšiai; from the literary language, this word has also entered various other Lithuanian dialects. Moreover, even in the localities listed here, karvidė may sometimes be a word that has appeared quite recently), karvini̇ṅkas (Alsėdžiai, Eidżiotai, Salantai, Skripščiai, Vardūva), karvinẏkas (Biržiniškė, Mauručiai, Medeišiai, Rimšė, Sekonys, Tverėčius, Vištytis), karvini̇ṅkė (Ratnyčia, LKŽd., V, 357), karvinis (Kazitiškis, Luodžiai), karvinỹs (Molėtai, LKŽd., V, 358; cf. also LKŽd., V, 357–8): Lith. kárvė.

Lith. bandini̇ṅkas (Drobūkščiai; cf. also LKŽd., I(2), 640): Lith. bandà.

Lith. galvijinė (Joniškis), galvininkas ‘cattle shed’ (LKŽd., III, 84): Lith. galvijas.

Lith. gyvulini̇ṅkas (Šakiai): Lith. gyvulỹs.

The Lith. abārės (Kaunatava, Pakšteliai, Papilė, Raudėnai) was also used to mean a manor cow shed.

Lith. jautidė ‘ox shed’ (LKŽd., IV, 323), jautini̇ṅkas ‘cattle shed; ox shed’ (LKŽd., IV, 324), jautinyčia (LKŽd., IV, 324): Lith. jautis.

Lith. veršidė ‘calf shed’ (Laukuva, Utena; probably a recently coined word), veršini̇ṅkas (Kurtuvėnai, Skripščiai): Lith. veršis.

Lith. kárviatvartis (Ratnyčia, LKŽd., V, 357) < kárvė + tvārtas.

Latv. gùovskūts (EM, I, 693) < gùovs ‘cow’ + kūts.

Latv. gùovstallis (EH, I, 424) < gùovs + stallis.

Comparing the Lithuanian names for specialized animal sheds with their Latvian counterparts, one is struck by the great diversity of the Lithuanian names. Latvian has no names formed in the same way as the Lithuanian types -idė, -inin-kas. In Latvian, compound names are most widespread: aitu kūts, guovju kūts, teļu kūts, cūkkūts, zirgu kūts (alongside stallis). By contrast, names of this formation are used much less frequently in Lithuanian. In Lithuanian dialects, names of the -idė type have become very widespread in recent times. Having entered from the literary language along with the collective-farm system, they are displacing names of other formations that were formerly used.

* * *

In general, Lithuanian and Latvian have quite a number of names for buildings used to house animals. Some of these names are used in both Lithuanian and Latvian. Alongside words of native origin, there are also borrowings from the neighboring Slavic languages, as well as from German.

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NAMES OF LIVESTOCK-DRIVING IMPLEMENTS

In the livestock-breeding terminology of the Baltic languages, the names of implements used to drive or strike livestock can be distinguished as an independent semantic group. These implements are undoubtedly very old—they emerged alongside more intensive livestock breeding, when people began herding animals and using them for various kinds of work. However, the specific names for livestock-driving implements in the Baltic languages are comparatively recent words; moreover, they are most often borrowed from neighboring peoples, among whom they too have frequently arrived from more distant regions where livestock breeding was intensive. Of course, there are also words of native origin, used more narrowly or more widely, but these, too, are relatively recent formations.

The Indo-European languages do not have a more general terminology for this field. It is usually emphasized that the Slavic languages are particularly rich in terminology in this area¹. A considerable number of names for livestock-driving implements also came from Slavic into the Baltic languages.

Lith. botāgas, Latv. pātaga, etc.

It is thought that the ancient Indo-Europeans initially drove livestock by prodding them with special sticks, and later became acquainted with the whip through Eastern peoples². The Balts became acquainted with this implement through the Slavs. The linguistic evidence clearly shows this.

Lith. botāgas an implement for driving livestock; a whip (one cord; a cord with a handle)³ (LKŽd., I(2), 976–7) is attested already in the earliest Lithuanian-language monuments—in the writings of M. Mažvydas, M. Daukša, K. Širvydas, and others. Cf.:

“Botagais ghi iſch plake...”, Mž, 443.

“...ir pláka ij kaip’ botāgais, paſmirdųſeis liežuwieis... Nėſſą botāgai io yra nūdemes mūſu...”, DP, 105.

“...terp tu buvo wirwes, lynčiugay, botagay, rikßtes...”, SP, II, 163.

“nahayka, scutica, flagellum, mastix. botagas”, C. Szyrwid, Dic. (1629 edition), 86.

“Jr padaręs botagą iß dirželu...”, Ch 1, II, 150.

Alongside the form botagas, the form batagas is also found in old writings. Cf.: “korbácz, scutica. flagrum, flagellum, mastix. batagas”, C. Szyrwid, Dic. (1629 edition), 60.

“...ſmarki batagai”, WP, 21.

Lithuanian dialects and various written monuments also attest other forms of this name for the whip: botēgas (LKŽd., I(2), 978), botaga (LKŽd., I(2), 976; recorded in “Clavis Germanico-Lithvana,” in D. Sutkevičius’s dictionary), botas (LKŽd., I(2), 978; a word reconstructed by F. Nesselmann from the form botkotis, treating botkotis < as botas + kotas).

This name, with v- at the beginning of the word, is widely used in the Samogitian dialect; cf. votāgas (Kuršėnai, Pagėgiai, Raudėnai, Viekšniai, Žarėnai, Židikai), votēgas (Girdiškė, Kalnalis, Salantai, Smilgiai, Šilalė; the writings of M. Valančius and S. Daukantas). Forms with v- are more recent, having arisen on Lithuanian soil itself. Such forms are sometimes also found in older Lithuanian written monuments:

¹ O. Schrader, Reallexikon der indogermanischen Altertumskunde, II, Berlin, 1929, p. 154.

² O. Schrader, Ibid., II, p. 154.

56

“There are many whips on people’s sins...,” KN, 36³.

On v: b, cf. Lithuanian bėbras: vėbras, byškupas: vyškupas, vėlybas: vėlyvas, etc.⁴

Lithuanian botāgas should probably not be linked with Lithuanian botarainis ‘long whip’ (LKŽd., I(2), 978; recorded in Žemaitė’s writings); cf. botarainis ‘crooked, knobby, gnarled, twisted’ (Skuodas; LKŽd., I(2), 978). Such an example as: Your stick is a real botarainė might perhaps indicate that in Žemaitė’s writings, too, botarainis is used not in the sense ‘whip’ but ‘some kind of stick’ (cf. the sentence by Žemaitė cited in the dictionary: And I, blind, lash the dogs with a botarainis, so that they howl as they scatter to the sides). Also cf. Samogitian bōteris ‘large, bulky’, bōterinis, bōterainas, bōterainis (LKŽd., I(2), 978), with which the words mentioned earlier could be linked.

Lithuanian bataška ‘switch, rod; twig; a type of whip; stick’ (LKŽd., I(2), 683) should be derived directly from Polish batożek, a diminutive form of batog ‘whip’ (J. Karlowicz, A. Kryński, W. Niedźwiedzki, Sł, I, 105); cf. also Polish batożkować ‘to beat with batożki’, from which Lithuanian bataškuoti ‘to beat, thrash with a bataška’ most likely also derives.

The source of Lithuanian botāgas is Belarusian батога⁵. Some other Slavic languages also have this name for a whip: Ukrainian батіг ‘whip’, батяг, Polish batog ‘short whip’, Czech batoh ‘whip’, Russian батог ‘stick’, dialectal потог, Old Russian batogъ⁶.

How this word arose in the Slavic languages is quite unclear. Some researchers regard it as a loanword, identifying its source either as Turkish budak ‘branch’, Kazan Tatar botak, or Italian batacchio ‘stick’; others consider it a word of Slavic origin, linking it with Slavic bat ‘stick, oak stick’, batati ‘to beat, knock’ (cf. Russian ботать⁷). The first hypothesis (borrowing from Turkic-Tatar languages) is less plausible for phonetic reasons, although, in general, the history of animal husbandry would support it. The second hypothesis has more supporters.

From the Slavic languages, this name for a whip also entered Latvian:

Latvian pātaga ‘the whip’, pātega, pātega (EM, III, 190, 191; EH, II, 217), pātags (EH, II, 217), pārtaga (EM, III, 182; EH, II, 214).

As we can see, the Latvian examples differ from the Lithuanian ones in the initial consonantism of the word. J. Endzelīns⁸ was inclined to think that Slavic batogъ had thus been altered by Estonians or Livonians who had become Latvianized. In fact, the alternation b: p is highly characteristic of Latvian. Its causes are precisely what attempts have been made to explain through the influence of the Finnic languages of the Baltic region.⁹

The form pārtaga is already a Latvian neologism. Insertion of the consonant -r- between a long vowel (or the diphthongs ie, uo) and a consonant is quite common in Latvian dialects, especially in loanwords; cf. Latvian kārkis: kākis ‘the hook’ (EM, II, 196), Latvian mērtelis: mētels ‘the coat’ (EM, II, 620), Latvian pērlis: pēlis ‘the mattress’ (EM, III, 209), Latvian stērķis: stēķis ‘the scorpionfish’ (EM, III, 1063), and so on.¹⁰

³ P. Skardžius, Slavic Loanwords in Old Lithuanian, p. 240.

⁴ J. Otrębski, Gramatyka języka litewskiego, I, p. 326.

⁵ P. Skardžius, Slavic Loanwords in Old Lithuanian, p. 45; E. Fraenkel, Et. Wb., p. 53.

⁶ M. Vasmer, Et. Wb., I, p. 62.

⁷ F. Slawski, Sł. Et., I, p. 28; A. Brückner, Sł. et., p. 18; H. M. Шанский, Эт. сл., I, p. 56.

⁸ EM, III, p. 190.

⁹ V. Kiparsky, Scando-slavica, 14, pp. 73–97.

¹⁰ J. Endzelīns, Latviešu valodas gramatika, pp. 237–238; M. Rudzīte, Latviešu dialektoloģija, Rīgā, 1964, pp. 100–101, 194, 313–314.

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Lith. bižūnas, Latv. bižūne

Lith. bižūnas ‘a short-handled whip, braided from straps or cords; a deer’s leg’ (LKŽd., I(2), 871); bižūnas is also of Slavic origin (the forms bišūnas, bežūnas mentioned by E. Fraenkel (Et. Wb., 45) are not reliable Lithuanian-language evidence). Its source should be considered to be Polish bizun or Belarusian бізун¹¹.

How this word arose in these Slavic languages has not yet been definitively explained. A. Brückner¹² argued that Polish bizun (he also cites the form bizon) came from Hungarian bizony ‘indeed, certainly, truly’, supposedly what a man being beaten—or doing the beating—would shout. The word entered Polish through the Slovaks of Hungary, who served the Lithuanian and Polish lords in the 17th–18th centuries. As a semantic parallel to this proposed origin of Polish bizun, A. Brückner cites the origin of Polish harapnik (cf. Lith. rāpninkas).

Other scholars tend to think that the source of Polish bizun is Middle Latin bison ‘bison’ (Greek βίσων); cf. Latin taurus ‘bull’: Latin taureus ‘leather strap’. It has also been suggested that the source of the Polish word in question is Turkic biston—a scourge with which begging Muslim monks whipped themselves in order to arouse compassion¹³.

All the etymologies are doubtful. Nevertheless, A. Brückner’s explanation is perhaps the most convincing. It is also adopted in the new academic dictionary of Polish¹⁴.

The source of Latv. bižūne ‘the mallet, stick for striking’, bizuns ‘a tool for striking, for hitting’, bizuons ‘cudgel, gypsy whip’ is also Polish or Belarusian, or perhaps even a dialect of neighboring Russian (EM, I, 303).

Latvian folk songs also contain the form bizuls ‘for throwing, for striking’ (EH, I, 222), which is probably a reshaping of bizuns.

Latv. bizuns, bizuls should probably also be connected with Latv. bizuns ‘one who wanders about without working, while making others work’ (nasājas kai bizuns aplīk, nikā nestrādā, EH, I, 222), and perhaps Latv. bizulis ‘a person who roams about’ (EM, I, 302; EH, 222), distinguishing the latter from Latv. bizulis ‘swarming cattle’: Latv. biz̄uot ‘to swarm (especially of cattle), roam about, run’. For the semantics, cf. the meanings of Lith. bižūnas (He walks about like a bižūnas, unable to set to work, LKŽd., I(2), 871).

Lith. dāndaras, Latv. dāndala

Lith. dāndaras ‘whip (with many knots)’ (LKŽd., II, 171); its geographical distribution (Joniškis, Šakyna) suggests that it entered Lithuanian from Latvian. True, the word’s phonetics would suggest that it is Lithuanian rather than Latvian, but in Lithuanian it is entirely isolated, whereas Latvian has several of its variants and more words with the same root.

Latv. dāndala ‘a Gypsy whip’, danda, dandara ‘a Gypsy whip, the whip’ (EM, I, 437), dāndele ‘the Gypsy whip’ (EH, I, 306), cf. also Latv. dandalāties ‘to brandish a whip’, dandalhot ‘to strike with a Gypsy whip’ (EM, I, 437), dāndēlet (EH, I, 306).

¹¹ E. Fraenkel, Et. Wb., p. 45; A. Brückner, Die slavischen Fremdwörter im Litauischen, p. 72.

¹² A. Brückner, Sł. et., p. 28.

¹³ J. Karłowicz, A. Kryński i W. Niedźwiedzki, Sł., I, p. 160; Lietuviškoji enciklopedija, III, Kaunas, 1935, skilt. 1361.

¹⁴ W. Doroszewski (red.), Słownik języka polskiego, I, Warszawa, 1958, p. 539.

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The Latvian words lat. dañdala ‘a long, rather thick, smooth switch; a naughty, restless child (rarely used of adults), also such an animal’, dañdalēties ‘to quarrel while exchanging horses; to make a noise when buying a horse’ (EH, I, 306), dañdars ‘an angular, clumsy person’, dañdariski ‘hurriedly, head over heels’ (EM, I, 437) should also be associated with these Latvian words. Regarding the semantics of the latter words, cf. the meanings of Lithuanian bizūnas and others; cf. also Latvian: to go like a dañdala, racing along (EM, I, 437).

This Latvian word for ‘whip’ is probably of onomatopoeic origin.

Lith. kančiukas, Latv. kančuka

Lith. kančiukas ‘leather whip, lash, deer switch’, kančukas (LKŽd., V, 200), in the opinion of P. Skardžius and E. Fraenkel, derives from Bel. канчук¹⁵. However, it is no less likely that the source of Lith. kančiukas could also have been the Polish form kańczuk, which is used in dialects alongside the otherwise more widespread form kańczug. The form kańczuk is also found in the writings of A. Mickiewicz and I. Chodźko, Polish writers associated with Lithuania¹⁶.

Alongside the forms kančiukas, kančiukas, the forms kańčius, kańčas, kańčas are also used in Lithuanian (LKŽd., V, 200). These forms are explained in two ways. M. Niedermann argued that these forms arose within Lithuanian itself, by abstraction from apparent diminutives; cf. Lith. baršas alongside baršiukas (<Pol. borsuk or Bel. барсук), Lith. kāpšas alongside kapšiukas (<Pol. kapczuk or Bel. канчук), and so on.¹⁷ P. Skardžius proposed that Lith. kańčius could have derived directly from Polish, since there, too, alongside the forms kańczuk, kańczug, there is also the form kańcz¹⁸. However, F. Sławski objects to this possibility, since Pol. kańcz is used in Polish dialects far from Lithuania. In his opinion, both Lith. kańčius and Pol. kańcz arose independently in the two languages¹⁹.

The name of this whip came into the Slavic languages (Rus. камчук, камчуге, Ukr. канчук, Bulg. камшик) from the East; cf. Turk. kamčy, Crimean Tatar kamčy, Karaim kamčū²⁰. The word is also widely used in other European languages (Greek, Hungarian). German Kantschu, Kantschuk. also derives from the Slavic languages.

Latv. kančuka ‘the thick, leather Cossack whip’, kančuks, kančaka, kaņčūklis (EM, II, 154; EH, I, 583), kančiklite (EH, I, 583) also derives from a Slavic source, most likely Russian or Belarusian. Shorter forms of these words are also found in Latvian—kańce ‘a whip’ (EH, I, 583) and kańka ‘the Gypsy whip’ (EM, II, 154).

A. Zumentas (Summent) considered the form kańce to derive from Pol. kańc²¹. However, for the same reasons as Lith. kańčius, Latv. kańce can hardly have derived directly from Polish. Both the form kańce and kańka probably arose within Latvian.

¹⁵ P. Skardžius, Die slavischen Lehnwörter im Altlitauischen, p. 95; E. Fraenkel, Et. Wb., p. 215.

¹⁶ W. Doroszewski (red.), Słownik języka polskiego, III, p. 525.

¹⁷ M. Niedermann, StB, III, p. 108–110.

¹⁸ P. Skardžius, APh, III, p. 50.

¹⁹ F. Sławski, Sl. et., II, p. 48.

²⁰ M. Vasmer, Et. Wb., I, p. 515–516; A. Brückner, Sl. et., p. 217; K. Lokotsch, Et. Wb., p. 84.

²¹ A. Summent, Unbeachtete slavische Lehnwörter im Lettischen, Göttingen, 1950, p. 143 (mašinraštis), plg. E. Fraenkel, Et. Wb., p. 215.

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Lith. karbãčius, Latv. karbãča

Lith. karbãčius ‘a kind of whip, a lash’ (LKŽd., V, 266), karbãčius (LKŽd., V, 267) are recorded mainly in the folklore of the Lithuanians of East Prussia, as well as in other Lithuanian-language monuments from this region: the writings of K. Donelaitis, L. Rėza’s Bible translation, and the dictionaries of F. Neselman and F. Kuršaitis.

A. Briukneris²² and E. Frenkelis²³ consider Polish karbacz, korbacz to be the source of these words (A. Briukneris also cites Belarusian карбач). However, given the geographical distribution of Lith. karbãčius, karbõčius, and especially considering that no such name for a whip is found in other Lithuanian dialects, one may suppose that Lithuanians borrowed it from German; cf. the East Prussian German Karbatsch(e) ‘whip, leather whip plaited from straps’, karbatschen ‘to whip, beat with a Karbatsch’²⁴. This name for a whip is already found in 17th-century German-language monuments²⁵.

Polish korbacz is already recorded in 16th-century Polish-language monuments. It entered Polish from Turkish; cf. Turk. kyrbaç. In fact, this word may also have entered Polish via Hungarian; cf. Hung. korbács. This whip name of Turkish origin is used in many European languages²⁶.

Latv. karbãča ‘a kind of whip, the karbatsche’, diminutive karbacina (EH, I, 588), karpaciņa (EH, I, 589), kārbacā (EH, I, 602), kārpača (EH, I, 603); cf. also Latv. karbacuôt ‘to strike with a karbacā’.

This Latvian name for a whip is most often found in Latvian folk songs, the writings of J. Janševskis, and some dictionaries. It appears to be first attested in the manuscript of J. Langijs’s dictionary (1685): “Karbatsch’. ein Carbatſch”, J. Langija Vrd., 41.

In 18th-century Latvian dictionaries, the German word Karbatsche is already found (G. F. Stender, Lex., II (1789), 349), but the Latvian form of this word is not yet attested. It appears only in dictionaries from the second half of the 19th century (those of Kr. Valdemars and K. Ulmanis)²⁷.

It is quite difficult to say by what route this name for a whip entered Latvian. J. Endzelīns merely notes: “Borrowed just like Lith. karbãčius, id.”²⁸ D. Zemzare considers it a Slavicism.²⁹ However, Latvians may also have borrowed this word from German.

Lith. knūtas, Latv. knute

Lith. knūtas ‘whip, scourge’ occurs in some of our dialects and in 19th-century written sources — in the works of M. Valančius and V. Kudirka (LKŽd., VI, 279). The form kniūtas also occurs (LKŽd., VI, 272).

This name for a whip entered Lithuanian from Russian or Polish. Most often, it spread through Russian (Rus. кнут) into other Slavic languages as well: Bel. кнут,

²² A. Brückner, Die slavischen Fremdwörter im Litauischen, p. 90.

²³ E. Fraenkel, Et. Wb., p. 220.

²⁴ F. Frischbier, Preussisches Wörterbuch, I, Berlin, 1882, p. 337.

²⁵ F. Kluge, Et. Wb., p. 351.

²⁶ A. Brückner, Sl. et., p. 256; F. Slawski, Sl. et., II, p. 474–475; K. Lokotsch, Et. Wb., p. 102; V. Machek, Et. sl., p. 192–193.

²⁷ D. Zemzare, Latviešu vārdnīcas, p. 88–89.

²⁸ EH, I, p. 588.

²⁹ D. Zemzare, Latviešu vārdnīcas, p. 88.

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Ukr. кнут (already in use in the first half of the 18th century), Pol. knut (attested in 16th–17th-century monuments), Czech knuta, knut, Slovak knuta, Bulgarian кнут, Serbo-Croatian књма, књм, Slovak knuta, knut, Upper Sorbian knut, knuta.

The name for this kind of whip probably entered Russian from Scandinavia; compare Old Icelandic knútr ‘tangle, lump, knot’, Old Swedish knuter³⁰. Initially, this word referred to a special knotted whip. In general, this name for a whip is used in many European languages; compare German Knute (some of the Slavic forms mentioned above may also have arisen from this form), French knout, English knout.

Latvian knute ‘a whip’ (EH, I, 634), in this sense, was borrowed from Russian, in J. Endzelīns’s opinion. The form kņ uote ‘whip’ is also found in Latvian; compare Latvian uzkņūotet ‘to administer blows with a kņ uote’ (EH, II, 725).

Alongside Latvian knute ‘a whip’ and kņ uote, we also find the words knuta ‘a cudgel’, knutka, kņute ‘a cudgel for striking’ (EH, I, 637), knute ‘a thin pole used to fasten straw to the roof’, knutele, knutiņa (EM, II, 250), knuta, kņute, knutele (EM, II, 253; EH, I, 637).

Latvian knuta ‘a cudgel’, as J. Endzelīns conjectures³¹, may have arisen by back-formation from the supposed diminutive knutele, which in turn would have been borrowed from German.

It seems to us that two words have become conflated in the Latvian examples cited above (knute, kņute, knutele, knutele, etc.): one comes from German Knüttel ‘stick’, and the other from Russian кнут ‘whip’ or German Knute ‘whip’. In any case, both German Knüttel ‘stick’ and the aforementioned names for a whip are words of the same root: one originally meant ‘knobbed stick’ (= Knotenstock), and the other, as noted, ‘knotted whip’ (compare German Knottpeitsche³²).

Lithuanian matāras, Latvian mātara

Lithuanian matāras ‘an implement for striking (whip, rope, switch, stick)’, mātaras, mātaras, matar inis, mataryš (LKŽd., VII, 907): the question of their origin is very complicated.

First, the word matāras is used in Lithuanian with several meanings: ‘a device for twisting ropes and winding fetters, a skein winder, a reel’; ‘a device for winding yarn, a reel, a distaff’; ‘a long length of thread, a fathom’; ‘a pole attached to a net’; ‘a chatterbox, a prattler’; ‘a rapid speaker’; ‘someone who is always moving; an unruly person’. Compare also matarāklas ‘a device for winding yarn into skeins; a reel; someone who speaks quickly and jokingly; a frivolous, talkative person’, matarėlis ‘a small pole used to hold down straw when roofing’, mataraila ‘someone very lively, a restless person; a chatterbox, a prattler’, mat ar uoti, māt ar uoti. The original meaning of Lithuanian matāras was probably ‘a device for driving or winding something’, and it is related to Lithuanian mėšti³³. The verb mataruoti was derived from the word matāras; from that verb (compare also the sound-symbolic words matarai, matar, matary) came matāras ‘an implement for striking’.

³⁰ F. Slawski, Sl. et., II, p. 290–291; M. Vasmer, Et. Wb., I, p. 580–581; A. Brückner, Sl. et., p. 240; F. Kluge, Et. Wb., p. 385; E. Klein, Et. Dic., I, p. 850.

³¹ EM, II, p. 250.

³² F. Kluge, Et. Wb., p. 385.

³³ K. Būga, Rinktiniai raštai, I, p. 465; P. Skardžius, Lietuvių kalbos žodžių daryba, p. 302, 489; E. Fraenkel, Et. Wb., p. 414.

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A similar word is also used in Latvian, but there its use is much more restricted.

Lat. matara ‘a (slender) switch, rod; a thin pole’ (EM, II, 566; EH, I, 784), matars ‘a cudgel’ (EM, II, 566), matars ‘a fine male’ (EH, I, 784).

As we can see, in Latvian this word is not used in the sense of ‘an implement for spinning or driving something’, which, in our opinion, is the oldest sense and which makes it possible to connect the word with the verb mėsti.

The word matar ‘a thick stick, cudgel’ is also found in Estonian. Therefore, it was probably this circumstance above all that prompted A. Zumentas³⁴ to argue that Latvians, like Estonians, may have borrowed this word from Russian; cf. Russ. мотор ‘truncheon’ (В. Даль, Сл., II, 351). A. Zumentas’s view seems quite plausible to us. Even the Lithuanian matāras meaning ‘stake, vowel’ may at times have come from Russian.

Russ. мотор is also used with other meanings, which sometimes recall those of Lithuanian matāras; cf. Russ. мотор ‘an agile person’, мотopa ‘spendthrift’, моторный ‘quick, agile’. M. Vasmer is inclined to connect these Russian words with Russ. мотать ‘to wind, twist (threads), wave, shake’, метать ‘to throw’, indicating as a semantic parallel Lithuanian matāras: Lithuanian mėsti³⁵.

Lith. nagáika, Latv. náika

Lith. nagáika ‘an implement woven with a short handle for striking; a whip, lash’, náika (Laižuva, Mažeikiai, Palanga, Vieksniai, Veiviržėnai; G. H. F. Nesselmann, Wb., 416, F. Kurschat, Wb., 266), naikas (G. H. F. Nesselmann, Wb., 416), niaika (F. Kurschat, Wb., 266) are words of Slavic origin.

The form nagáika derives from the Russian form нагайка, whereas the form náika, which is probably older, derives from Belorussian нагайка; cf. Lithuanian paūbelis < Belorussian погц-бель, Lithuanian blovieščius < Belorussian благовещие³⁷.

Besides Russian and Belorussian, some other Slavic languages also have a name for such a striking implement; cf. Ukrainian нагай, нагайка, Polish nahajka, nahaj, Czech nahajka. This word entered the Slavic languages from Tatar; cf. Crimean Tatar ногой ‘the name of a Tatar tribe’, Kyrgyz Tatar ногой, which in turn derives from the name of a Tatar leader³⁸.

Lat. náika ‘a strap, a switch, a pliant switch’ (EH, II, 112), Latvian naikas ‘a cudgel’ (EM, II, 689) probably derives from Lithuanian, as the geographical distribution of Latvian náika (Dunika, Nyca) would indicate. J. Endzelīns was inclined to derive Latvian naikas (the word’s geographical distribution is not given) from Belorussian нагайка, perhaps. However, this form too may have been borrowed from Lithuanian; of course, without knowing the word’s geographical distribution, this cannot be stated categorically. That Lithuanian náika, náikas was used not only in the sense of ‘a striking implement with a short handle’ is indicated by F. Nesselmann’s explanation of the meaning of Lithuanian naikas: ‘a gypsy whip, a short whip for punishment, also a riding whip; jokingly, also used of a sturdy willow switch with which one threatens to strike someone’ (G. H. F. Nesselmann, Wb., 416).

³⁴ E. Fraenkel, Et. Wb., p. 414.

³⁵ M. Vasmer, Et. Wb., II, p. 165.

³⁶ E. Fraenkel, Et. Wb., p. 478.

³⁷ K. Būga, Rinktiniai raštai, I, p. 348–349; P. Skardžius, Die slavische Lehnwörter im altlitauischen, p. 137; E. Fraenkel, Et. Wb., p. 478.

³⁸ M. Vasmer, Et. Wb., II, p. 192; A. Brückner, Sl. et., p. 353–354; V. Machek, Et-sl., p. 317.

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Latvian naikas may perhaps also be linked with Latvian naicēklis ‘the male sexual organ’ (EH, I, 2); for the semantics, compare Latvian stute ‘a rod for beating’: Latvian stute ‘the male member’ (EH, I, 596), Polish pyta ‘short whip’: Polish pyta ‘penis’ (J. Karłowicz, Sł., IV, 460).

Lithuanian pastarānka, Latvian pastrunkis

Lithuanian pastarānka ‘a thick whip braided from several cords’ (Gudелiai) is of Slavic origin. In Lithuanian, this word is used quite widely with other meanings: ‘a rope joining the harness collars to the shafts, a trace’ (Bagotoji, Krekenava, Kruonis, Pabaiskas, Pušalotas, Skaudvilė, Ukmergė, Upninkai), ‘a cord with which the whip is fastened to the whip handle’ (Užventis). The forms pastrāngas (G. H. F. Nesselmann, Wb., 506 (Ragnit) ‘a whipcord’. F. Kurschat, Wb., 297) and pastrānka (Švenčionys) also occur. The Lithuanian strāngas < and German Strang ‘a rope, a cord’³⁹ may have influenced the emergence of the form with -g-.

This Slavicism may have entered Lithuanian by two routes: the source of the forms pastrāngas, pastrānka was probably Polish postronek, whereas the source of the form pastarānka was Russian посторонка ‘a leather or rope trace in horse harness: it runs from the swingletree or wagon pole to the trace hook; in pole harness only on the trace horses, and in shaft harness on all the horses’ (В. Даль, Сл., III, 346). In general, this word is quite widely used in Slavic languages; compare Russian постромка, постронка, Ukrainian посторонок, посторомок, Belarusian постронка, посторонок, Czech postranek, postraněk, Polish postronek, Upper Sorbian postronk, Lower Sorbian postronk, Kashubian poestronk.

There are many different opinions about the origin of the Slavic word. The most plausible explanation, however, is that the word originally meant ‘at the side’ (=*po stornē)⁴⁰.

Latvian pastrunkis ‘a whip with which peasants are punished in some places; a whipping on the buttocks; a half-grown boy’ is found in the dictionaries of G. F. Stender (1789) and K. Ulmanis (1872) (EM, III, 109).

J. Endzelīns did not express an opinion on the origin of Latvian pastrunkis, but was content to cite A. Brückner’s view (Nach Brückner… aus wruss. посторонок ‘strand’, EM, III, 109). Admittedly, after the Belarusian form A. Brückner also gives the Russian and Polish word forms⁴¹; thus one may understand him to mean that such a word could have entered Latvian from Belarusian as well as from Russian and Polish. However, it seems to us that the -un- in the Latvian word suggests that Latvians borrowed it from the eastern Lithuanian dialects, where an > un.

Lithuanian pitkā, Latvian pitka

Lithuanian pitkā ‘a short whip, a lash’ (Kalvarija, Kapsukas, Karklėnai, Kupiškis, Punskas) is a borrowing from Polish; compare Polish pytka, pyta ‘a rope, a leather strap, a rag twisted into the shape of a cord, used as an instrument for beating; more generally: a whip, a leather strap, a rope’.

³⁹ K. Alminauskis, Die Germanismen des Litauischen, p. 120.

⁴⁰ M. Vasmer, Et. Wb., II, p. 416—417; A. Brückner, Sł. et., p. 432.

⁴¹ A. Brückner, Die slavischen Fremdwörter im Litauischen, p. 179.

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Pol. pyta, pytka should be linked to Pol. pytać ‘to address someone in a manner requiring a response, in order to obtain some information, news, or permission for something’, Rus. nůmamь ‘to torment, ask’.

Latvian pitka ‘a whip, dog whip, Gypsy whip’ (EM, III, 229; EH, II, 239) also most likely has a Polish source; compare also Latvian pitkainis ‘a hooligan armed with a pitka; a cruel person who beats livestock’, pitkat ‘to beat with a pitka’ (EM, III, 229).

Latvian sources record this name for a whip also with an added s-: spitka (župam pa juokam ar spitku (whip?) iecirta pa biksēm, EM, III, 1000); compare also Latvian spitka ‘a small switch’ (EH, II, 552). In the supplements to K. Mühlenbach’s dictionary (EH, II, 552), a sentence by R. Blaumanis is quoted: ‘...barouns... gaisā spitku šmikstināj(a)’; this may indicate that spitka is used here in the sense ‘whip’, rather than ‘small switch’. For the added s-, compare Latvian spikis: Latvian piķis, Latvian skaste: Latvian kaste, etc.⁴²

Lith. pletnià, Latv. pletne, plītne, plete

Lith. pletnià ‘whip, belt’ (Merkinė, Veisiejai), plētnē ‘switch’ (Eržvilkas), plētnē ‘implement for swatting flies’ (Kapsukas) should be derived from Pol. pletnia ‘an implement for striking, made of leather straps, rods, etc., partly interwoven; a discipline; blows inflicted with a discipline’.

Pol. pletnia is related to Rus. плеть ‘whip, scourge, lash’, Pol. pleść ‘to weave’, Rus. плести, etc.⁴³

Latv. pletne ‘a Plette, Cossack whip’ (EM, III, 338; EH, II, 292), plētne (EM, III, 342) are both explained by J. Endzelīns as having arisen through contamination of plete (= pletne) and plene ‘the braid’. Nevertheless, it is more likely that Latv. pletne, like Lith. pletnià, derives from Pol. pletnia. The verb plet nēt ‘to strike with a pletne’ (EM, III, 338) also derives from Latv. pletne.

Latv. plekne ‘the Cossack whip’ (EM, III, 334), in J. Endzelīns’s opinion, derives from the form pletne (probably with kn from tn); compare also Latv. saplek nēt ‘to thrash with a plekne’, saplek nīt (EM, III, 702).

Latv. blētne ‘a wide object (leather strap)’ (EH, I, 228) is also inseparable from these Latvian names for a whip.

Latv. plītne ‘the whip’ (EM, III, 350) is also most likely related to Latv. pletne, while the root vocalism changed under the influence of Latv. plītēt ‘to strike; to clap’.

Latv. plete ‘a Plette, Cossack whip’ (EM, III, 337; EH, II, 292), plete (EM, III, 370), according to J. Endzelīns, has Rus. плеть as its source; compare also Latv. pletēt ‘to thrash, to strike with a flat object’ (EM, III, 337), pletēt ‘to strike with a plete’ (EM, III, 370).

Latv. pletka ‘the Plette, Cossack whip’, pletka (EM, III, 337) derives from Rus. плётка ‘small whip, scourge’.

⁴² J. Endzelīns, Latviešu valodas gramatika, p. 239; M. Rudzīte, Latviešu dialektoloģija, p. 99, 193, 313.

⁴³ M. Vasmer, Et. Wb., II, p. 371.

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Lith. vytinis, Latv. vītine

Lith. vytinis ‘an implement for beating, plaited from thin willow switches; a plaited whip, whip handle’ (Biržai, Dusetos, Kuliai, Liškiava, Plungė, Vaškai, Viduklė) is a word of native origin; cf. Lith. vyti ‘to twist a rope, wind, twist’, vytelė ‘a willow shoot used for plaiting’, vytis ‘switch, whip’, vytinė ‘switch, rod’.

Latv. vītine ‘a whip plaited from three strands’ (EH, II, 794), vitene ‘a (twisted) whip; a whip handle plaited from split wood’ (EM, IV, 646), vītinis ‘a whip handle plaited from wood’ (EM, IV, 647) are of the same origin as Lith. vytinis; cf. Latv. vīt ‘to wind, plait’, vītene ‘the winding, garland; plaitwork’. The form vītinis may sometimes also have entered Latvian from Lithuanian. The geographical distribution of the Latvian word (Liepāja, Rucava) would not contradict this assumption.

We find quite a few names for implements used to drive or beat livestock that are characteristic of only one of the Baltic languages:

Lith. ákštinas ‘a pointed stick for driving docile animals’, akstinyčia (LKŽd., I (2), 86), ákštinas (LKŽd., I (2), 87): Lith. ákštinas ‘thorn, prickle’, akstis ‘a pointed stick, rod; a thorn’, ákštis. In its semantic development, this Lithuanian word strongly recalls the development of Lat. stimulus; cf. Lat. stimulus ‘a pointed stick for driving animals’: Lat. stimulus ‘incitement; stimulus, encouragement’, Lith. ákštinas ‘an implement for driving animals’: Lith. ákštinas ‘encouragement, stimulus’.

Lith. arimnykas ‘ploughing whip’ (LKŽd., I(2), 300): Lith. ariminis ‘used for ploughing’; cf. ariminis botagas ‘ploughing whip’.

Lith. barbarō ‘flail; a kind of stick; leather scourge; rope (made of willow) for tying rafts’, barbaras ‘leather scourge’ (Aš turėjau barbarėlį, plonai režtą, tankiai pintą) (LKŽd., I (2), 655) is a Slavic loanword; cf. Polish barbara ‘whip, rope’ (A. Brückner, Sł. et., 15), barbara ‘a thick, long rope used in river transport’ (J. Karłowicz, A. Kryński i W. Niedźwiedzki, Sł., I, 97). The name derives from a female name; cf. Polish Barbara, Lithuanian Barbora.

Lith. bim̃bilas ‘whip’, bimbieras ‘switch, flail’ (LKŽd., I(2), 824), bimbiras ‘leather switch, flail’; cf. Lith. bimbti, bimbti ‘to produce a certain sound’, bimbilas ‘horsefly’, bimbalas, bimbyti ‘to beat’, bimblỹs ‘shouter’, bambalas ‘horsefly; fat child; a small, fat person’. Lith. bimbilas and bimbiras are also used in the sense ‘membrum virile’.

Lith. bindza ‘a whip handle plaited from 4, 8, or 12 willow switches, with a loop for inserting the whip; a hooked plait, a whip’ (LKŽd., I(2), 829–30), binza (LKŽd., I(2), 834), bėndžė ‘whip; thick whip’ (LKŽd., I(2), 752), bindžikas ‘a twisted rag with a knot, used for beating (in a certain game); an implement for beating in general’, bindžikas, bindžiukas (LKŽd., I(2), 831) are also probably of sound-symbolic origin; cf. Lith. bindz ‘interj. stinkt, bidz (used to denote walking slowly, with an infrequent gait)’, bindzi, bindzi, bindži. Also of the same origin are Lith. bindzinėti ‘to walk about aimlessly, idle, dawdle’, bindžinėti, bindžikuoti, bindza ‘idler, lazybones, vagabond, pauper’, bindzakas, bindzolas, etc.

For the semantic relationship between these words, cf. the meanings of Lith. bizūnas (‘profligate, vagabond’; Kaip bizūnas liko (nusigyveno)), Polish bizun ‘rascal, idler, good-for-nothing, lazybones’ (Goły jak bizun), Lith. vėjo botagas ‘weathervane’, Latv. nabaga pātag a ‘the wretch, beggar—a term of abuse (literally, the beggar’s whip)’ (EM, III, 190).

5. Iš lietuvių leksikologijos ir leksikografijos

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Lith. biržūklė ‘a switch for beating’ (LKŽd., I(2), 852), biržūklis (LKŽd., I(2), 853): Lith. bėržas, biržlis ‘birch branch’.

Lith. blakštas ‘a whip for striking’ (LKŽd., I(2), 880): Lith. blakštas ‘a slender rod used to hold down straw when thatching a roof; a leafy branch or twig used to press flax in a retting pit or laid over grain stored in a barn’, Lith. blókšti ‘to thresh sheaves of rye or wheat against something in order to separate the grain’.

Lith. bričius ‘whip, scourge’ (LKŽd., I(2), 1039) – of onomatopoeic origin; compare Lith. bric ‘interj. thump, tumble’, brýc, brinks, brinkt, brinkšt ‘interj. crack’, bričinti ‘to do something with a particular sound’, bričyti, bricas ‘lazybones, good-for-nothing’, bričė ‘joc. tail’.

Lith. bruikštas ‘twig, stick for driving or chasing something’ (LKŽd., I(2), 1078), bruīžtas (LKŽd., I(2), 1079): Lith. bruikšti ‘to drive, chase’, brūžti⁴⁴. The latter words should probably be connected instead with the verb braūkti⁴⁵.

Lith. brūklis ‘stout stick, branch, switch; an instrument for beating’, brūklis, brūklis, brūklinis ‘instrument for whipping; switch’ (LKŽd., I(2), 1082), brunkletas ‘stick, pole’ (LKŽd., I(2), 1093): Lith. braūkti, brūkti⁴⁶.

Lith. dratinis ‘a kind of whip’⁴⁷: Lith. dratas ‘wire; thick, tightly twisted thread’ < from Middle Low German drāt; compare dratinis ‘thick, tightly spun (of cloth); tightly twisted’ (I have a little whip, I have a little wire-whip; when I lash the grey horse, the horse dances, LKŽd., II, 446).

Lith. džala ‘implement, whip’ (LKŽd., II, 723) – of onomatopoeic origin; compare Lith. džā ‘interj. hey’, džālyti ‘to beat’, džābyti, džābā ‘pours’, džābas and others; or perhaps directly derived from Latvian dzala.

Lith. džendžiūras ‘implement, scourge’, džendžiūras (LKŽd., II, 724), džindžiras ‘a small whip with a thick, short handle’ – of onomatopoeic origin; compare džin ‘interj. dzin’, džēn ‘interj. bang, crack’, džēn, džēmsterėti ‘to strike, hit’, džengsėti ‘to clang’.

Lith. džiolas ‘an implement for beating, a whip, a scourge’ – also probably of onomatopoeic origin; compare džiolė ‘interj. said when driving pigs’, džiolio, džiōbinti ‘to strike, chop, beat’, džiōboti ‘to chop with heavy blows’, džioryti ‘to slash, thrash’. Polish dziób ‘beak’, dziobać ‘to peck’ may also have influenced the emergence of onomatopoeic forms of this root.

Lith. džiungāras ‘beating implement, switch’, džiungara, džiumbaras (There’s no one to put a good džiumbāras on the children, LKŽd., II, 742) – of onomatopoeic origin; compare Lith. džiūmt, džiung ‘interj. thwack’, džiumbāryti ‘to beat’, džiungāryti ‘to beat, thrash (with a corded strap)’.

Lith. gairinė ‘a long switch for driving livestock’ (LKŽd., III, 33); compare Lith. gairė ‘slender rod, peg, pointed stake’; compare also gairėti ‘to blow’, pagairė ‘a place exposed to the wind’. Thus the original meaning of Lith. gairė was probably ‘weather vane, wind vane’.

Lith. gylýs ‘a kind of stick for driving oxen or sturdy horses’ (LKŽd., III, 301); compare Lith. gylýs ‘sting’, gilti ‘to sting, strike, dig’.

⁴⁴ K. Būga, Rinktiniai raštai, II, p. 392.

⁴⁵ E. Fraenkel, Et. Wb., p. 60.

⁴⁶ E. Fraenkel, Et. Wb., p. 54–55.

⁴⁷ Features of Lithuanian Ethnography, p. 96.

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Lith. gìngiras ‘whip’ (LKŽd., III, 318) is probably of onomatopoeic origin; cf. Lith. gingla ‘a tall, long-legged person; someone who walks with bare legs’, ginglinėti ‘to walk like a gingla’, gingāras ‘a tall, large person or animal’, gingaras.

Lith. gyslinis ‘lash, whip’ (LKŽd., III, 355); cf. Lith. gysla.

Lith. įnagis ‘whip, lash, cudgel, rope’, įnagė, įnaginis (LKŽd., IV, 103) has the primary meaning ‘tool, implement used to do something’. The word įnagis is also most widely used in Lithuanian in this sense. It is related to Lith. nãgas ‘nail, claw’; cf. nagingas ‘skilled in manual work, capable’ (< ‘having nails, with nails, clawed’), panagingas, nagnūs⁴⁸. For the word formation, cf. also Lith. įrankis (: rankà), Latv. ieruocis (: ruoka).

Latv. inagis ‘idler, louse egg, person’ (Gramzda, EH, I, 501) is also borrowed from Lithuanian. This meaning of the Latvian word probably developed from the meaning ‘whip, lash’. For the semantic development, cf. the meanings of Lith. bizūnas, botāgas, bindza.

Lithuanian whip ‘plaited whip, scourge’ (LKŽd., IV, 129), whipsas (LKŽd., IV, 133), cf. Lithuanian whip ‘blow, stroke; scar, mark (on the skin from a blow)’ <East Prussian German híp ‘blow, stroke’⁴⁹.

Lith. jautāgyšlis ‘whip (made from ox sinews)’ (LKŽd., IV, 322) is < Lith. jautis + gysla.

Lith. kanapinis ‘whip’, kanāpinis (LKŽd., V, 197): Lith. kanãpė ‘hemp’.

Lith. kiettenius ‘a leather whip with a piece of lead or iron attached at the end’ (LKŽd., V, 755) is recorded in the 1642 edition of K. Širvydas’s dictionary:

“Bafayk. Plumbata. ac. flagellum plumbum annexū in extremo habes. Botagas šikßnynis galy šwinu turis kießtenius” (Dic., 8, 102).

The source of this name is Polish kiescien, which in turn comes from the Turkic-Tatar languages; cf. Kazan Tatar kistān ‘club, cudgel, stick for churning butter’⁵⁰.

Lith. kiškóje ‘a lash, implement attached to a hare’s leg’ (LKŽd., V, 887) is < Lith. kiškis + koja ‘hare + leg’; cf. Lith. stirnakojis.

Lith. kliūbinis ‘a willow implement or switch for beating’, kliūbinis, kliūbinis (LKŽd., VI, 161): Lith. kliūbas ‘a switch for weaving; a twisted branch or switch for making a fence or tying something’. The source of Lith. kliūbas is Polish⁵¹; cf. Polish dialectal kluby ‘willow withes for binding logs into rafts’. The Polish word was in turn borrowed from German⁵².

Lith. kurklyš ‘lash, switch, whip’ is recorded in the academic Lithuanian Dictionary from only one source, namely, S. B. Chilinskis’s Bible (1660): “My father chastised you with whips, but I will chastise you with kurkliai” (Ch 2 Chr 10:14, LKŽd., VI, 955). This passage of the Bible is translated similarly in other, later Lithuanian Bible translations, but there the word kurkliais is matched by other Lith. synonyms for whip: with thorny scourges (Königsberg, 1816), with spiked whips (Kaunas, 1921).

The word kurklys is used with other meanings in old Lithuanian texts—‘small dove, turtle dove; scorpion’ (LKŽd., VI, 955). In the modern

⁴⁸ E. Fraenkel, Et. Wb., p. 478; P. Skardžius, Lietuvių kalbos žodžių daryba, p. 112, 224.

⁴⁹ K. Alminauskis, Die Germanismen des Litauischen, p. 57; E. Fraenkel, Et. Wb., p. 186

⁵⁰ F. Slawski, Sl. et., II, p. 175–176; M. Vasmer, Et. Wb., I, p. 562.

⁵¹ E. Fraenkel, Et. Wb., p. 273.

⁵² F. Slawski, Sl. et., II, p. 233–234.

5*

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The meaning ‘whip, lash’ of Lithuanian kurklys was used under the influence of the Latin biblical text. The Latin text of this biblical passage reads as follows: „…pater meus cecidit vos flagellis, ego vero caedam vos scorpionibus“. In Ecclesiastical Latin, the word scorpio is used with several meanings: “1. Scorpion, a poisonous insect (also as a constellation). 2. A war machine for hurling arrows. 3. A spiny sea fish (Apoc. 9, 5). 4. An instrument of torture: a whip with hooks (Quat. Coronat. 8. Nov.)”⁵³. Thus, instead of the fourth meaning of Latin scorpio, it was in fact the first meaning that entered the Lithuanian Bible translation, and Lithuanian kurklys acquired the new meaning ‘lash, whip’.

Lithuanian linkstinis ‘a flexible stick; a lash’ (LKŽd., VII, 546): Lithuanian linkti, lankstus, linkstis ‘a flexible pole for hanging a cradle; a spring.’

Lithuanian makãras ‘lash, whip, stick for beating’, mãkaras, mãkaras (LKŽd., VII, 771), makãiras (LKŽd., VII, 767), makõras (LKŽd., VII, 781) — may be explained in two ways. E. Frenkel relates it to Lithuanian mãkaluoti ‘to stir, wave, swing’, mãkaruoti and other Lithuanian cognates of mõti. Based solely on Lithuanian linguistic material, this explanation would raise no doubts. Unfortunately, a similar name for a whip is also found in Polish: makarami kilka wycięli, makarem kolejno weźmiecie (around 1700), gdy go z kolka makarym wychłostał (F. Bohomolecas, 1720–1784)⁵⁴.

A. Briukner explains that Polish makar in this meaning derives from the personal name Makar. In addition to the Polish name for a whip of personal-name origin, barbara, which we have already mentioned, A. Briukner notes that the Russian personal name Сергей (przydatku dam sergiejem po plecach, apie 1730 m.) is also used to mean ‘whip’.

Thus Lithuanian makãras could also have been borrowed from Polish. Later, by folk etymology, this name for a whip may also have become associated with the verbs mãkaruoti, mãkaruoti, makaruoti and others. Lithuanian mãkaras ‘a frivolous person, a scatterbrain, a fidget; someone who is constantly moving, squirming, and meddling everywhere’, mãkaris may be associated both with these verbs and with the name for a whip.

The Polish origin of Lithuanian makãras is called into question by the circumstance that Polish makar meaning ‘whip’ is used very narrowly: we find no such word at all in the major Polish dictionaries (those of S. B. Linde, J. Karłowicz, J. Karłowicz — A. Krymski — W. Niedźwiedzki, and W. Doroszewski). Thus the reverse direction of borrowing is also possible (in that case Polish makar should not be linked to a personal name). Of course, it is difficult to assert this without knowing the geographical distribution of Polish makar ‘whip’. A. Briukner’s source, F. Bohomolec, studied and worked in Vilnius for a long time, so the word could have entered his writings through local Polish from Lithuanian.

Lithuanian makãras may be an indigenous word, perhaps also supported by Lithuanian matãras, whose meanings and usage are remarkably similar to those of Lithuanian makãras.

Lithuanian mėtena ‘bullwhip, whip’ (Joniškis), mėtenas (Mažeikiai, Šatės), mėtamasis ‘belt, switch, or, in general, something used for beating’ (Šakyna, Vegeriai) are borrowings from Latvian; compare Latvian mėtamais ‘stick for beating’, Latvian mest ‘to throw, to beat’⁵⁵.

Lithuanian myžinis ‘lash, bullwhip’, myžinis (Kairiai, Pociūnėliai), myžeklės ‘instrument for beating, switch, lash, bullwhip’ (Grūžiai), myžeklinis (Skaudvilė), myžõklis (Gargždai): Lithuanian myžėklis ‘penis’, myžti ‘to urinate’; for the semantics, compare Lithuanian biž-

⁵³ A. Sleumer, Kirchenlateinisches Wörterbuch, Limburg a. d. Lahn, 1926, p. 703.

⁵⁴ A. Brückner, Sl. et., p. 15.

⁵⁵ A. Sabaliauskas, LKK, VIII, p. 104.

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balas, Latvian metamais ‘a stick for striking’; Latvian metamais ‘the male member’, Polish pyta ‘penis’: Polish pyta ‘short whip’, etc.

Lithuanian pavarõklis ‘whip’ (Rumšiškės): Lithuanian pavarýti.

Lithuanian rãpnykas ‘long whip with a short handle, scourge’ (Gizai, Kapsukas, Liudvinavas, Pandėlys, Raseiniai, Veiveriai), rãpningas (Višakio Rūda) is a borrowing from Polish; compare Polish harapnik ‘whip with a long lash’. The form rãpnikas arose within Lithuanian through the parallel use of the suffixes -inyka- and -ininka-.

From Polish, this name for an instrument of striking also entered some other Slavic languages; compare Russian арапник, Ukrainian гарапник, Belarusian арапнік, Czech harapnik.

In Polish, alongside the form harapnik, the forms harap and herap are also used; their original meaning was a hunters’ call to dogs when sending them to fetch prey. Polish herap (the form herab is also recorded), in the opinion of many scholars, derives from Upper German herab ‘down’⁵⁶. However, some meanings of the Polish word (‘prey, plunder’; compare Polish już po harapie ‘it’s all over now, too late’) prompt doubts about this explanation, and therefore F. Slawski may be right in arguing that some of the Polish word’s meanings would be readily explained if its source were taken to be Turkish harap ‘destruction, devastation, ravaging’⁵⁷.

Lithuanian rìm̃bas ‘whip, thick whip, rope end, whipcord, switch’ (Griškabūdis, Kapsukas, Merkinė, Naumiestis) is a word of Lithuanian origin, related to Lithuanian rem̃bti ‘to become lazy’, rémbėti ‘to become lazy; to harden, grow together’, rùmbas ‘scar (after a wound has healed or after being struck with something)’, rambùs ‘awkward, clumsy’⁵⁸.

Lithuanian stirmakojis ‘switch with a roe deer’s leg as its handle’, stirnakojis (Mažeikiai, Raseiniai, Rokiškis, Šiluva), stirninis (Dusetos, Kupiškis), stirninė (Baisogala), stirninas (Skrebotiškis), stirnõkas (G. H. F. Nesselmann, Wb., 502; F. Kuršaitis writes stirnõkas, while noting that he has not heard this word in living speech, Wb., 406) < Lithuanian stirna + koja. The uncompounded forms are probably more recent, having arisen from the compound form stirnakojis.

Lithuanian šmikis ‘whip’ (Klaipėda, Upyna); compare Lithuanian šmikis ‘the lash attached to the whip’ (Chr. Mielcke, Wb., I, 279; F. Kurschat, Wb., 391; G. H. F. Nesselmann, Wb., 528); ‘the tip of the cord attached to a whip, twisted from flax’ (Dovilai, Gaurė) is a borrowing from German; compare German Schmicke ‘end of the whipcord’⁵⁹.

The meaning ‘whip’ of Lithuanian šmikis arose within Lithuanian itself.

In Lithuanian dialects, the word šmikis is very widely used with the meaning ‘a s c o u n d r e l, a f o o l, an unserious person’. E. Fraenkel’s dictionary suggests that the Polish word smyk ‘lad, rascal’ may have influenced the emergence of this meaning. However, recalling the semantic development of names for whips and related concepts, the meaning ‘rascal’ could also have arisen in Lithuanian without any external influence.

Many names for driving and striking implements of various origins are characteristic only of Latvian:

Latvian ādainica ‘leather whip’, ādenica, ādunica (EM, I, 236; EH, I, 192); compare Latvian āda ‘the hide, leather’, Lithuanian óda.

⁵⁶ A. Brückner, Sl. et., p. 168; M. Vasmer, Et. Wb., I, p. 22.

⁵⁷ F. Slawski, Sl. et., I, p. 402–403.

⁵⁸ K. Būga, Rinktiniai raštai, II, p. 111; E. Fraenkel, Et. Wb., p. 696.

⁵⁹ K. Alminauskis, Die Germanismen des Litauischen, p. 130; E. Fraenkel, Et. Wb., p. 1013.

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Latv. atvītene ‘a whipcord braided back on itself; a Cossack whip’ (EH, I, 181), cf. Latv. atvīt ‘to unbraid, separate’.

Latv. baīce ‘a short, thick whip’, baīcene (EM, I, 249), in J. Endzelīns’s view, probably remodelled on German Peitsche (probably a reshaping of German Peitsche). For the relationship between initial b- and p-, cf. Latv. brusaks ‘the Prussian cockroach’, Latv. bakškis: Latv. pakš(k)is, Latv. bęka: Latv. pęka, Latv. bires: Latv. pires, Latv. blakts, Lithuanian blākė: Latv. plakts, and so on.⁶⁰

German Peitsche, in turn, is a loanword from Slavic (it is already attested in 14th-century German-language monuments)⁶¹.

Latv. bembele ‘a whip, especially a Gypsy whip’ (EM, I, 278), bèmbele ‘a cudgel (for striking)’ (EH, I, 212), cf. Latv. bèmbelis ‘a term of abuse (of people—small, ugly, pot-bellied children; animals—pot-bellied calves and horses; and stunted trees)’, bემბere ‘a short girl’, bemberis ‘a knotty tree; a crooked, poorly grown birch’, cf. also Lithuanian bimbìlas.

Latv. biktala ‘the Gypsy whip’ (EM, I, 295), biktiņš ‘a thrashing’, nùobiktalât ‘to thrash thoroughly’ may be of onomatopoeic origin; cf. Latv. bika, biku ‘interjection denoting a thrust or blow’, bikât kājas ‘to stamp one’s feet on the ground’ (EH, I, 218).

Latv. cùcine ‘a whip for herding pigs’ (EH, I, 280), cf. Latv. cūka ‘the pig’.

Latv. čūnčurs ‘a whip that is too short’ (EM, I, 421), cf. Latv. čūnčurs ‘something tangled, shaggy—a skein, a lump; someone who habitually dresses very warmly’, čūnčuris ‘someone whose work does not go well’, čūnčuriski ‘crooked’.

Latv. derža ‘a short whip, the handle of which is made from a goat’s or hare’s foot; a large whip, a Gypsy whip’ (EM, I, 458), in J. Endzelīns’s view (with a question mark), it originally meant a leather whip; cf. Lithuanian diržas.

Latv. dimbā ‘ox-hide whip’ probably should be connected with Latv. timbā ‘to do something slowly’ (nu timbā, timbā! is said to urge on a lazy, weak horse); ‘to carry with difficulty’, timbā ‘a fabric that is thicker than usual’.

Latvian diņķene ‘a riding whip made from an ox hide’, diņķavniea, diņķenice ‘an ox hide; a riding whip made from an ox hide’ (EH, I, 321), cf. Latvian diņķis ‘the male reproductive organ (especially of an ox)’ <Middle Low German dink ‘penis’.

Latvian dratka ‘a whip; a reprimand’ (EM, I, 491) should probably be connected with Latvian drāte ‘wire’ <Middle Low German drāt; cf. Latvian drātēt ‘to scold’, drātīt ‘to strike, beat’, drātējens ‘the reprimand=bäriens’ (EH, I, 331); cf. also Lithuanian dratinis.

Latv. dūrtēne ‘a thick, sharp riding whip; a beating’ (EM, I, 520): Latv. dūrt ‘to prick, thrust’, Lithuanian dūrti.

Latv. dzenamais ‘something with which one drives or herds, a stick, a whip, etc.’ (EM, I, 544): Latv. dzīt ‘to drive, chase’.

J. Endzelīns, Latvian Grammar, p. 251–252; V. Kiparsky, Scando-slavica, 14, p. 73–97.⁶⁰

F. Kluge, Et. Wb., p. 537.⁶¹

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Lat. džala ‘?’ (čigānam brenga džala BW. 33554, 6, EH, I, 365) is probably < Lat. džāndžala.

Lat. džāndžala ‘the gypsy whip’, džandala (EM, I, 563), džandželīte (EH, I, 365), džendžala (EM, I, 563), džendžele (EH, I, 365), džīndžala (EM, I, 564; EH, I, 365), džindžauska (EM, I, 564), džīndža ‘a willow or birch switch, or a whip’ (EH, I, 365); compare also džandžalāt ‘to beat’, džāndžalēt, džendžalāt, džindželēt, džindžuot, džindžalāt, džindžalēt, džindžināt ‘to swing the whip’, džindžalnieks ‘a gypsy’. These are probably words of sound-imitative origin; compare Lat. džindž ‘interjection denoting a clinking sound’, džindžēt ‘to ring’, džindžulis ‘a bad bell; a pocket watch’; compare also Lith. džendžioras.

Lat. elvete ‘a shepherd’s switch, a rod for beating’ (EM, I, 569); compare Lith. elvytōs ‘a birch pole for a swing’, alvytà ‘a twisted switch (willow)’, Lat. elvede ‘a young fir tree, as thick as an arm, whose thin end, turned into a klūga, is used to fasten rafts to the shore’, and perhaps also Pr. alodde ‘hasp=door hinge, by means of which the door is hung on its hinges’ (word 541 of the Elbing vocabulary)⁶².

Lat. ganeklis ‘the shepherd’s switch’ (EM, I, 599), ganenīca (EM, I, 600): Lat. gans ‘the shepherd’, ganīt ‘to tend, graze’.

Lat. grīndža ‘a gypsy whip’ (EH, I, 406) may at times have arisen by dissimilation from Lat. džindža.

Lat. kaltine ‘the thick leather Cossack whip’ (EM, II, 145): Lat. kalt ‘to forge; to beat; to shoe’.

Lat. kaūka ‘a gypsy whip’ (EM, II, 173): Lat. kāukt ‘to howl’; compare also Lat. kaūka ‘howling, storm wind; a noisy person, one who howls, a weepy person’.

Lat. kazāčene ‘the Cossack whip’ (EM, II, 183): Lat. kazāks ‘the Cossack’.

Lat. līcene ‘the whip’ (EM, II, 476) – J. Endzelīns connects it with Lat. līkt ‘to bend, become crooked, sink, buckle’.

Lat. liētēne ‘a short whip’ (EM, II, 507) – J. Endzelīns tentatively connected it with Lat. liēt ‘to pour; to strike, beat’. The connection is very plausible; compare Lith. liēt kam par galvu; liēt kam ar riksti pa pakauļ (EH, I, 757).

Lat. lūnte ‘the whip’, lūntaga (EM, II, 514) – a borrowing from German⁶³; compare German die Lunte ‘fuse, wick; tail (in hunters’ language)’. The form lūntaga probably arose on the model of pātaga.

Lat. luot̄ega ‘a whip; a switch, a stick, a large switch’ (EH, I, 768), luōtaga ‘the switch, something for beating (a rope, a whip)’ (EM, II, 528–9, EH, I, 768), lūtaga (?) ‘a flexible, pliant switch’ (EM, II, 520): Lat. luotāt ‘to beat’. These may perhaps also be peculiar Latvianized forms of Lat. lūntaga.

Lat. miseklis ‘a gypsy whip’ (EH, I, 818) should perhaps be connected with Lat. mizeklis ‘the urethra’, mizeknis ‘the male sexual organ (of stallions, bulls, rams)’, mislis ‘the male organ, especially of horses’; compare Lith. myžėklis. On the other hand, it is possible to connect Lat. miseklis with Lat. mizuot ‘to strike, beat, thrash’, whose basic meaning is ‘to strip bark, peel’ (compare Lat. misuot (?) = mizuot). For the semantic change in Lat. mizuot compare Lith.

⁶² K. Būga, Selected Writings, III, p. 429; E. Fraenkel, Et. Wb., p. 120–121; J. Endzelīns, Old Prussian Language, p. 140.

⁶³ J. Sehwers, Linguistic and Cultural-Historical Studies, p. 74.

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lūpti ‘to take off the bark, rind, shell’ → ‘to beat, to thrash someone’. However, the first explanation seems more plausible.

Lat. peizere ‘the whip’ (EM, III, 193; EH, I, 219), cf. Latvian pēizēt ‘to squander’, peizāt ‘to mock, to cause material damage’, peiza ‘thin beer’, peizeris ‘a frivolous, stupid person’, peizums ‘someone who makes a racket, raises a commotion’.

Lat. pempe ‘a short whip’ (EM, III, 199), cf. Latvian pempe ‘the short tail of pigs, the bobtail of horses’, pempele ‘a small, stout girl; a person of stocky build’ (EH, II, 222), pempis ‘the belly, a fat person’, pimpis ‘male member’. These words may be further connected with Latvian pempt, pampt and Lithuanian pañpti.

Lat. pička ‘a whip; a flexible rod’, pička (EM, III, 230)—a word found in old Latvian-language monuments (the writings of G. Mancelius, G. Elger, and J. Langius), and quite often in dialects as well. Its source is Low German pietske ‘whip’⁶⁴. Estonian piitsk also derives from Low German pietske.

Lat. pikene ‘an instrument for striking; a short (tarred) whip’ (EM, III, 214), the latter meaning would indicate that pikene originally meant a tar-smeared (“tarred,” Lat. pikis, Lith. pikis, Est. pikk <Middle Low German pik) whip; cf. also Latvian pjikenēt ‘to strike with a whip’.

Lat. pipa ‘the whip’ (EM, III, 221), pipka ‘the whip; a twisted cloth used for striking’ (EM, III, 222) are probably related to Latvian pipis ‘the corner, the tip of a grain sack; the male member’, pipiņš ‘a diminutive designation for the male member’, pipaste ‘a cow with a short tail’, cf. also Latvian pipāt ‘to whip’, and Latvian pipka ‘a drunkard, a tippler’.

Lat. pleņica ‘a flat leather whip’, pleņica, pleņice (EM, III, 336), plemiča ‘a whipping instrument from the days of serfdom’ (EH, II, 291) < is from Russian плетеница ‘plaited whip’: Russian плести (В. Даль, Сл., III, 123).

Lat. riņguotne ‘a kind of whip with a short handle’ (EM, III, 528), cf. Latvian riņgalts ‘the saddle girth, ring-girth’, ringuts < Low German Ringgurt⁶⁵.

Lat. sipsna ‘a strong switch, also—a strap for flogging (= siksna)’ (EM, III, 842). K. Būga connected it with Lithuanian šipulys, šipti⁶⁶; J. Endzelīns was inclined to connect it with Sanskrit śiphā ‘thin root, switch’ or śepáḥ ‘penis’. It seems to us that, if the meaning of the word sipsna is taken to be ‘a strap for flogging’, it could be explained as deriving from siksna (= Lithuanian šìkšna).

Lat. sislis ‘a stick, an instrument for striking in general’ (EM, III, 849): Latvian sist ‘to strike’.

Lat. sitamais ‘something used for striking, a club’ (EM, III, 849, 850): Latvian sist ‘to strike’.

Lat. skabene ‘something used for striking, = sitamais’ (EM, III, 863). J. Endzelīns is inclined to connect it with Latvian skabīt ‘to chop off branches, to cut back’, cf. Latvian atskabene ‘a worn-out bathhouse whisk’ (EM, I, 191).

Lat. strūpene ‘a herdsman’s staff’, strūpene (EM, III, 1098). J. Endzelīns is inclined to connect it with Latvian strupjs ‘short and blunt, cropped short’.

⁶⁴ J. Sehwers, Sprachlich-kulturhistorische Untersuchungen, p. 89.

⁶⁵ Ibid., p. 101.

⁶⁶ K. Būga, Rinktiniai raštai, I, p. 600, II, p. 316, 618.

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Lat. škęste ‘a (long) rod; a shepherd’s rod (with slender branches); a rod for a thatched roof’ (EM, IV, 29) is tentatively linked with Lithuanian sketerà ‘an animal’s back, hump; the bristles on a hump’, Russian щетина ‘bristles’⁶⁷.

Lat. škina ‘a rod, a shepherd’s rod, a thin and long pole, a fishing rod, a rod for a thatched roof’, škinaga ‘a shepherd’s rod, a long rod for making wisps or weaving baskets, a fishing rod’ (EM, IV, 41; EH, II, 636) J. Endzelynas is inclined to connect with Latvian škīt ‘to strip off leaves, strip off, pluck off’.

Lat. šmīkšenica ‘a rod or whip’ (EH, II, 649): Latvian šmīkstēt ‘to crack, clap, smack, whistle’ (cf. braucuot pātaga pa gaisu (gar ausīm) vien šmīks-tēja), šmīkšēt.

Lat. švaka ‘a rod, a flexible stick for striking’ (EM, IV, 113) is probably of sound-symbolic origin; cf. Latvian ledus saka: brika braka; zuobeniņi švika švaka (BW. 31971 var., EM, IV, 113).

Lat. vebikis ‘made of woven material’ (EM, IV, 514), cf. Latvian vebe ‘a finger-width band woven from cords’.

Lat. vembele ‘a rod; a thick rod; a short, thick rod for striking; a shepherd’s rod’, vembelis (EM, IV, 536), vembele ‘a shorter cudgel’ (EH, II, 770) is a borrowing from Finnic languages of the Baltic region; cf. Estonian vemmal (gen. vemble) ‘club, cudgel’, Finnish vempele⁶⁸.

Lat. zeliga ‘a mace; a whip with an iron knob’ (EM, IV, 704) should probably be connected with Latvian zelēt ‘to chew, beat’.

Lat. zipsna (also written with -b-) ‘a strong rod; the strap, a leather belt=siksna’ (EM, IV, 725), cf. also Latvian zipât ‘to strike’, zipene ‘a rod’, zipsnât ‘to strike’. Perhaps Latvian zipsna should be derived from Latvian sipsna, and the latter connected with Latvian siksna.

Lat. žebenica ‘a long shepherd’s rod’ (EM, IV, 799), cf. Latvian žebeklis ‘a branchy piece of wood, a branchy stick’, žābeklis ‘the little stick or thorns with which one fences in a young animal’s mouth so that it cannot suck’, which are further connected with Lithuanian žābas, žābōti⁶⁹.

One name for an instrument used for striking is also found in Old Prussian sources—the 315th entry in the Elbing Vocabulary, Brusgis Geysel. This word is written after the names for ropes and probably means ‘whip’. The origin of Old Prussian brusgis is quite unclear; probably, as R. Trautmann⁷⁰ and J. Endzelynas⁷¹ suggest, it should be connected with Lithuanian brūzgai ‘dense, sparse shrubs’, brūžgas ‘a twig, switch, branch’, bruzgōtas ‘a stick, branch’, brūzgulys ‘a stick; a loop with a toggle for tightening around a pig’s snout; a stick for tying bundles of straw’, etc. Accordingly, the original meaning of Old Prussian brusgis would have been ‘stick’; for the semantic parallel, cf. German die Geissel ‘whip’: Old Norse geisli ‘stick’⁷².

⁶⁷ K. Būga, Rinktiniai raštai, I, p. 599, II, 315, 617; E. Fraenkel, Et. Wb., p. 803–804; M. Vasmer, Et. Wb., III, p. 450–451.

⁶⁸ V. Thomsen, Beröringer mellem de finske og de baltiske (litauisk-lettiske) Sprog, p. 286.

⁶⁹ E. Fraenkel, Et. Wb., p. 1282–1283.

⁷⁰ R. Trautmann, Die altpreussischen Sprachdenkmäler, p. 314.

⁷¹ J. Endzelīns, Senprūšu valoda, p. 154.

⁷² F. Kluge, Et. Wb., p. 242.

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As we can see, the Baltic languages (Lithuanian and Latvian) have a great many names, in narrower or wider use, for implements used to drive or beat animals. A large proportion of these names entered the Baltic languages from Slavic languages (Lith. botagas, Latv. pātaga, Lith. bižūnas, Latv. bižūne, Lith. kančiūkas, Latv. kančūka, Lith. knūtas, Latv. knute, Lith. nagaika, Latv. naika, Lith. pastarānka, Latv. pastrunkis, Lith. pitka, Latv. pitka, Lith. pletnìa, Latv. pletne, Lith. barborā, Lith. kiestenius, Lith. rāpn ykas, Latv. plenica). Some of these Slavicisms may also have entered Latvian through Lithuanian. Among Latvian names for implements used for beating, we also find borrowings from German (Latv. baice, lunte, pīcka, ringuotne). They are almost absent in Lithuanian (Lith. šmikis).

The Baltic languages have quite a number of names for implements used for beating that are of sound-imitative origin (Lith. bimbilas, Lith. bindza, Lith. bričius, Lith. džendžioras, Lith. džiungāras, Latv. biktala, Latv. dañdala, Latv. džandžala, Latv. šmikšenica, Latv. švaka). There is a close semantic relationship between the names for implements used for beating and those for the membrum virile. Some names for implements used for beating are used in the sense ‘an unsuitable, frivolous person; a vagabond.’

ABBREVIATIONS

I

APh – Archivum Philologicum, I–VIII, Kaunas, 1930–1939.

B – Lexikon Germanico-Lithvanicum et Lithvanico-Germanicum, darinnen… von Jacobo Brodowskij (XVIII amž. pradžios rankraštis, du tomai).

BB – Beiträge zur Kunde der indogermanischen Sprachen, herausgegeben von A. Bezzenberger, I–XXX, Göttingen, 1877–1906.

E. Berneker, Et. Wb. – Slavisches etymologisches Wörterbuch, Heidelberg, 1908–1913.

BrB – Biblia tatai esti Wissas Schwentas Raschtas Lietuwischkai pergulditas per Janą Bretkuną Lietuwos Pleboną Karaliauczuię (1590 m. rankraštis).

BrP – Postilla tatai esti Trumpas ir Prastas Ischguldimas Euangeliu… Per Jana Bretkuna… Karaliauczuię… 1591.

A. Brückner, Sł. et. – Słownik etymologiczny języka polskiego, Kraków, 1927.

Bt. – S. Bythner, Naujas Testamentas… Karaliaučiuj’ Métu MDCCI.

C. D. Buck, Dic. – A Dictionary of Selected Synonyms in the Principal Indo-European Languages, Chicago, 1949.

C – Clavis Germanico-Lithuana, manuscript written between 1673 and 1701.

Ch – S. B. Chilinski, Biblio su didžiu dabojimu perguldita Lietuwos žmonėms…, išspaudsta Londone 1660 m.

Ch¹ – Biblia litewska Chylińskiego. Nowy Testament. Tom II – Tekst, Poznań, 1958.

В. Даль, Сл. – Толковый словарь живого великорусского языка, I–IV, Москва, 1955.

В. Добровольский, Сл. – Смоленский областной словарь, Смоленск, 1914.

DP – Postilla Catholicka… Per Kūnigą Mikalojiv Davkszą… Wilniui… 1599.

EH – J. Endzelīns un E. Hauzenberga, Papildinājumi un labojumi K. Mühlenbacha Latviešu valodas vārdnīcai, I–II, Rīgā, 1934–1946.

EM – K. Mühlenbach, Dictionary of the Latvian Language, edited, supplemented, and continued by J. Endzelīns, I–IV, Riga, 1923–1932.

E. Fraenkel, Et. Wb. – Lithuanian Etymological Dictionary, Heidelberg–Göttingen, 1955–1966.

Б. Д. Гринченко, Сл. – Словарь украинского языка, I–IV, Киев, 1907–1909.

J. Karłowicz, Sł. – Słownik gwar polskich, I–VI, Kraków, 1900–1911.

J. Karłowicz, A. Kryński i W. Niedźwiedzki, Sł. – Słownik języka polskiego, I–VIII, Warszawa, 1900–1927.

74

E. Klein, Et. Dic. – A Comprehensive Etymological Dictionary of the English Language, I–II, Amsterdam – London – New York, 1966–1967.

F. Kluge, Et. Wb. – Etymological Dictionary of the German Language, revised with the assistance of A. Schirmer by W. Mitzka, Berlin, 1957.

KN – Book of Christian Devotions… reprinted for the second time… Kėdainiai… 1653.

F. Kurschat, Wb. – Littauisch-deutsches Wörterbuch, Halle a. S., 1883.

F. Kurschat, Wb., I, II – Deutsch-littauisches Wörterbuch, I–II, Halle a. S., 1870–1874.

KZ – Journal of Comparative Linguistic Research in the Field of Indo-European Languages, founded by A. Kuhn, I–XXVIII, Berlin, 1852–1885; XXVIII–XL, Gütersloh, 1887–1907; XLI et seq., Göttingen, 1907 et seq.

J. Langija Vrd. – E. Blese, Nīcas un Bārtas mācītāja Jāņa Langija 1685. gada latviski – vāciski vārdnīca ar īsu latviešu gramatiku, Rīgā, 1936.

LKK – Issues in Lithuanian Linguistics, Vilnius, 1957 et seq.

LKŽd. – Dictionary of the Lithuanian Language, I, ed. J. Balčikonis, Vilnius, 1941; II, ed. J. Balčikonis, Kaunas, 1947; III–V, managing editor K. Ulvydas, Vilnius, 1956–1959; VI–VII, managing editor J. Kruopas, Vilnius, 1962–1966; I, 2nd ed., managing editor J. Kruopas, Vilnius, 1968.

K. Lokotsch, Wb. – Etymological Dictionary of European (Germanic, Romance, and Slavic) Words of Oriental Origin, Heidelberg, 1927.

LP – Lingua Posnaniensis, Poznań, 1949 et seq.

V. Machek, Et. sl. – Etymologický slovník jazyka českého a slovenského, Praha, 1957.

M. Mayrhofer, Et. Wb. – Concise Etymological Dictionary of Old Indic, I–III, Heidelberg, 1956 et seq.

G. Manceli̇s, Lettus – Lettus, That Is, a Dictionary, Together with the Daily Use of the Latvian Language, Part One, Riga… M.DC.XXXVIII.

Chr. Mielcke, Wb. – Lithuanian-German and German-Lithuanian Dictionary…, Königsberg, 1800.

MP – Lithuanian Postil… printed in Vilnius by Jokubas Morkūnas… in the year… 1600.

Mž – Mažvydas. The Oldest Monuments of the Lithuanian Language up to 1570, prepared for publication by J. Gerullis, Kaunas, 1922.

G. H. F. Nesselmann, Wb. – Wörterbuch der Littauischen Sprache, Königsberg, 1851.

И. И. Носович, Сл. – Словарь белорусского наречия, Санктпетербург, 1870.

И. Я. Павловский, Р.-н. сл. – Русско-немецкий словарь, Рига, 1900.

J. Pokorny, Et. Wb. – Indo-European Etymological Dictionary, I, Bern and Munich, 1959.

А. Преображенский, Эт. сл. – Этимологический словарь русского языка, Москва, 1910 – 1914.

P. Ruhig, Lex. – Lithuanian-German and German-Lithuanian Dictionary, Königsberg, 1747.

F. Sławski, Sł. et. – Słownik etymologiczny języka polskiego, I–II, Kraków, 1952–1965.

SP – Šȳrwyds Punktay sakimu… Teil I: 1629. Teil II: 1644… herausgeg. von F. Specht, Göttingen, 1929.

StB – Baltic Studies, Rome, 1931 ff.

C. Szirwyd – Dictionary of Three Languages… Fifth Edition… Vilnius… M.DCC.XLII.

Н. М. Шанский, Эт. сл. – Этимологический словарь русского языка, I, Москва, 1963–1968.

M. Vasmer, Et. Wb. – Russisches etymologisches Wörterbuch, I–III, Heidelberg, 1953–1958.

A. Walde, Et. Wb. – Latin Etymological Dictionary, I–II, Heidelberg, 1938–1954

II

Irish – Irish

Av. – of Avestan

Afgh. – Afghan

Belor. – Belarusian

Alb. – Albanian

Bulgar. – Bulgarian

Engl. – English

Croat. – Croatian

Arm. – Armenian

Czech – Czech

Aukšt. – Aukštaitian

dial. – dialectal

75

est. — Estonian germ. — Germanic got. — Gothic gr. — Greek het. — Hittite ide. — Indo-European isl. — Icelandic isp. — Spanish karel. — Karelian kaš. — Kashubian lat. — Latvian lenk. — Polish liet. — Lithuanian lyv. — Livonian lot. — Latin lūž. — Lusatian n. — New Persian pr. — Prussian

pranc. — French rus. — Russian sen. — Old serb. — Serbian serb.-chorv. — Serbo-Croatian skand. — Scandinavian skr. — Sanskrit slav. — Slavic slov. — Slovenian slovk. — Slovak suom. — Finnish tarm. — dialectal tot. — Tatar ukr. — Ukrainian veps. — Vepsian vid. — Middle German vok. — German žem. — Samogitian

FROM THE HISTORY OF LIVESTOCK-BREEDING TERMINOLOGY IN THE BALTIC LANGUAGES

А. САБАЛЯУСКАС

Summary

Names for a herd. There are very many names for a herd in the Baltic languages, especially Lithuanian: Lithuanian — bandā, kaimenė, guotas, kėltuva, pėkus, gyvuliai, gyvis, goniava, gonā, gardas, stōdas, armuo, gaibjė, pūlkas, tabūnas; Latvian — luopi, bars, ganeklis, pulis, and others. Most often these are old words of Baltic origin.

Lithuanian bandā is of particular interest; in Lithuanian dialects and written sources it is used with the following meanings: ‘herd’, ‘grain (also flax) sown for themselves by a farmhand, a farmer’s son, or a younger brother’, ‘land where bandā has been sown’, ‘payment in kind supplementing a farmhand’s wages’, ‘a farmhand’s wages in kind’, ‘benefit, property, possessions, ownership, money’, ‘loaf’. Originally, Lithuanian bandā probably meant ‘animal’, and the other, newer meanings gradually developed from this. Lithuanian bandā is attested in documents written in languages other than Lithuanian even before the appearance of Lithuanian written sources. With various meanings, this word entered Latvian as well as Slavic languages. In Slavic languages it also occurs with meanings unknown in Lithuanian: for example, in Belarusian and Ukrainian dialects, the word бонда is used to mean ‘a cow intended as a bride’s dowry’. Some Old Prussian place names and personal names seem to indicate that a word corresponding to Lithuanian bandā once existed in Old Prussian as well. Many scholars connect Lithuanian bandā with Indo-European *bhendh- ‘to bind’. However, the semantic aspect of this etymology raises some doubts.

Lithuanian kaimenė ‘herd’ should be connected with Lithuanian káimas ‘village, settlement’. It is interesting to note that the geographical distribution of these words also broadly coincides.

Lithuanian guotas ‘herd’ is of very unclear origin. Its connection with Lithuanian gan- jā ‘gang, band, pack’, with góvėda ‘rabble, crowd’, or with Indo-European *guou- ‘cattle; livestock’ is highly hypothetical.

Lithuanian kėltuva ‘animal; livestock’ is also used in the eastern Lithuanian dialects to mean ‘herd’. It was used in this sense in early written sources as well. Lithuanian kėltuva: Lithuanian kėlti ‘to raise’.

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Lithuanian rėkus originally also meant ‘livestock; cattle’, but in ancient written sources, and sometimes in dialects, this word is used in the sense ‘herd’.

Of particular interest is the fact that Lithuanian gyvuliai ‘livestock, herd’ forms a fairly compact area with Belarusian жывіла and Polish zwierzęta. It is possible that Belarusian жывіла acquired this meaning under the influence of Lithuanian gyvuliai. In ancient written sources, as well as in Lithuanian enclaves within Belarusian territory, the word gyvis is used in the sense ‘herd’. Both these terms for ‘herd’ are inseparable from Indo-European *gʷi- (Lithuanian gy-, Slavic ži-).

Lithuanian gōniava ‘herd’, gonà: Lithuanian ginti ‘to drive’.

Lithuanian gardas is used in the sense ‘herd’ only in ancient written sources. The word’s original meaning is ‘enclosure, fenced place; pen’. The meaning ‘herd’ developed from this sense.

Lithuanian stodas, tabūnas, pulkas (Latvian pulks) are borrowings from Slavic languages.

Lithuanian artimo ‘herd’ is attested only in the Bible translation made by A. Baranauskas, where it arose under the influence of Latin armentum ‘large livestock; herd, drove’.

Lithuanian gaibje was first recorded in a seventeenth-century handwritten dictionary. From there it entered J. Brodowski’s handwritten dictionary, and from there into F. Nesselmann’s dictionary. However, the structure of this word indicates that it is not an authentic fact of the Lithuanian language.

Latvian lūpri ‘herd’: Latvian lūprs ‘livestock, animal’ (cf. Albanian lopē ‘cow’).

Latvian bars ‘herd, drove, pack’: Latvian bērt ‘to pour, scatter’, Lithuanian berti, Lithuanian bāras ‘plot, strip’.

Latvian ganeklis ‘herd’: Latvian ganīt ‘to herd’, Lithuanian ganyti.

Latvian pulis acquired the meaning ‘herd’ from the sense ‘heap, multitude, crowd’. In Baltic terms for ‘herd’, the semantic development ‘multitude, crowd’→‘herd’, ‘animal; livestock’→‘herd’ is quite common.

Names for shepherds. Lithuanian has preserved the ancient Indo-European term for ‘shepherd’—piėtuō (cf. Ancient Greek ποιμήν, etc.). This term for ‘shepherd’ was probably also used in Old Prussian and Latvian. The Baltic term for ‘shepherd’ entered the Baltic-Finnic languages; cf. Finnish paimen ‘shepherd’, etc.

In Lithuanian and Latvian, terms for ‘shepherd’ are used that derive from Lithuanian ganyti ‘to herd’, Latvian ganīt. These words should in turn be connected with Lithuanian ginti ‘to drive’, Latvian dzīt, Russian гнать ‘to drive’, etc.

In Lithuanian we find a whole series of terms derived from the corresponding names of domestic animals; cf. arklininkas ‘horse herder’: Lithuanian arklys ‘horse’, avinininkas ‘shepherd’: Lithuanian avis ‘sheep’, jautininkas ‘herder of bulls’: Lithuanian jautis ‘bull, ox’, karvišius ‘cowherd’, kārvinininkas: Lithuanian kārvė ‘cow’, etc.

Lithuanian avčiorius ‘shepherd’, < Polish owczarz.

Latvian shepherd ‘shepherd’ < German shepherd.

In Lithuanian we find several names for the chief herdsman. The names kerėdžius and skerdžius are used most often (with an additional s, cf. Lithuanian kregždė ‘swallow’; skregždė, keterà ‘crest of the neck’: sketerà, etc.). This name for the chief herdsman has a reliable etymology: it is related to Indo-European *kerdh- ‘turn, row; herd’. In Old Prussian, a word of this root is preserved: kērdan (accusative singular) ‘time’. In ancient times, this word, meaning ‘turn, layer’, apparently occurred in all the Baltic languages. This is attested by Finnish kerta ‘layer, stratum; time, once’, borrowed from the Baltic languages. Lithuanian kerėdžius, skerdžius occurs fairly often in Russian, Belarusian, and Polish documents concerning Lithuania.

Semantically very close to Lithuanian kerėdžius, skerdžius is Lithuanian dienìnis ‘chief herdsman’ (: Lithuanian dienà ‘day’). This name is used only in a small area of the eastern Lithuanian dialects.

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Lithuanian viršininkas ‘chief herdsman’: Lithuanian viršus ‘top’. At the end of the nineteenth century, the Lithuanian linguist J. Jablonskis (1860–1930) introduced this word into the literary language, assigning it a new meaning, ‘chief’.

Lithuanian bandìlis ‘chief herdsman’, bandìžius, bandìnis: Lithuanian banda ‘herd’.

In linguistic literature, Lithuanian tvarklas has been used in the sense ‘herdsman’ since the time of A. Bezzenberger. This word is also given with that meaning in E. Fraenkel’s etymological dictionary of the Lithuanian language. A. Bezzenberger took the word tvarklas from the manuscript of the Bretkūnas Bible translation. However, as we have managed to establish, tvarklas entered linguistic literature with the meaning ‘herdsman’ through a misunderstanding. As is evident from the German edition of the Bible of 1549, the phrase “und wie ein Herd on hirten” was incorrectly interpreted. In this phrase, the word hirten corresponds to German Hürde. Consequently, Bretkūnas’s tvarklas in this phrase is used not in the sense ‘herdsman’ but in the sense ‘pen’.

Lithuanian pastýrius ‘chief herdsman’, pulkavnykas, and most probably ustòvas as well, are borrowings from Slavic languages.

In Lithuanian we also find a number of names for special assistants to the chief herdsman — paganìkas, pàganas: Lithuanian ganýti ‘to graze’, pavarininkas, pavarinis: Lithuanian varyti ‘to drive’, pirmininkas: Lithuanian pìrmas ‘first’, šalininkas: Lithuanian šalis ‘country’.

Names for barns. In the Baltic languages we find quite a number of names for barns of various origins.

In Lithuanian, the most widespread name is tvártas. The original meaning of this word is ‘enclosed place’. The word occurs with this meaning in early Lithuanian writings, as well as in dictionaries of the Lithuanian language from the former East Prussia. Lithuanian tvártas ‘barn’: Lithuanian tvérti ‘to enclose’. Old Prussian coaris (toaris) should apparently also be associated with Lithuanian tvártas.

Lithuanian gùrbas is used in the sense ‘barn’ in some eastern Lithuanian dialects. Lithuanian gùrbas is attested with this meaning as early as K. Širvydas’s dictionary (edition of 1629). In general, this word has a great many meanings in Lithuanian dialects: ‘basket, wickerwork’, ‘upper part of a wagon, woven from twigs’, ‘manger (for livestock)’, ‘cage for domestic birds’, ‘nest’, ‘kennel’, ‘separate part of a barn (for sheep, piglets)’, ‘farmyard; enclosure’, ‘cage for animals’, ‘a special kind of beehive covered with straw’, etc. The origin of Lithuanian gùrbas has not been definitively established. It seems to us that, to determine the origin of this word, its meanings must be distinguished. Lithuanian gùrbas ‘barn’, used in eastern Lithuania, is an inherited Baltic word, whereas gùrbas ‘basket, wickerwork’, used most often in western Lithuania, as well as other meanings closely related to gùrbas ‘basket, wickerwork’, entered Lithuanian from German. Latvian gùrba, gùrbs is not used in the sense ‘barn’. It is possible that this word entered Latvian from Lithuanian.

Lithuanian kùtė ‘barn’ is used in the northern part of Lithuania. The form kùts is widely used in Latvian. The origin of this word is a very complex question. J. Endzelīns was probably right in suggesting that Lithuanian kùtė may be a borrowing from Latvian. The geographical distribution of the Lithuanian word also points to this possibility. The older form of Latvian kùts may have been *kunt, in which case this name for a barn could probably be linked to Russian кут ‘corner, nook; end or tip of a dead-end passage; corner of a peasant’s house, corner by the door’, Ukrainian кут ‘corner, pigsty’, and so on.

Lithuanian stalùdas, Latvian stallis, and Old Prussian staldìs are borrowings from German (cf. Low German stall). E. Fraenkel also associated Lithuanian Samogitian stalnė, stalnėlė with these names for a barn. It seems to us, however, that Lithuanian stalnė, stalnėlė should be linked not with Lithuanian staldas, but with Lithuanian stainė ‘stable’, stainėlė (for the phonetics, cf. Lithuanian kùinas ‘nag’: Lithuanian kùlnas ‘nag’). Our hypothesis is particularly supported by the texts of Lithuanian folk songs, where the use of the forms stalnė and stainė almost completely coincides.

Lithuanian pìlė ‘barn’ is used in a small part of eastern Lithuania. The word already occurs with this meaning in K. Širvydas’s dictionary (edition of 1642). Lithuanian pìlė is also used in the meanings ‘burrow, cave; tent, hut, booth’. In Lithuanian

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In inventories written in Russian, Polish, and Belarusian, Lithuanian pūnia is most often used in the sense ‘a building for harvested grain, hay, or straw’. Latvian pūne, pūnis is used in similar senses. Latvian pūnis is already found in H. Mantzel’s dictionary (1638). The origin of this word is very unclear. Some researchers believe that the word was borrowed by the Balts from Slavic languages, while others take the opposite view, maintaining that it entered the Slavic languages from the Baltic languages. It seems to us that the latter view is more plausible.

Lithuanian pãtas is used in the sense ‘cattle shed’ in a small area in central Lithuania. The word pãmas is also found in this sense in K. Širvydas’s dictionary (edition of 1642). It is also used in a similar sense in Lithuanian inventories written in Polish, Belarusian, and Latin. Latvian pams is not used in the sense ‘cattle shed’, although some meanings of this word are very close to that meaning. The original meaning of the Latvian word pams is ‘a building containing a structure for heating and cooking’. At present, both Lithuanian pãmas and Latvian pams are used most often in the sense ‘house’.

Latvian laidars is used in the sense ‘cattle shed’ in the western part of Latvia. The original meaning of Latvian laidars and Lithuanian laidaras was ‘enclosure’. The meaning ‘cattle shed’ developed from this. Lithuanian laidaras, Latvian laidars: Lithuanian leisti ‘to let go, let loose’, Latvian laist.

Lithuanian dāngtis is used in the sense ‘cattle shed’ only in a small part of central Lithuania. The word is also found in this sense in some monuments of ancient writing. The principal meaning of Lithuanian dāngtis is ‘lid, cover; roof’. The meaning ‘cattle shed’ developed from the latter. Lithuanian dāngtis: Lithuanian dengti ‘to roof, cover, put a cover over’.

Lithuanian kūginys is used in the sense ‘cattle shed’ only in a small group of eastern dialects. The word is already found in the sense ‘cattle shed’ in the works of M. Daukša. Lithuanian kūginys ‘cattle shed’: Lithuanian kūgis ‘haystack; pile’, with regard to the semantics compare Latvian gubenis ‘hay barn, hay shed’: Latvian guba ‘haystack; heap’, Lithuanian gubà ‘haystack’.

Lithuanian abarės is used in the sense ‘cattle shed’ in a very small area of central Lithuania. This word was borrowed from Polish; compare Polish obora.

Latvian klēvs ‘cattle shed’ is used in the eastern part of Latvia. It is already attested in ancient Latvian writing. The word entered Latvian from Slavic languages; compare Russian хлев, Belarusian хлеў, Polish chlew.

In the Baltic languages, we find quite a number of names for livestock buildings intended for particular kinds of animals.

Lithuanian arklidė ‘stable’, arklinis, arkline, arklininkas, arkliņykas, arkliņykė: Lithuanian arklys ‘horse’.

Lithuanian stainia ‘stable’, stajnė, stainis, staininė < Polish stajnia; Lithuanian stonià < Polish stania.

Lithuanian strājė ‘stable’ < German Streu ‘bedding, straw’.

Lithuanian kaniūšnia, kaniūškė, kaniūškė was borrowed from Slavic languages; compare Belarusian канюшня, and others.

Lithuanian kiaulidė ‘pigsty’, kiaulininkas, kiaulinykas, kiaulinis, kiaulinys, kiaulinė, kiaulinčius, kiaulinyčia: Lithuanian kiaulė ‘pig’.

Lithuanian migìs ‘pigsty’, migėlis; compare Lithuanian migìs ‘lair’: Lithuanian miegoti ‘to sleep’.

Литовск. svinárnykas < белорусск. сві́нарнік.

Old Prussian seweynis ‘pigsty’; Old Prussian swintian ‘pig’, Latvian sivens.

Lithuanian avidė ‘sheepfold’, avininkas, avinynkas, avinykė, avinė, avikinė, avikinis, avikė, avinyčia: Lithuanian avis ‘sheep’.

Lithuanian karvidė ‘cow barn’, karvininkas, karvinykas, karvininkė, karvinis, karvinys: Lithuanian kárvė ‘cow’.

Names of implements used to urge animals on. In the Baltic languages, we find very many names for the whip, lash, and riding crop. Many names for these imple-

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ments entered the Baltic languages from neighboring Slavic languages. Let us give some of the more characteristic names.

Lithuanian botāgas ‘whip’, Latvian pātaga, pārtaga < Belarusian батог, compare also Old Russian batogъ.

Lithuanian bizi̇̀nas ‘lash, riding crop’, Latvian bizūne < Polish bizun or Belarusian бізун.

Latvian dāidala ‘Gypsy whip’, dandara is most likely of onomatopoeic origin. From Latvian, this word entered Lithuanian; compare Lithuanian daīd aras ‘whip with knots’.

Lithuanian kančiukas ‘lash, riding crop’, Latvian kančuka < Belarusian канчук or Polish kańczuk.

Lithuanian karbāčius, Latvian karbāča may have been borrowed from either German or the Slavic languages; compare German Karbatsch, Polish korbacz.

Lithuanian knūtas, Latvian knute < Russian кнут or Polish knut.

Lithuanian matāras ‘whip, rope, stick, switch’; Lithuanian mėsti ‘to throw, cast, shuttle’. Latvian matars was most likely borrowed from Russian.

Lithuanian nagāika, nāika was borrowed from the Slavic languages; compare Russian нагайка, Belarusian нагаіка. Latvian paika, paikas may have been borrowed from either Lithuanian or the Slavic languages.

Lithuanian pastarānka ‘thick whip twisted from several ropes’, pastrānka < Russian посторонка, Polish postronek. Latvian pastrunkis was most likely borrowed from the eastern dialects of Lithuanian.

Lithuanian pitkā ‘short whip, riding crop’, Latvian pitka < Polish pytka.

Lithuanian pletniā ‘lash’, Latvian pletne < Polish plełnia.

Lithuanian vytinis ‘plaited whip’, Latvian vitine: Lithuanian vyti ‘to twist, twine’, Latvian vit. The possibility cannot be ruled out that this word entered Latvian from Lithuanian.

Lithuanian ákstinas ‘a pointed stick used to drive animals’: Lithuanian ákstinas ‘thorn’, akstis. In its semantic development, this Lithuanian word closely resembles Latin stimulus; cf. Latin stimulus ‘a pointed stick used to drive animals’: Latin stimulus ‘stimulus, inducement, encouragement’, Lithuanian ákstinas ‘a pointed stick’: Lithuanian ákstinas ‘inducement, stimulus, impulse’.

Lithuanian barbora ‘such a stick, a leather whip, a rope for tying rafts’ ≤ Polish barbara.

Lithuanian bimbilas ‘whip’, bimbiras: Lithuanian bimti ‘to buzz’.

Lithuanian bindza, bendže ‘whip’ is of onomatopoeic origin.

Lithuanian bričius ‘whip, lash’ is of onomatopoeic origin.

Lithuanian džāla ‘lash, whip’ is of onomatopoeic origin or borrowed from Latvian.

Lithuanian džīolas ‘lash, whip’ is of onomatopoeic origin.

Lithuanian glỹs ‘a pointed stick used to drive animals’: Lithuanian gylys ‘sting’, gilt ‘to sting’.

Lithuanian gīngīras ‘lash’ is most likely of onomatopoeic origin.

Lithuanian įnagis ‘whip, lash’: Lithuanian įnagis ‘implement, tool’, nāgas ‘nail; claw’, nagingas ‘skilled, dexterous’.

Lithuanian ūpas ‘woven whip, lash’: Lithuanian ūpas ‘blow’ < German Hieb.

Lithuanian kiestienius ‘leather whip with a piece of lead or iron at the end’ < Polish kiescień.

Lithuanian kurklys ‘lash’ is attested only in S. B. Chilinski’s translation of the Bible (1660). In ancient Lithuanian writings, kurklys denotes ‘scorpion’. As the Latin text of the Bible shows, Chilinski translated Latin scorpio as kurklys, but Latin scorpio means not only ‘scorpion’ but also ‘special whip’; thus, owing to Chilinski’s error, Lithuanian kurklys acquired a new meaning.

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Lithuanian makāras ‘whip, stick’ — either an inherited Lithuanian word (: makaruoti ‘to wave, to swing’), or borrowed from Polish.

Lithuanian mētena ‘whip, lash’ — borrowed from Latvian.

Lithuanian myžinis ‘whip’, myžeklis: Lithuanian myžeklis ‘penis’, myžti ‘to urinate’.

Lithuanian rāpnykas ‘whip, riding whip’ < Polish harapnik.

Lithuanian rīm̄bas ‘whip’: Lithuanian rēmbėti ‘to harden; to scar over; to become lazy’, rambus ‘lazy’.

Lithuanian stīrnakojis ‘riding crop, whip’ < stirna ‘roe deer’ + kōja ‘leg’.

Latvian dadainīca ‘leather whip’: Latvian dada ‘skin, hide’.

Latvian baice ‘short whip’ > German Peitsche.

Latvian bembele ‘whip’: Latvian bēmbelis ‘an insulting word (of pot-bellied people or animals)’.

Latvian biktala ‘Gypsy whip’ — of onomatopoeic origin.

Latvian diņķene ‘whip’: Latvian diņķis ‘penis (most often a bull’s)’ < German dink ‘penis’.

Latvian dūrtēne ‘switch, whip’: Latvian durt ‘to prick’.

Latvian dzārdžala ‘Gypsy whip’ — most likely of onomatopoeic origin.

Latvian kaltine ‘whip’: Latvian kalt ‘to forge; to pound’.

Latvian kazācene ‘Cossack whip’: Latvian kazāks ‘Cossack’.

Latvian liētene ‘short whip’: Latvian liēt ‘to pour; to strike’.

Latvian lunte ‘whip’ < German Lunte.

Latvian pempe ‘short whip’: Latvian pempe ‘short tail’.

Latvian piska ‘whip’ < German pietsке ‘Peitsche’.

Latvian piķene ‘whip’: Latvian piķis ‘tar, pitch’ < German pik.

Latvian plenīca ‘leather whip’ < Russian пленица.

Old Prussian brūzgās ‘whip’ should most likely be connected with Lithuanian brūzgas ‘brushwood, rod’.

As we can see, Baltic languages have quite a number of names for the whip of onomatopoeic origin. There is a fairly close semantic connection between names for the whip (lash) and names for membrum virile. A considerable number of names for the whip (lash) are also used in the sense ‘scoundrel, idler, vagabond’.

This part of animal-husbandry terminology points to fairly close connections between the Baltic and Slavic languages.

6. Iš lietuvių leksikologijos ir leksikografijos