LIETUVIŲ KALBOS GRAMATIKOS TYRINĖJIMAI LIETUVOS TSR MOKSLŲ AKADEMIJA

NOUN IN THE ZIETELA DIALECT

A. VIDUGIRIS

Zietela is the place farthest south of the Lithuanian SSR border where people who have retained the ability to speak Lithuanian have lived since ancient times. In 1957, more than 40 people in the vicinity of Zietela still spoke Lithuanian more or less well, most of them elderly. Most were born in the village of Zasečiai, and only two in Pagiriai. Over a period of 10 years (up to 1967), the number of Lithuanian speakers in the Zietela area fell by more than half: most died, and several moved away—two went to the Polish People’s Republic and one to the Ukrainian SSR. In 1962, both of the last elderly women born in the village of Pagiriai who spoke Lithuanian well died. Moreover, some of the elderly people still living there reside far from one another and have no one to speak Lithuanian with, so they have largely forgotten the language. Thus, there are now fewer than ten competent speakers of this dialect.

Because of its isolated position over many centuries, the Lithuanian dialect of Zietela is of great importance to linguistics, both for the archaic features it has preserved and for the newer features it has developed. Interest in this dialect therefore arose more than eighty years ago. It was studied by E. Volteris, K. Būga, J. Rozvadovskis, P. Aruma, Chr. Stang, J. Gerulis, E. Frenkelis, and others.¹ Considerable material is also presented in Z. Zinkevičius’s “Lietuvių dialektologija” (Vilnius, 1966). However, the works of all the linguists mentioned provide mostly isolated important data about this dialect, but do not give a complete picture of it.

In an effort to fill this gap at least in part, the author specifically investigated the phonetics and morphology of the Zietela dialect in 1957–1960. Some of this research has already been published.²

Presented here is a description of the noun in the Zietela dialect. In addition to inflection, it examines in greater detail for the first time the formation of nouns in this dialect. The illustrative material has been supplemented with a few examples recorded later, mostly in 1962–1967.

WORD FORMATION

§ 1. In the Zietela dialect, suffixal derivatives make up the largest group of derived nouns, while very few compounds or derivatives formed with prefixes or endings have been recorded.

Suffixal derivatives

§ 2. Suffixal derivatives are divided into certain semantic groups. The derivatives in each such group are reviewed not in alphabetical order, but according to the abundance of suffixal derivatives, as in “The Grammar of the Lithuanian Language”³.

¹ See “Questions of Lithuanian Linguistics” (hereafter LKK), vol. 2, Vilnius, 1959, pp. 239 ff.

² On the pronoun, see LKK, vol. 3, pp. 113—131; on the formation of verbs with the suffixes -inėti, -dinėti, see MAD, A, vol. 2(11), pp. 219—231. For a few notes on the dialect’s phonetics, see LKK, vol. 2, pp. 195 ff.

³ See Institute of the Lithuanian Language and Literature of the Academy of Sciences of the Lithuanian SSR, The Grammar of the Lithuanian Language, vol. 1, Vilnius, 1965, pp. 251—473.

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Diminutives

§ 3. The meanings of diminutive, endearing, augmentative, and pejorative suffixal derivatives are the same as in the standard language. In this article, the diminutive and endearing meanings of derivatives are not differentiated; only derivatives with augmentative or pejorative meanings are distinguished. Words that no longer have a diminutive-endearing meaning are also discussed separately.

§ 4. -ėlis, -ė. The suffix -elis, -ė (pronounced -alis, -ė after hardened consonants) is one of the most productive. Derivatives with this suffix are generally formed from disyllabic nouns denoting objects, plants, animals, persons, parts of the human (or animal) body, etc., e.g.: akėlės⁴, bandėlė, bernėlis, beržālis ~ beržėlis, burnėlė, dalgėlė, daržālis ~ daržėlis, dāubėlė || duᵒbėlė, drāugėlis, duᵒnėlė, galvėlė, girālė ~ girėlė, giẽsmėlė, graštālis, kalnėlis, kampālis, kartėlė, kelālis ~ kelėlis, kojālės, kruᵛvėlė, kuᵒlālis ~ kuolėlis, lamptėlė “board,” lankėlis, liẽpālis “little linden” (cf. liẽpas “linden”) lovālis, mergėlė, piᵛvėlė, pirkėlė, plostālis “little raft,” ragālės “little sled” (cf. rāgos “sled”), rankėlė, ratālis, sodālis, stalālis ~ stalėlis; suᵛnėlis, šākėlė, širādėlė, tvarṭėlis, uᵒgėlė, upālė (rarely upālis), vaikālis, vartālei, virvėlė, žagrāle ~ žagrėlė, žirgėlis, žmოგėlis.

Besides Lithuanian derivatives, there are also quite a few hybrids, e.g.: bočālis “daddy,” chmorālė “little cloud,” grušālė “little pear,” kapālė “little heap,” katkālė “little flying saucer,” klėtkālė “little cage,” kliⁿnėlis “little wedge,” kruᵛkėlis “little hook,” kšonškālė “little book,” kupkālės “little pot,” kurᵛkālė “little pile,” kvietkālė “little flower,” kvosālis “little path,” loznālė “little willow,” mastālis “little bridge,” skuᵛlāle “little hole,” skuᵛrāle ~ skūrėlė, trubālė “little pipe,” tbnālėlis “little fence of barrels,” verbālė “little willow herb,” vesālė “little village.”

In some derivatives with this suffix, the diminutive or endearing meaning has faded; a few have a special meaning, e.g.: bobālė “a tool for sharpening a scythe; plantain (a plant),” kuᵒjālis “hammer,” kuᵒdėlis, vadāles, važālis “crawfish,” višālėlis “chick.”

Proper nouns formed with this suffix have usually also lost the diminutive or endearing meaning, e.g. place-names Trakėliai “a field in Zasečiai village”; surnames and nicknames Bagd(z)ėlis, Cigėlis, Dargėlis, Gaidėlis, Ponėlis, Trainėlis, Vaškėlis, Žukėlis (Zasečiai village), Černėlis (Kurpešiai village); cf. the Slavicized names and surnames (patronymics?) of the 16th century Юкрель, Ккрель, as well as Стулькрелевич (Stulg-el-evičius) (Pagiriai village), Григелевичъ (Naričiai village), Бонелевичъ, Бобрелевичъ, Яне-левичъ, Нарелевичъ, Стаселевичъ (Strėla village).

Words formed from polysyllabic nouns also occur with the suffix -elis, -ė, e.g.: paršukėlis and the hybrids baronėlis “little lamb,” dubravėlė “little marsh,” (u)z-bonėlis “little jug.” However, this type of formation is not characteristic of the dialect.

⁴ Examples are written in simplified phonetic transcription.

Accent marks also indicate vowel length, except for the first components of falling mixed diphthongs i, u + l, m, n, r, which are always short. The length of unstressed sounds a, e, i, u is marked by a dot at the upper right of the letter. The length of inherently long sounds o and ė is not marked. Proper names are written with a capital letter.

⁵ See Acts issued by the Vilna Archaeographic Commission for the Examination of Ancient Documents, vol. 14, Vilna, 1888, pp. 203—225 (hereafter — Акты…).

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Derivatives formed from masculine nouns are predominantly masculine, while those formed from feminine nouns are feminine. Exceptions are rare: vištėlis (cf. višta ‘hen’) and upėlis alongside the more common form upėlė (cf. upė ‘river’).

§ 5. -(i)ukas, -ė. There are very many derivatives with this suffix. They are formed predominantly from masculine nouns of various meanings. The consonant immediately preceding the suffix is rarely palatalized, e.g.: ačiukas “little cup, little mug,” berniukas, dėdžiukas “grandfather,” gaidžiukas, medžiukas, paučiukas “little egg,” pėdžiukas, tvarčiukas. In general, this consonant is hard (in individual derivatives this may also have resulted from the hardening of the consonants l, r, s, ž and the affricates č, dž), e.g.: akmeniukas, alūkas, arklūkas “little horse,” berniukas, beržukas, dantukai, dvūmukai, gaidukas, gebukas, grūdūkas, jėrukas, kaisniukas “little basket,” kampukas, kaulūkas, kelmukas, kiemūkas, kraštukai, lapūkas, laužukas, litukas “little litas,” maišukas, metukai, namukas, paršūkas, peliukas, pienukas, pilvukas, puodžiukas, ramtukas “little stick,” ražiukas “little besom,” samtukas, sodukas, šiltukas “little fire, little light,” šienukas, šuniukas, tiltukas, veršūkas, viršūkas, žiėdukas.

The suffix -ukas is also added to pluralia tantum nouns, e.g.: bubulūkai “small children; little balls,” katinukas, komolūkas “little ball,” kubilūkas, kumelūkas, lašinukai, lopinukas, lovitūkas, naginukai, truputukas “crumb,” vištelūkas, žagarūkai, žolitūkai.

Only vištukė and žolukė have been recorded among feminine derivatives with this suffix. They are formed from feminine nouns. A few masculine derivatives formed from feminine words also occur, e.g., širdūkas “tree heartwood” — from širdis “heart”; kirmėlūkas — from kirmėlė “worm”; mergitūkas “naughty little girl” — from mergitė.

Proper nouns with this suffix are rare, e.g., Juozapūkas, Pāulūkas “little Povilas,” Petrūkas, Vincūkas.

Compare proper nouns without a diminutive-affectionate meaning, which may be of either Lithuanian or Slavic formation, e.g.: Mančūkas, Šaipūkas, Tumūkas “surnames from the village of Zasetys,” Maziuk, Szymruk “surnames on gravestones in the cemetery of the village of Nartys and the town of Zietela.” The word klaušiukas, used as a nickname for the Lithuanians of Zietela, was most likely formed by non-Lithuanian-speaking residents.

§ 6. -yka. This is one of the most characteristic nominal suffixes of the Zietela dialect. The vowel i in this suffix (transcribed as y in literary Lithuanian) is pronounced very variably by speakers of the Zietela dialect. Most often, an indistinct central vowel -bĭ- is heard (sometimes -bĭ-, -bĭ-, -ui-), e.g.: avbika “little sheep,” bitbika “little bee,” galvĭika “little head,” duobĭbĭika “little pit,” sesbika “little sister,” skepetūika “little kerchief.” After j, and sometimes after č, g, k, n, a front vowel -i- or -ii- is heard, e.g.: akikąs “little eyes,” kelniikos “little trousers,” kojikos, mergika, mergučika “little girl,” šaūjiika || šaūjiika “little handful,” užvoganĭika⁶.

⁶ Various researchers of this dialect write this suffix differently: E. Volteris (E. Wolter, “Mitteilungen der Litauischen litterarischen Gesellschaft“, vol. 4. Heidelberg, 1899, pp. 169–171; hereafter – MLLG) – avuika || avika, paštuika, sesuika; K. Būga (Zẏtelos šnekta, manuscript, Manuscript Collection of the Library of Vilnius State V. Kapsukas University, pp. 17–19; hereafter – ZŠ) – galvōyka, zibōyka “little fish”; P. Aruma (P. Aruma, Litauische mundartliche Texte aus der Wilnaer Gegend mit grammatischen Anmerkungen, Dorpat, 1931, pp. 45, 50; (hereafter – LMT). – duktȯi-ka, ski̇lȯi-komi; Chr. Stangas (NTS, vol. 18, p. 178) – pašūtbika.

The origin of the suffix – bĭ-ka cannot be explained phonetically, since i does not change to bĭ in the dialect after the consonants b, d, l, p, s, r, v. It is possible that the suffix -bĭ-ka has, through contamination, been combined with-

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In terms of productivity, this is the third diminutive-hypocoristic noun suffix. Derivatives with it are formed mostly from concrete nouns of feminine gender, e.g.: ausbika “little ear,” duktbika “little daughter,” kalbika “little bitch,” kamarbika “little storeroom,” karvbika, kaulbika, krupbika “little crumb,” mešbika, plutbika, skiedbika “little splinter,” straisbika “little bag,” paustbika, saulbika, skilbika, tašlbika “little dough; little bread tub,” terlbika “little pot,” verpsbika, višnikos, višbika, za-sūka “little goose,” zvaizdbikos “little stars,” žvirždbikos “little grains of sand.”

There are also derivatives in -yka formed from polysyllabic words, e.g.: adatbika, api-varbika, avitbika || avultbika, bazničika, daržinika, karvybitbika “little cow,” kumelbi-ka, mergaitbika “little girl,” moterbika, peludbika, pirkaitbika “little room,” skepetbika, spadničika “petticoat.”

A few derivatives with the suffix -ykas, formed from masculine nouns, also occur, e.g.: liežuvbikas “little tongue,” brolykas⁷, akmuikas, vanduikas⁸. The suffix -ykas may possibly also occur in the derivative lovi-kūtas “little bed.”

§ 7. -ėlis, -ė. Derivatives with this suffix are formed from polysyllabic nouns of various types, most often with concrete meanings, e.g.: an(k)sli-nėlis “little alder grove,” aržolėlis “little oak,” berži-nėlis, gelaistuvėlis “little sharpening stone,” kunodėlė “little potato,” šeimi-nėlė, tvartukėlis, užuoganėlė, vainikėlis, vakarėlis, valvadėlis “little leash,” van-dėnėlis, vuodegėlė; cf. also the hybrid forms beragėlis “little shore,” baronėlis “little lamb,” budin-kėlis “little building,” čelnokėlis “little shuttle,” čeravi-kėlei “little shoes,” deravėkėlė “little log,” drobinėlė “little ladder,” kančiukėlis “little whip, little switch,” koplonėlis “little priest,” kulbokėlė “little saddle,” kvartukėlis “little apron,” lančiugėlis “little chain,” mala-tėlis “little hammer,” pi-ragėlis, primokėlis “little kindling,” sožaukėlė “little tub.”

Cf. also the surname Tumūšėlis from Zasetsiai village. From the spelling of the 16th-century surnames Банакрель, Бa-накреловичъ (Vanag-el-iovičius⁹), it is unclear whether the suffix at that time was -elis or -ėlis.

§ 8. -utas, -a. Derivatives with -utas, -a are formed mostly from masculine nouns, e.g.: kištūkas, langūtas, nagūtas, vaikūtas, vilkūtas, žmogūtas; cf. also the hybrid form cviekūtas “little nail.” There are only one or two derivatives with this suffix formed from feminine nouns. Of these, only mer-gutė “girl” is commonly used (plural mergūtos, more often mergūčos). The suffix -utas, -a is also quite often added to derivatives formed with other diminutive-hypocoristic suffixes, e.g.: bermukū-tas, jerukūtas, kaisnukūtas “little basket,” kašikūtas “little basket,” kumelukūtas “little foal,” lovi kūtas, paršūkūtas, ridikūtas, telukūtas, veršūkūtas “little bull, little calf.” It then further emphasizes the diminutive-hypocoristic meaning of the derivatives.

§ 9. -utis, -ė. Derivatives with this suffix are formed mostly from nouns as well, e.g.: bernutis, bandūtė, mergūtė, momutė “little mother,” menutis “little moon” (base word mėnas) saulūtė. A noun has been formed from an adjective: vėsūtė “co-

llapsed,” with several suffixes. E. Frenkel (E. F r a e n k e l, “Balticoslavica,” vol. 2, p. 57) had already argued that this suffix (which he wrote as -uika) arose from the combination of -ukas and -ykas. The view that -uika could have arisen through contamination of -ukas, -ė and -ykas, -a was most fully substantiated by P. Skardžius (APh, vol. 6, pp. 131–132; LKŽD, pp. 160, 365). The suffix -eika, now no longer used in the dialect, may perhaps be related to -ka(s); cf. the derivatives motereika, živei-ka recorded by K. Būga (Zš, pp. 17–18) with the label dim. (diminutives)—provided, of course, that these forms are not variants of -yka.

⁷ Žr. K. Būga, Rinktiniai raštai, t. 1, Vilnius, 1958, p. 305.

⁸ Žr. E. Fraenkel, min. veik., p. 56; P. Skardžius, APh, t. 6, p. 131, LKŽD, p. 160, 365.

⁹ Акты... т. 14, р. 303–306.

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“vėsis,” from the verb — truputis “a little crumb” (cf. truputis “crumb”). The following derivatives with the suffix -utis, -ė no longer have diminutive-affectionate meanings: blakutė, rarely blakutė “bedbug,” rągutės “sleigh,” žmogutis “pupil of the eye, doll.”

A personal name or two also occurs with the suffix -utis, e.g.: Sigirskūtis “Sigirskas’s son,” Svibūtis “Svibas’s son”; cf. the names and surnames (patronymics) in the 16th-century inventories of estates in the vicinity of Zietela: Молдутъ (Savičiai village), Пенькутъ (Dainava village), and also Довкутевич (Dauk-ut-evičius), Кестутевич (Pagiriai village), Нарутевич (Strėla village)¹⁰.

§ 10. -ytis, -ė. Only the following nouns are recorded with the suffix -ytis, -ė: karvītė, lovītis, mergītė. It occurs more often in combination with other suffixes, e.g.: avìt'bìlka (owing to vowel harmony, also avbūt'bìka), lovì'tūkas “little bed,” vaikì'tūkas “little child,” za'sì't'bìka “little goose.”

§ 11. -aitis, -ė. There are few derivatives with this suffix in the dialect. Words formed with it are generally derived from nouns, e.g.: bernàitis, mergàitė; cf. the word ponàitė recorded by E. Volteris (MLLG, vol. 4, p. 172). The word pirkàitė “chamber” has no diminutive-affectionate meaning. Cf. also the frequently used nouns with two suffixes: mergaitbìka, pirkaitbìka.

Personal names are also formed with the suffix -aitis, -ė, e.g.: Jurkàitis “Jurka’s son,” Laurukàitis “Laurukas’s son”¹¹, as well as place names, e.g.: Balàitės “meadow in Zasečiai village,” Pievàitė “field in Zasečiai village.”

§ 12. -(i)ulis, -ė. Only a few derivatives with this suffix have been recorded. These include words formed from nouns, bočiùlis “dear little father,” dievùlis; the cow’s name Margùlė, formed from an adjective; and bubùlis “little child,” formed from an onomatopoeic word, cf. bubùlùkai.

§ 13. -užėlis, -ė. No derivatives formed with the suffix alone, -užis, -ė, have been heard in the dialect. It is recorded only in the song words bernužėlis, mergužėlė, in the compound suffix -užėlės, -ė.

§ 14. -ynas, -a. Only one noun with an affectionate meaning is recorded with this suffix: sàulì'na, rarely sàulìna. A derivative with this suffix is used in a pejorative sense: pagonìnas “an uncouth, slovenly young man.”

§ 15. -ikas. In words of Lithuanian origin, the diminutive-affectionate suffix -ikas occurs only rarely, and only as part of the compound suffix -ik-utas, e.g.: bernikùtas “little boy,” paršikùtas “little piglet.”

§ 16. -itkas. This suffix for adjective derivatives (cf. báltitkas “whitish”) is sometimes also added to nouns to express smallness, e.g.: vaìkitkas “little child, little one.”

§ 17. One or another diminutive-affectionate suffix of Slavic origin has also entered the Zietela dialect. Among these, the following are worth mentioning:

a) -ikas. Following the Belarusian and Polish models, the dialect now very readily forms personal names with a diminutive-affectionate meaning using this suffix, e.g.: Álikas “Aliukas, Algiukas,” Barnádikas “Bernardukas,” Dònikas “Danieliukas,” Jùzikas “Juozukas,” Kázikas “Kaziukas,” Kóstikas “Kastukas,” Valėrikas “Valeriukas”; cf. other loanwords with this suffix: kùmpikas “little loaf,” kaptánikas “little coat, short jacket,” krìžikas “little cross.”

¹⁰ Акты..., т. 14, р. 213, 215, 226.

¹¹ Both personal names were recorded from Kotryna Žukelytė-Jodienė, a Lithuanian teacher from the former village of Zasečiai.

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b) -usis, -ė. This suffix, too, is more often used to form personal names, e.g.: Bōlūsis “Baliukas,” Kastūsis “Kastukas,” Marūsė “Marytė.” Among common nouns, momūsė “mother dear” is worth mentioning; compare the unassimilated loanword tatūsis “daddy, father dear.”

c) -ilka. This hybrid suffix occurs in the pejorative noun mergilka “a frivolous girl”;

d) -ečkas. The only word recorded with this Slavic suffix is ažarėčkas “a small lake, a modest little lake.”

Names of actions and their results

§ 18. Since names of actions and their results are formed mainly from verbs, and the same derivatives can often have both an action and a result meaning, they are considered together in one section. First, the more characteristic suffixal names of actions are presented, followed by names of the results of actions.

a) Suffixes used to form names of actions:

§ 19. -imas. This is one of the most productive suffixes in the dialect. Its derivatives most often denote an action, e.g.: akėjimas, arimas, gimimas, gėrimas, jėdimas, prausimas, šienavimas, užtekėjimas, užžimas, žaidimas; compare also the hybrid kūrėjimas “smoking.” However, quite a few derivatives with this suffix have acquired other, concrete meanings:

a) the result of an action, e.g.: arimas “a ploughed field,” ištinimas “a swollen part of the body,” kvėpimas “breath, smell,” sarišimas “a bond,” tinimas “the swelling part of a scythe,” virimas “broth;”

b) the object of an action, e.g.: jėdimas “food,” penimas || penėjimas “fodder, feed;”

c) a particular written record or document, e.g.: laidimas “a permit.”

The examples show that the derivatives are formed from the past-tense stem of primary and secondary verbs (cf. gėrimas, kūlimas).

In derivatives formed from secondary verbs, the past-tense stem suffix is sometimes omitted, so that the derivatives appear to have been formed from the present-tense stem, e.g.: gulimas “lying down” (cf. gulė and gulėjo), kvėpimas (cf. kvėpėjo), penimas (cf. penėjo).

Most action nouns formed from primary verbs can be stressed either on the suffix or on the root, e.g.: arimas || arimas, gėrimas || gėrimas, kūlimas || kūlimas, pjovimas || pjovimas, užžimas || užžimas. Names of action results and objects, by contrast, are usually stressed on the root.

§ 20. -ymas. With this suffix, action nouns are generally formed from verbs with an o-stem, e.g.: gani·mas, rūki·mas, saki·mas; less often ganimas, rūki-mas.

Some derivatives with this suffix are also used with a concrete meaning, e.g.: minki·mas “kneaded dough,” pudi·mas, valgi·mas “lunch, lunchtime.”

One or another derivative with the suffix -ymas is formed from a-stem verbs, e.g.: būsti·mas “life, existence” (cf. būsta “lives, exists”), Degimas “a meadow in Pagiriai village” (cf. dega).

§ 21. -ulys. Derivatives with the suffix -ulys are formed from verbs and serve as names for physiological phenomena or states, e.g.: kosulīs ‘coughing’, skaudulīs ‘aching, pain’—

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‘pain’, smirdulis ‘stinking, fetor’. Some derivatives with this suffix have a concrete meaning, e.g.: skāudulis ‘boil’.

§ 22. -ienė. Words formed from verbs with the suffix -ienė are čiužinė ‘sliding, skating (on ice, snow)’ and žaidinė ‘playing, having fun’.

§ 23. -yba. Only one deverbal derivative with the suffix -yba is recorded: dailiba ‘division, dividing’ (cf. dailīt ‘to divide’).

§ 24. -estis. The word rūpestis ‘concern with something, or worry about something’ is formed from a verb with this suffix.

§ 25. -umas. The word kvepumas ‘breathing, scent’ (cf. kvėpa ‘it smells’) is formed from a verb with this suffix; it denotes both an action and its result. It is possible that the word degūmas ‘heat’, denoting a quality or the result of an action, is likewise formed in this way (from the verb dega); the dialect has no adjective degūs.

§ 26. The meanings of other names for actions, formed mostly with unproductive suffixes, have also become considerably more specific, e.g., with:

a) -lys: diėglis ‘needling, pricking’;

b) -na: šalnà ‘freezing, frost’;

c) -smė: giėsmė ‘singing, song’;

d) -tus: li:tūs ‘raining’.

b) suffixes of names for the results of actions:

§ 27. -inys. Words with a concrete meaning formed from verbs have this suffix, e.g., kratīnīs ‘mixed hay-and-straw fodder’, lopinīs, trupinīs.

§ 28. -alas. The following names for the results of actions, formed from primary verbs, have this suffix: mi:zālai ‘urine’, vērpalas ‘spun thread’, viralas ‘soup; sometimes also vegetables for making soup’.

§ 29. With many other suffixes, only one or so derivative of this meaning has been recorded in the dialect, e.g.:

a) -eklas || -iklas: audeklas || audiklas;

b) -eta: kupetà;

c) -etys: šepetis (cf. šèpti);

d) -yna: lupīna || lupī·na “bark (of a potato, tree)”;

e) -inės: rāžginės ~ rėžginės;

f) -urys: žiburis “light, lantern, lamp”;

g) -utas: degūtas;

i) -utys: trupūtis “a little piece, crumb, lump.”

Possibly, the derivative kėpenės || kėpinēs “liver” with the suffix -enės || -inēs should also be classified among names of the results of an action.

Names of qualities

§ 30. Names of qualities are formed mainly from adjectives, less often from other parts of speech. Alongside the numerous derivatives with abstract meanings, there are also a few nouns with concrete meanings. The latter are listed separately.

§ 31. -umas. Most derivatives with this suffix are formed from simple adjectives (without suffixes). The derivatives can be either masculine or feminine, with no

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difference in meaning. Feminine derivatives are even more frequent. They usually denote an abstracted quality, e.g.: au(k)štūmà || au(k)štùmas, brangùma, grąžùmas, jìlgumà, karštùmas, kartùma || kartùmas, platùma || platùmas, ruštùma || ruš-tùmas „sourness“, saldùmas, sausùma, slidùma, storùma, šaltùma „cold“, šiltùma „warmth“, tirštùmas.

The word daugumas is formed from a noun that has become adverbial (cf. daugis, daugelis).

A few derivatives with this suffix also have a more concrete meaning, e.g.: ilgùma “the very long place,” platùma “the very wide place,” sausùma “a dry place.”

§ 32. -yba. Derivatives with this suffix are formed from adjectives, e.g.: gerìba “goodness,” gi·viba, gražìba, jaunìba “youth,” negerìba “evil, badness,” piktìba, saldìba. The derivatives usually have fixed stress, but sometimes stress falls on the ending, e.g.: gražìbà, saldìbà.

§ 33. -umynas, -a. Nouns with this compound suffix are also formed from adjectives. The quality they express is stronger and more intense than the quality expressed by derivatives with the suffix -umas. Most derivatives with this suffix are feminine, e.g.: gražùmi·nà “beauty, great beauty,” karštùmi·nà “intense heat,” tamsùmi·nà “deep darkness.” Masculine forms are rare, e.g.: gražù-minas.

§ 34. -imas. Nouns denoting qualities are also formed from adjectives fairly often in the dialect with the suffix -imas, e.g.: aštrìmas || aštrìmas “sharpness,” karštìmas “heat,” rušìmas “sourness,” šlapìmas “wetness.”

Many derivatives with the suffix -imas are also used with a concrete meaning, e.g.: aštrìmas || aštrìmas “blade,” min(k)štìmas, tirštìmas.

A word of similar meaning formed from a numeral may also be mentioned here: trãji-mas “a field ploughed three times.”

§ 35. -ysta. There are few derivatives with this suffix. Those of adjectival origin are: jaunì·stà “youth,” and senì·stà “old age, antiquity.” A possessive derivative formed from a noun is kùngi·stà, less often kunìgi stà “serfdom.”

§ 36. -ata. There is only one noun formed from an adjective in the dialect with this suffix: švì·katà, less often šveikatà “health, good health.”

§ 37. -aitė. With this suffix, a noun is formed from an adjective: pilnaitė “the full moon.” Perhaps in this word -aitė has arisen in place of the suffix -atė by analogy with other diminutive, endearing suffix derivatives (the i-stem ending -is is not used in the dialect).

§ 38. -ystva. Alongside -ysta, this suffix occurs in the words jaunì·stvà (more often jaunì·stà), senì·stvà. The suffix -ystva is most likely hybrid, having arisen by contamination of the Lithuanian suffix -ysta and the Slavic -stva (cf. borrowings: bagostvà “wealth, riches,” krìžastva “crossroads,” susì(d)stvà “neighborhood,” tùžestva “difficulty, hardship”).

§ 39. Borrowings with the suffix -àstis are also used to denote certain abstract qualities, e.g.: ròdastis “joy,” slòbastis “weakness,” spakàinastis “peace, calm.”

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Names of tools

§ 40. The suffixed nouns presented in this subsection are mostly derived from verbs and denote various tools, devices, or other kinds of implements. There are few derivatives with this meaning in the dialect.

§ 41. -tavas. This is one of the most productive suffixes in this group, e.g.: gelaist uvas “a sharpening tool, whetstone,” pjautuvas, skaltuvas “a device for striking a spark from flint.”

Plural derivatives also occur, e.g.: mintuvai || mintuvai, muštuvai “part of a loom.”

§ 42. -yklė. The derivatives šaudiklė “a device for inserting the shuttle while weaving” and veit'klė have this suffix.

§ 43. -tuvė. Only a couple of examples are recorded with this suffix, e.g.: brauktuvė “a tool for scutching flax,” kultuvė “a tool for beating laundry.”

§ 44. -(i)olas. The suffix -(i)olas occurs in the verb-derived name sukòlas “a device for rubbing shuttles,” which arose, possibly, on the model of the loanword kočėlas “rolling pin.”

§ 45. Some suffixes for tool names occur only in individual derivatives, e.g.:

a) -ata || -eta || -ita: ádata, usually ádeta, ádita; perhaps also lopetà “shovel”;

b) -ėčia: akėčia, dialectal akėčia “harrow”;

c) -ynė: sėdinė;

d) -imas: vežimas;

e) -las: šulas;

f) -lys: grėblis, kaplis “hoe”;

g) the hybrid sprageli'čia “flail handle” is formed with the Slavic suffix -yčia.

§ 46. This group of derivatives should also include tool names whose formation is unclear, e.g.: with -elas: spragėlas “flail”; -enas: vėlanas ~ vėlenas, -ega: vedegà.

Place names

§ 47. Place names are nouns formed from various parts of speech that designate a place according to the things found there, an action taking place there, or some other characteristic feature. More characteristic place names formed with suffixes are also presented alongside these names.

§ 48. -ynas. Words with the suffix -ynas are derived from nouns to designate a place where there are many things of one kind, e.g.: aglynas ‘spruce forest’, an(k)slìnas ‘alder grove’, aržolìnas ‘oak grove’, beržìnas, karklìnas, ruošutìnas ‘hazel groves’¹², skiedìnas ‘resin-rich pine forest’, hybrids kvaìnas ‘pine forest’, velaukinas ‘juniper grove’.

Place names derived from words with the same meaning include: Beržìnas ‘a meadow in Pagiriai village’, Kuìlinas ‘a pasture in Pagiriai village’, Laužìnas ‘forest near Nartčiai village’, Lazdinai ‘a meadow in Kurpėšiai village’; cf. also Gardìnas ‘the city of Grodno, Grodno’, and place names recorded from Belarusian speakers: Краклін || Карклін ‘a pasture in Zmejačiai village’; Жвырздыны ‘a field in Narbutoniai village’.

¹² Alongside these derivatives, Slavic borrowings are also very commonly used, e.g.: ariešni'kas ‘hazel grove’, bereznikas ‘birch grove’, jie'lnikas ‘spruce forest’.

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§ 49. -iena. Derivatives with this suffix are formed from nouns and denote a place (soil) where some cultivated plants have grown, e.g.: avižienà, kvietienà, kunodienà, ‘potato field’, linienà, miežienà, rugienà, žirnienà.

§ 50. -(i)nykas. The following place-denoting nouns have the suffix -(i)nykas: kaulinikas ‘pigsty, a place where pigs are kept’, poperosni·kas ‘a small box for cigarettes, a place, a cigarette case’; cf. also derivatives with compound suffixes (-idnykas, -ynẏkas): kaulidni·kas ‘a place with pigsties’, ankšli·nikas ‘a place with many alder groves’.

§ 51. -(i)ava || -uva. The word ganavà ‘pasture’ is derived from a verb with this suffix; cf. also place names with this suffix: Dainavà, less commonly Dainuvà ‘a village in the Zietelos area (in Belarusian Játviez)’, Li·tavà || Li·tuvà, more often Litvà, Ramúltava Ramúntava ‘a meadow in Kurpėšiai village and a stretch of the Zietela River’, Varenavà ‘Varenava (town)’.

§ 52. Only an example or two have been recorded of place-denoting derivatives with the following suffixes:

a) -yklė || -ykla: gani·klė, less commonly gani·klà;

b) -iniai: kapinei || kapinei ‘cemetery’;

c) -udė: peludė, cf. also peludīka;

d) -ūnė: pelūnė ‘chaff shed’, cf. viršūnė;

e) -urys: vidurīs, cf. Dāuburei || Dāuburai ‘thickets in Zasečiai village’.

The suffix -idnykas (kaulidni·kas), mentioned above, indicates that formerly the Zietelos dialect also had derivatives with the suffix -idė.

Separate derivatives with the suffix -uma are also used with a locative meaning; see § 31.

§ 53. Lithuanian place names occurring in the dialect area, in addition to the suffixes already mentioned, also have the following:

a) -iškės: Kràučškės “village in the vicinity of Zietelos,” Tetāliškės, Vinātiškės “fields of the Chadian-lionų village,” Vesėliškės “meadow of Žukaučinos.” Cf. also place names with this suffix, recorded only from Belarusian speakers: Андру́нишки, Де́книшки, Падоу́кінишки “fields of Narbutonių village,” Гле́бишки “field of Jūravičių village,” Янкишки, Гле́нишки “field and meadow of Akanų village.” Юрішки “field of Dainavos village,” Яцішки “field of Kiaučiškių village,” Вайню́йшки “field of Maldūnų village,” and the meadows mentioned in the 16th century near Vezaučius village: Одринишки а Селивонишки¹³;

b) -aine: Šilainė “forest of Naručių village”;

c) -ikliai: Variklei “bushes of Pagirių village”;

d) -onas: Dirvōnas “field of Zasečių village.”

There are quite a few place names with the Slavic (Belarusian) suffix -ščina, e.g.: Bablāuščina, Fidinăuščina || Chvidinăuščina “fields of Zasečių village,” Žibartauščina “former estate in the vicinity of Zietelos,” Hápкoyшчина “field of Zmejaucų village.”

Names of agents and persons

§ 54. There are very few names of agents derived from verbs in the dialect, so nouns denoting persons derived from other parts of speech are also surveyed alongside them. First, names of agents originating from verbs are presented, followed by names of persons derived from other parts of speech, describing various characteristics of a person: their occupation, place of origin or residence, distinction of sex, kinship, etc. This section also presents more characteristic surnames formed with suffixes, as well as some place names that originated from names of persons.

¹³ Акты..., т. 22 (1895), p. 290–291.

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a) Suffixes for designations of agents:

§ 55. -ėjas, -a. Derivatives with this suffix denote an agent or person in terms of either their regular occupation or work, or an action performed incidentally. Nouns with the suffix -ėjas, -a are formed from past simple verbs, e.g.: audėja (: audė), melžėja (: melžė), pjovėjas, less often pjovėjis, pjovėja (: pjovė). The suffix is not very productive, since an agent is often described periphrastically, e.g.: mergà, katrà kárves mėlža; móterė, katrì grėba.

§ 56. -ūnas. This suffix is generally used to form designations of persons with a negative connotation, e.g., words formed from verbs: ėdūnas “a glutton, a greedy eater,” girgitūnas “someone who speaks unintelligibly, gibbering.”

The suffix -ūnas is also used to form surnames and place names, though these derivatives are originally patronymic in meaning, e.g.: Dibūnas “surname in Zasečiai village,” Burdun, Tekun, Žykelun (< *Žukel-ūnas?) “surnames on gravestones in the Zietela cemetery”; Maldūnai || Maldūnei, occasionally Maldūčei “village in the vicinity of Zietela,” Mišūnai “southern end of Zasečiai village,” Lagūnai, Taukūnai “villages in the vicinity of Zietela.”

§ 57. -ojas. Only one designation of an agent formed from a verb with the suffix -ojas has been recorded: artójas, less often artójis.

§ 58. -očius. With this borrowed suffix, only one designation of an agent formed from a verb has been recorded: ru·kõčius || ru·kõčis “a person who smokes, a pipe-smoker”; compare also loanwords of similar formation: bagõčius || bagõčis “a rich man; an autumn festival (September 5),” skripõčius “a violinist; a cricket.”

b) Suffixes for designations of persons:

§ 59. -(i)nykas, -ė. Derivatives with this suffix are formed from nouns and designate people by their work, occupation, inclination, clothing, etc., e.g.: darbinìkas, -ė, giesminìkas, -ė, mėsini·kas, -ė; compare also the hybrids kepelūšni·kas “a person who wears a hat,” vesėlnì·kas “a wedding guest.” There are generally very few Lithuanian derivatives with this suffix in the dialect.

§ 60. -iškis, -ė. The suffix -iškis, -ė is generally used to form designations of persons according to their place of origin or residence (village, small town, or city), e.g.: dainaviškis, -ė, krėliškis, -ė, kurpėšiškis, -ė, narbutoniškis, -ė, narčoniškis, -ė, no°gardiškis, -ė, pagiriškis, -ė, vilniškis, -ė, zasečiškis, -ė, zi°teliškis, -ė.

With this suffix, designations of persons by nationality are also sometimes formed, e.g.: látviškis, -ė “Latvian, male or female,” lietaviškis, -ė || lietuviškis, -ė, less often lietuviškis, -ė “Lithuanian, male or female,” rūsiškis, -ė “Russian, male or female,” or according to gender distinction, e.g., masculine nouns móteriškis “woman” and virìškis “man.”

Pronominal derivatives are sometimes also used as nouns: maniškis, -ė “my person, husband, or son,” mūsiškis, -ė “ours, one of our own,” taviškis, -ė “yours, one of your own.”

§ 61. -(i)onis, -(i)onės || -(i)on(i)ai. The suffix -(i)onis occurs in individual words designating persons by their place of residence or origin, e.g.: narčónis, more commonly narčoniškis, -ė “a resident of Narčiai village”; compare the loanword mieščónis, similar in meaning and formation, “town-dweller.”

In some place names, this suffix may be of patronymic origin, e.g.: Narbutónės, and similarly Naradónės “villages in the vicinity of Zietela,” Žirmónės || Žirmónai

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“A town in the Lida district”; in other cases, Slavic forms, e.g.: Chadaūlōnės || Kadūalōnės, Chil-mōnės “villages in the Zietela area.” Sači̇vlōnei “a village in the Zietela area” is formed with -(i)oniai.

§ 62. -ėnas. Only one word with the suffix -ėnas has been recorded, denoting a person by place of residence or origin; this is the hybrid v'ėšėnas “peasant, village dweller” (cf. vesė || viešė “village”).

§ 63. -ienė. Derivatives with this suffix are mostly formed from masculine personal designations, usually indicating kinship or an occupation, e.g.: kalvī̇nė || ka-volīnė “blacksmith’s wife,” didẽnė “grandfather’s, old man’s wife,” kriauči̇nė “seamstress, or tailor’s wife,” udūlinīnė “widow.”

This suffix is not characteristic of wives’ surnames. Only a couple of examples with it have been recorded, e.g.: Buroki̇nė, Šaipuki̇nė. Otherwise, women are mostly referred to simply by their husbands’ or fathers’ surnames, e.g.: Katri̇na Žukėlis-Jōda “Katryna Žukelytė-Jodienė,” Marjonā Burȯkas “Marijona Burokienė.” Among themselves they most often simply say – Adōlo pati, Jūnkos bōba “Jonas’s wife,” Bōlūso aspādnie.

There have also been men’s surnames with a similar suffix; cf. Лапеня “a 16th-century surname from Strelos village.”¹⁴

§ 64. -ainė. The word brōlàinė “sister-in-law, brother’s wife” is used with the suffix -ainė.

§ 65. -ikis. The masculine noun jaunìkis “servant, hired laborer” is derived from an adjective with this suffix.

§ 66. -ynas, -a. The noun savīnas, savīna || savīna “relative, kinsman; one of one’s own” is formed from a pronoun with the suffix -ynas, -a.

§ 67. The suffixes of some personal designations have been preserved only in proper names, surnames, or place names, e.g.:

a) -eika: Čučėika, Domeika, Kugeika, Ku̇leika, Mileika, Noreika, Šareika ~ Šereika, Žadeika; cf. also the place names Teteikei || Titeikei, Žadeikei “villages in the Zietela area.” Лижейки “a field in Taukunai village”;

b) -ilas: Kurilas, Virbilas;

c) the suffixes -idė, -ilda are reflected in 16th-century surnames from the Zietela area: Дойлида Кибилда.¹⁵

§ 68. The dialect uses a considerable number of Lithuanianized borrowings denoting persons. Borrowings with the suffix -nykas are most commonly used for occupations and kinds or nature of work: agrōdni̇kas “gardener,” „kolchōzni̇kas “collective-farm worker,” leṡnikas “forester,” mėlnīkas “miller,” pamōčni̇kas “assistant,” tōpelni̇kas “drowned person,” and others.

Persons are often identified by nationality using Lithuanianized borrowings with the suffix -ėkas, e.g.: litvėkas “Lithuanian,” palėkas “Pole,” žmuid(z)ėkas “Lithuanian, Samogitian.”

Slavic borrowings sometimes denote a person by their place of residence or origin, e.g.: nārbutaūckas “a person from Narbutonys,” vilenskas “a person from Vilnius.”

Animal and plant names

§ 69. Suffixal nouns denoting animals and plants are formed mainly from nouns, adjectives, and verbs.

§ 70. -ėlė. The most commonly used derivatives with this suffix are: dirgėlė, kirmėlė, utėlė.

¹⁴ Akты..., vol. 14, p. 216.

¹⁵ Akты..., vol. 14, p. 203.

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§ 71. Many suffixes in this group are highly unproductive, and only a single example of each derivative has been recorded:

a) -atė. This suffix occurs in gi:vātė, a word formed from an adjective;

b) -ava || -uva. With it, the noun kėltava || kėltuva “cattle, cow” is formed from a verb;

c) -inas. The word kātinas is formed from a noun with this suffix;

d) -ynė. With -ynė, the word ruškīnės “sorrel” is formed from an adjective;

e) -ojas (|| -ojis, -ojus). The derivative vasarōjas, rarely vasarōjis, vasarōjus, formed from a noun, has this suffix.

§ 72. Certain derivatives in this group have either a Slavic root or a Slavic suffix, e.g.:

a) -ulys. The form chrištulis || krištulis “black beetle” is formed from a Slavic root with this suffix (cf. Polish chrząszcz “beetle”);

b) -očius. With this Slavic suffix, the hybrid krankōčius occurs alongside the more common borrowing kramkōtis “rook, raven;

c) -nykas, -aunykas. Following the model of Slavic languages, names for the stems of certain plants are formed with these suffixes, e.g.: kunōdni·kas “potato haulms” (cf. kunodā “potato”); viūgauni·kas “berry canes,” cf. the similarly formed borrowing krivāuni·kas “bloodwort”.

Collective names

§ 73. Suffixal derivatives denoting a group, company, or collective of living beings, plants, or other things are few. They are formed from nouns or adjectives.

§ 74. -ynas. The pair of recorded derivatives with this suffix denotes a group of plants, e.g., ru'sūtinas || ru⁰sūtinas “hazel, bush”, žōlinas, žōli'nai “medicinal herbs”.

§ 75. Nouns with the following suffixes denote particular collectives of people:

a) -yna: šeimyna;

b) -imas: jaunimas “young people, youth”.

Names of holidays and rites

§ 76. The few words in this small group are formed mostly from numerals. The suffix -inės || -inis has somewhat more derivatives, e.g.: devintinės || devintinis, sekminės, šeštinės || šeštinis. As the examples show, these are most often feminine plural nouns.

The name of the rite krikstynos “baptism” was most likely borrowed from a Slavic language.

Various other names

§ 77. In addition to the meanings already mentioned, suffixed nouns can also have various other meanings; for example, there are derivatives denoting people’s clothing (garments, footwear), foods, body parts, time, and so on. However, very few such derivatives occur, so it is not practical to group them by meaning.

§ 78. -inė, -inės. Derivatives with this suffix are formed from nouns. Some are singularia tantum, others pluralia tantum; some are masculine, others feminine, and they denote items of clothing, e.g.: kėlinės || kelinės, less commonly kálnės, piršti-

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nė. One or another derivative with this suffix has a different meaning as well; for example, daržinė means a building for storing grain, a threshing barn.

§ 79. (-inys), -iniai. This suffix occurs in plural words kalnẽi (<-fur garments), marškinẽi || marškinėi. It also occurs in the word lašinėi. Cf. also the derivative with this suffix recorded by E. Volteris (MLLG, vol. 4, p. 168), auštinys ‘Rauchloch, aukštinis, a hole in the ceiling for smoke to escape’.

§ 80. -ienė. Derivatives formed from nouns denote foods, e.g.: pautẽnė || pautinė ‘omelet’, the hybrid form panuokfẽnė ‘porridge of coarse barley groats’.

§ 81. With other suffixes, only one or two derivatives have been recorded:

a) -alys: šakalis;

b) -iemus: saldīnus || saldītnis ‘a slightly fermented mash of rye or barley flour, usually eaten with potatoes during Lent’;

c) -ija: žarija;

d) -ynė: krūtītnė || krūtis (cf. krūtìsa skaũst ‘the chest hurts’);

e) -ojas, -ojus: rìtojas, less commonly rìtojus;

f) -ovė: rankovė;

g) -ulys: šipulis;

i) -ivis (<-uvis): liežīvis ‘tongue’.

§ 82. One may also mention the following nouns used in the Zietelos dialect, whose suffixal formation is more or less perceptible, although their root is now harder to associate with any base word, e.g.: -ara || -era: ašara || ašera, vāsara; -eras || -aras: ažaras ‘lake’, vãkaras, žãgaras; -ega, || -ẽl || vuodegà || vuodegė; -enai: pelėnai; -eta || -ita: skẽpeta, less commonly skãpita ‘shawl, kerchief’; -ykas: vainikas ‘wreath’; -olys: komolis ‘ball’; -ūnė: alkūnė; -urys: staburīs || stimburīs ‘stump’; -utas, -učios: riẽšutas || rū̃šutas; ruõškūčios ‘nuts’.

§ 83. The dialect is rich in various suffixal borrowings. Particularly reminiscent of derivatives with the suffix -ėkas, used in some Lithuanian dialects, are the numerous phonetically adapted Slavic borrowings used in the Zietela dialect: arlėkas “Adam’s apple,” barčėkas “beehive,” čerpėkas “ladle,” derevėkas “butt end,” kumpėkas “ham,” smal-(n)ėkas “piece of resinous wood,” stremėkas “splinter,” and so on.

Suffixal derivatives

§ 84. In the Zietela dialect, ending-derived words form one of the smallest derivational groups. These derivatives are old and traditional, and differ essentially not at all from the literary language, e.g.: ėdžos, drãugė “family,” gìlis || gilìs, sãmitis, švìlus “a person who smokes a lot, a pipe smoker,” šaltis, šiltis “warmth, fire, light, conflagration,” vilkė, and so on. On ending-derived words formed from prefixed verbs, see § 88.

Prefixal derivatives

§ 85. There are few nouns formed with prefixes in the Zietela dialect. Derivatives with the following prefixes have been recorded: apy || api-, in-, ne-, pa-, per-, pra-, prie-, užu(o)-. The most productive of these is the prefix pa-. Some derivatives are formed from nouns, others from verbs. Derivatives formed from nouns are reviewed first.

§ 86 pa-. Derivatives with the prefix pa- mostly denote a place beside or beneath the thing named by the base word, e.g.: pakelė || pakelīs, pakluonė

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“a place beside a barn,” patvorė; pau⁰degė; cf. place names of similar formation and meaning: Pagirėi || Pagir'is “a village in the Zietela environs,” Pãgudės “a meadow in Zasečiai village,” Patiltai “a meadow in Zasečiai village,” Pãži'telei “a meadow in Zasečiai village, situated by the Zietel(k)a River”; also cf. Slavicized place names of this type: Побаль “meadows and pasture in Zapolio village”; Падубы “pasture and brushwood in Narbutoniai and Viedravičiai villages.”

Derivatives denoting time are pavakarė “late afternoon” and pavasaris “spring.” The noun pagalís has a concrete meaning.

In derivatives with the prefix pa- formed from nouns, the vowel at the end of the stem is usually changed, e.g.:

a > ė, less often ia: pakluonė, pakelė || pakelės, pavakarė, Pãgudės, pagalis;

o > ia, or ė: pavásaris, Pãži'telei, patvorė, pau⁰degė;

io > ia: Pagirėi || Pagir'is.

The derivative Patiltai has an unchanged stem. Forms of individual cases with an unchanged stem also occur more often, e.g.: aš sėdu papirkōj “I sit beside the farmhouse,” papirký; only iš paviršo (alongside poviršo) šlapas “wet only on the surface” (cf. viršas “top”).

Also worth noting are Slavic borrowings or distinctive hybrids and altered forms of similar formation, e.g.: pãkutis || pakutis “the place of honor at the table, the corner of honor,” papėčė, paviduì; cf. āni'z būsta paviduì vesės “they live in the middle of the village.”

§ 87. Only one or two nouns formed with each of the other prefixes have been recorded.

ne-: nedalà “failure, misfortune,” netiesà. The word negerība “badness, evil, trouble” may have been formed from the adjective negėras with the suffix -yba.

api-: apinast ris || apinast ris, most often aprimėstis;

per-: pėrdienė “the nearest time, the future,” e.g.: ānas an pėrdienės atvažiuos “he will arrive in the coming days”;

prie-: priėšvirmė;

uzhu(o)-: užūvėja || užū⁰vėja;

pra-: pravardė “surname”;

pro-: prodėdas “great-grandfather” (a remodeled borrowing).

Such sparse use of prefixed derivatives should be explained by the fact that in the dialect they are often replaced by prepositional constructions, e.g.: po tvōrai “by the fence,” po vā-kari “in the early evening,” prie švirmi “in the porch,” už vėjo “in a sheltered place,” etc.

§ 88. There are even fewer derivatives with prefixes from verbs. Most of them are very old, and it is now difficult to determine which of these derivatives were formed with prefixes from unprefixed verbs and which originated directly from prefixed verbs.

The nouns pãkulos, pašukos may possibly have been formed from unprefixed verbs.

Other derivatives probably arose directly from prefixed verbs, e.g.: apivara || apivara “cord,” cf. ap(i)verti; inklōtis “bedding, litter,” cf. inklōti “to strew, shake, lay”; prākaitas, cf. prakaisi; the hybrid užgavė “Shrovetide,” cf. užgavėti. Thus, these nouns should be regarded not as prefixal derivatives but as suffixal derivatives, denoting chiefly the result of an action.

Some prefixed suffixal derivatives also occur with vowel alternation, e.g.: pavadis || pāvadis, pavalkai, užū⁰gana || žū⁰gana. The latter may also be prefixal derivatives.

11. Lietuvių kalbos gramatikos tyrinėjimai

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Sudurtiniai daiktavardžiai

§ 89. There are even fewer compound nouns in the Zietela dialect than prefix-derived formations.

Most recorded are formations made from two nouns. Usually, the first constituent of compounds of this type specifies the second. On the basis of the first constituent, the following meanings can be distinguished among such compounds:

a) possession, e.g.: grėblakotis, kirvakotis “axe handle,” cf. the place-name Gaidžoklonis || Gaidžuklonės “a field in Zasečiai village”;

b) resemblance, e.g.: lapanošis “broad-nosed, flat-nosed.”

There are only a few compounds in the dialect whose second constituent specifies the first. Their first constituent is most often the noun vidus ‘middle, interior’. These compounds have two meanings:

a) place, e.g.: vidùki⋅mis “the middle of a village, settlement”; cf. also place-names of similar meaning: Vidùgirei, less often Vidùgiris “a forest between Zasečiai and Kurpešiai villages,” and Бідулаўка, recorded from Belarusian speakers, “a small forest in Narbutoniai village”;

b) time, e.g.: vidunakčtis.

It is difficult to determine the frequency or characteristic nature of any connecting vowels from these few examples. In many formations of this type, the connecting vowel coincides with the stem-final vowel of the first constituent, e.g.: lapanošis, grėblakotis, vidùki⋅mis. The noun kirvakotis is exceptional: instead of the expected -ia-, it has the connecting vowel -a- (the stem-final affricate most likely arose by analogy with other cases; cf. kirvakočio, kirvakočių), as does the place-name Gaidžoklonis || Gaidžuklonės. In the latter, the connecting vowel is most likely the genitive ending -io of an ia-stem noun. That this genitive place-name only recently fused into a single compound noun is shown by the survival of two stress accents. The connecting vowel in the variant form -iu- is most likely a phonetic variant of -io-, since unstressed o is sometimes pronounced u here and in other dialect words, e.g.: kùdėl ~ kodėl, tukàm ~ tokiàm.

§ 90. Only one or two compounds with other types of constituents have been recorded, e.g.:

from a numeral and a noun: pirmagalis, trikojis “a stand for setting pots on”;

from an adjective and a noun: ankstritas || anstritas, less often ansritas “morning, early morning”;

from an adverb and a noun: pušáudi⋅na “midday, noon”; from a noun and a verb: ši⋅mpjovis “haymaker, mower.”

§ 91. Nega staff?

§ 91. The small group of compound nouns can be further augmented with various compound proper names, whose constituent parts we can no longer precisely associate with any particular part of speech, since we scarcely perceive the individual constituents anymore. This group of compounds of unclear formation consists mainly of old personal names, e.g.: Vizgiris “a surname in Pagiriai village,” Žibartas “a surname in the Zietela area”; cf. also Ginvid “a surname in the parish registers of Zietela parish, 1814–1815,” Gintowt “a surname recorded by K. Būga (ZŠ, p. 4) in Zasečiai village”; Slavicized surnames (patronymics) in 16th-century documents: Довкгаловичъ (Zasečiai and Strėla villages), Домонтовичъ (Narbutoniai village), Контминовичъ (Pagiriai village), Радивиловичъ (Narūčiai village and Zie-

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telą)¹⁶. Also to be mentioned are place names of similar formation, e.g.: Butvilai || Butvil-laučiai, Giędzgalai || Gięzgalai, less often Giędagalai, Ži-bartai, Žibartauščina “villages in the vicinity of Zietela,” Nāugardas “Navahrudak.”

Alphabetical index of noun suffixes

§ 92. When suffixal nouns are grouped according to meaning, derivatives of some suffixes recur in several semantic groups. So that readers can see at once all the noun suffixes of the Zietela dialect and more easily find where the derivatives of each are discussed, their alphabetical index is given below.

-ainė § 53 b, 64; -aitis, -ė § 11, 37; -alas § 28; -alys 81a; -ara (|| -era) 82; -aras (|| -eras) § 82; -astis § 39; -ata § 36, (|| -eta || -ita) § 45a; -atė § 71a; -auckus § 68; -auny­kas § 72c; -(i)ava (|| -uva) § 51, 71b; -ėčia § 45b; -ėčkas § 17c; -ega, -ė § 46, 82; -eika § 67a; -ėjas (|| -ėjis), -a § 55; -ėkas § 68, 83; -eklas (|| -iklas) § 29; -elas § 46; -ėlė § 70; -elis, -ė § 4; -ėlis, -ė § 7; -enai § 82; -enas § 46; -enas § 62; -enės (|| -inėš) § 29; -enskas § 68; -era (|| -ara), -eras, -eris § 82; -estis § 24; -eta § 29b, (|| -ita) 45a, 82; -etys § 29c; -yba § 23, 32; -yčia § 45g; -id(e), (-ida) § 52, 67c; -iena § 49; -ienė § 22, 63, 80; -ienius § 81b; -ija § 81c; -yka § 6; -ykas § 82; -ikas § 15, 17a; -ikis § 65; -ykla (|| -yklė) § 52 a; -yklė § 42; -ikliai § 53c; -ilas § 67b; -ilda § 67c; -ilka § 17c; -imas § 19, 34, 45d, 75b; -ymas § 20; -inas § 70c; -yna § 29b, 75a; -ynas, -a § 14, 48, 65, 74; -inė (|| -inėš) § 78; -ynė § 45c, 70d, 81d; -inės § 29e, (|| -inis) § 76; -iniai § 52b, 79; -inykas (|| -(i)nykas), -ė § 50, 59, 68; -inis (|| -inėš) § 76; -inys § 27; -ynos § 76; -ysta § 35; -ystva § 38; -iškės § 53a; -iškis, -ė § 60; -ita (|| -ata, -eta) § 45a, 82; -ytis, -ė § 70; -itkas § 16; -ivis 81i; -las § 45e; -lys § 26a, 45f; -na § 26b; -nykas § 68, 72c; -odžius § 58, 72b; -ojas § 57, (|| -ojis, -ojus) 70e, 81e; -(i)olas § 44; -olys § 82; -onas § 53d; -ionis (|| -iones) § 66; -ovė § 81f; -smė 26c; -ščina § 53; -tus § 26d; -tūvas (|| -tuvai), -tuvė § 41, 43; -učios § 82; -udė § 52c; -(i)ukas, -ė § 5; -(i)ulis, -ė § 12; -ulys § 21, 72a, 87g; -umas, -a § 25, 31, 51; -umynas-a § 33; -ūnas § 56; -ūnė § 52d, 82; -urys § 29f, 52e, 82; -usis, -ė § 17b; -utas, -a § 8; -ūtas § 29g, (|| -učios) 82; -utis, -ė § 9; -utys § 29i; -uva (|| ava) § 51, 71b; -užėlis § 13.

INFLECTION

General remarks

Gender

§ 63. Nouns in the Zietela dialect are either masculine or feminine. Gender is distinguished both by the lexical meanings of words and by the morphological characteristics of nouns. The grammatical gender of nouns denoting persons, agents, and certain animals most often corresponds to natural male or female sex, e.g.: vyras — moterė, pati, sūnūs — duktė, brolis — sesūo; veršis — karvė, šūo — kālė, darbinikas — darbinikė, pjovėjas — pjovėją and so on. However, mismatches also occur: some names referring to male individuals are feminine, e.g.: loanwords — pāpa “pope,” tāta “dad”; surnames — Jōda, Kaškā, Koskā, Lenkā, Žibkā, while with a masculine ending

¹⁶ Акты..., т. 14, р. 203—208, 210—211, 215.

11*

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The noun moteriškis, meaning the woman herself, is used (alongside moterė, moteriškė). The grammatical gender of other nouns—those denoting concrete objects or abstract concepts—is unmotivated, e.g.: pirkà, tvártas, grážumas, seni’sta.

The dialect has several nouns whose gender differs from that in standard Lithuanian, e.g., feminine: ágrastas, klónis, páūštė “bird,” sémenos; masculine: tulžis “bile.”

The following nouns have both masculine and feminine gender: pė́tis, rudùo, Vílna || Vílnius || Víl-nis. In addition, the dialect has quite a few other examples of gender variation and confusion; cf.: ašei “axles,” dárba “work,” duónas “bread,” kójei “legs,” pláukos “hair,” rankóvei “sleeves,” šėserei “sisters,” (ta) vandùo, vū́ogai “berries” (more commonly: ášės, kójos, šėsėres, vū́ogos).

People’s bilingualism has undoubtedly contributed to this diversity of noun gender, which generally gives rise both to motivated and to apparently groundless deviations from the norm—that is, interference. The gender of some nouns is aligned with that of the corresponding Slavic (most often Belarusian) nouns, e.g.: dárba, duónas, vandùo. For other words (e.g.: ašei, as,mókos, more often asmókai “money,” bažnìčei, more often bažnìčos, kójei, pláukos), the gender shift is difficult to explain through direct analogy. These are probably a kind of hypercorrection, arising from an attempt to produce the most grammatically correct form of words that have been forgotten. Usually, the forms with shifted gender are used most often by dialect speakers who have not spoken Lithuanian with anyone for a long time. Thus, these forms are a result of forgetting their native language.

Number

§ 94. Nouns have two numbers: singular and plural, e.g.: jáučas: jáučei, pirkà: pirkõs, sesùo: šėsėres. The dual is already a declining category. The dual nominative and accusative forms are used mainly with the numerals du, dvi, and less often abù, abì, e.g.: masculine nominative: dú gražù bérnu nūvažáu; du jáuču ir žágre bit (buvo); reìka, kad dú daugù bútu(p); dú vaikùtù biti; masculine accusative: dú kartù vagójam; dáu du kaisnukù “he gave two morsels,” abù (dù) paršù nupenė́jom; feminine nominative: dvi avýki bit “there were two sheep”; dvi bóbi kásėm; irà dvi (abì) dukti; dvi de’ni jáu pjáuna; kab dvi kárvi, tai svė́sto irà; feminine accusative: dvi kasi pìne; dvi mergìti pametė “she left two little girls behind,” dvi seserì turė́; dvi žiemì vai(k)ščiójau. Plural forms with these numerals are rare: dú arklėi ir kárvė; dvi mašinàs átvežė.

The forms of the other dual cases do not differ from the plural forms, e.g.: abejų vesės galū bit vyrai “there were men at both ends of the village”; pirkà sa dvejeis langais “a cottage with double or two windows”; dvi’mi arklaami avižu davù; sa dvėmi (more often dvejomi) bóbomi ùtarinau “I talked with two women.”

Some nouns in the dialect can occur in only one number—either only singular or only plural. For example, singular-only nouns include: akėčia, kunóđni’kas, málka “firewood,” šiltis, etc.; plural-only nouns include: ákstės || ákščos “fish spear,” dùlkės (only of tow), nasrai “mouth, jaws,” stóvai “loom,” žvirž-dos “gravel, sand,” etc.

In certain cases, the number of nouns changes. For example, in a collective, general sense, the singular of concrete nouns is often used instead of the plural; cf.: labai pė́rdžuvo grúdas; kab nebit futorė, là ùkas bit tàuli “when there were no more farmsteads, the people were far away”—

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there were farmsteads, the strips of cultivated land were far away”; a nail did not grow on these fingers. The plural is used instead of the singular somewhat less often, e.g.: it keeps raining and raining, “now it is rain all the time”; it was getting watered inside; hardships and hardships to endure.

Case

§ 95. In addition to the seven cases used in standard Lithuanian, the dialect also has the internal illative, or illative case, the external locative, or adessive, and the external illative, or allative¹⁷. The locatives mentioned above and the other cases whose endings differ from those in standard Lithuanian should be reviewed separately, namely: the masculine singular dative, the feminine singular instrumental, the masculine and feminine plural dative, the feminine instrumental, and the masculine and feminine inessive.

§ 96. The illative is formed from the ancient accusative and the postposition -n(a)¹⁸. Singular illative forms, like inessive forms, are most often found only with nouns denoting inanimate things, e.g.: they put the leaves in; they load it onto the wagon; they drove into the forest; they threw it into the pit. Plural illative forms may occur with nouns denoting both inanimate and animate things, e.g.: a hen got into the carts; the women buried the dog; they drove the bride into the wagons; you went to the wedding.

§ 97. The adessive is formed from the old singular locative and the postposition -pi (< -pie)¹⁹, more often -p, e.g.: at the boy’s, at the brother’s, at the rooster’s || at the rooster’s, at Žukas’s. The adessive case is used mostly with nouns denoting persons and living creatures, e.g.: the boy’s eyes are beautiful “the boy’s beautiful eyes”; listen to the gods; my husband had a sister “my husband had a sister”; I was at Žvirblis’s, do you live at Kaškas’s or at Šaipukas’s “do you live at Kaškas’s or at Šaipukas’s”? the girl has beautiful hair; our mother had only one son; the hen has no milk. The adessive case is used only very rarely with nouns denoting inanimate things, e.g.: and in your area perhaps more people live “and perhaps more people live in your area”; in autumn they dug potatoes “they dug potatoes in autumn”.

No plural adessive forms have been recorded in the dialect. They are replaced by the plural inessive, e.g.: already my sons have children and “my sons already have children”; all those people had no sense “all those people had no sense.” The singular adessive is used with a plural adessive meaning in the utterance: if I lived among Lithuanians, I would learn faster, “if I lived among Lithuanians (in Lithuania), I would learn (the literary language) more quickly.” Nowadays the accusative with the preposition pas ‘at/to’ sometimes occurs even instead of the singular adessive: were you at Adam’s? And wasn’t he at Katryna’s? “and wasn’t he at Katryna’s”?

§ 98. The allative is formed from the genitive case and the postposition -p (< -pie). Only remnants of this case occur. It survives in the adverbialized word homeward (e.g.: let’s go home; we’ll drive home; I drove home) and

¹⁷ For convenience, the following locatives are referred to by their Latin names. The inessive, or internal locative, is abbreviated as in in the text, and as In. in the paradigm.

¹⁸ Plg. J. Endzelīns, Latviešu valodas gramatika, Rīgā, 1951, p. 460–461 (toliau – Gr); J. Endzelynas, Baltų kalbų garsai ir formos, Vilnius, 1957, p. 130–131 (toliau – GF); J. Otrębski, Gramatyka języka litewskiego, t. 3, Warszawa, 1956, p. 76–78 (toliau – Gr).

¹⁹ K. Būga, „Vil tis“, 1908, Nr. 125; Ф. Эн дзелинь, Латышские предлоги, т. 1, Юрьевъ, 1905, p. 168. J. Endzelynas, GF, p. 131; P. Arumaa, Untersuchungen zur Geschichte der litauischen Personalpronomina, Tartu, 1933, p. 90–92 (toliau – Untersuchungen…); A. Laig onaitė, Pašalio vietininkai dabartinėje lietuvių kalboje, kn.: Kai kurie lietuvių kalbos gramatikos klausimai, Vilnius, 1958, p. 21–25 (toliau – LKGK); J. Otrębski, Gr., t. 3, p. 78–83.

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sometimes in nouns denoting persons (most often surnames), e.g.: ánas nuvãi Burõkop “he went to Burokė”; Gaidžóp aisù; nuvejãu pónop prašít; iš Michailùko nuvãi Saračìnskõp “Michailūkas went to Saračinskas”; aimù Žvirblóp “I’m going to Žvirblis.” Nowadays, instead of these forms, the accusative with the preposition pas ‘to’ is more often used: aimù paz Adòlį; važìju paz Ganõfą “I’m going to Genovaitė”; nuvãi paz árklį. Sometimes the adessive is used instead of the singular allative: ìma dẽvip tã vaikùtą; o anà Ròmakiẽp nenõri aĩt “but she doesn’t want to go to Romanas.”

Plural illative forms are no longer used. In their place, people say: nuvejãu paz arklùs; dabẽgo pas tùos žmonìs. We probably find the meaning of the plural adessive, used as a remnant of the old plural allative, in the saying: põnum mõža bit, o žmonùm nebit lõsku “the lords may have had some, but the people had no beds.”

§ 99. The singular dative ending of masculine nouns is twofold: -(i)u and -i. Forms with the ending -(i)u [<-(i)uo] are generally used, e.g.: árklu, bėrnu, piẽmeniu, šùniu, žmogù.

In prepositional constructions, the old ending -i of consonant- and i-stem nouns has been preserved. It is found chiefly in forms with the following prepositions: lig, po and prig || preg || pri, e.g.: prig ìtam dãnti kitas skãust; po pažãsti bit snẽgo “there was snow up to the armpit”; duktẽ praturẽs manè lig šmertì “my daughter will support me until death.” It is thought²⁰ that under the influence of these stems, the -i ending with the same prepositions also occurs in singular dative forms of (i)a-stems, e.g.: dvì kasì lik ìtam dãikti; nùnešė lik truputùki; vàndino po ìtam dãikti “water up to this place”; buvãu preg brõli; pri kẽli būsta “lives by the road”; prig lõpši būk.

§ 100. The singular instrumental of all feminine nouns has -ai, -ei (-aei) in place of the standard-language endings -a, -e, e.g.: kójaĩ pakùlė tãrla “the leg broke the pot”; ãnas ten Li·dõji sa nãkàei bõbaĩ būsta “he lives there in Lyda with some woman”; vandùõ káp upẽĩ ãjo iš visù laukù; drãugẽĩ gãnõ; sa viẽnãĩ momùtẽĩ būsta; sa gražãĩ mergãĩ pasižãnino “he married a beautiful girl”; tãĩ parãĩ jãũ buvãũ namìẽ “by then I was already at home.”

Alongside these, singular instrumental forms ending in -a, -e also occur, with adverbial meaning or fossilized in certain expressions, e.g.: basamiñča apšavė “put on shoes barefoot”; atãĩ nakẽĩ; nu·nãĩnìšča atãĩ “came today”; dùona nubẽgo pãkluõne; compare also K. Būga’s recorded form: bẽrnas sa mergãite²¹. The latter examples would suggest that forms in -ai, -ei are more recent in the dialect. There is no doubt that -ai, -ei arose from pronominal forms. However, opinions differ as to how and from where the longer singular instrumental endings arose in those nouns that never have pronominal forms²².

²⁰ Cf. J. Endzelīns, Gr., pp. 428–432; J. Otrebski, Gr., vol. 3, p. 40; K. Ulvydas, LKGK p. 115 ff.; J. Kazlauskas, LKGK, pp. 7–8.

²¹ Žr. K. Būga, „Viltis“, Vilnius, 1908, Nr. 125.

²² For the view that -ai, -ei are shortened endings of pronominal pronouns or adjectives -aja, -iaja, which were later generalized and extended to other parts of speech, see P. Arumaa, LMT, p. 42, 70; E. Fraenkel, cited work, vol. 2, p. 49; Z. Zinkevičius, Lietuvių kalbos įvardžiuotinių būdvardžių istorijos bruožai, Vilnius, 1957, p. 100 (hereafter – IBIB).

For the view that the singular instrumental of Lithuanian o-stem nouns had, from ancient times, alongside a short form (rankan), a longer (pronominal) form (*rankajan), from which the form rankai may also have arisen, see J. Kazlauskas, “Kalbotyra,” vol. 1, Vilnius, 1958, p. 58; cf. also K. Morkūnas, MAD, A. vol. 2(7), p. 198 ff.

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Let us also consider whether the endings -ai, -ei could have arisen purely phonetically, directly from the acute-stressed absolute endings -a, -e (possibly before they had lost their falling accent) or -án, -én; cf. the analogous phenomenon in the word stem: geláistuva s, káisnis ~ kãšnis, káisk ~ kãsk, pageláisk “sharpen”. The same phenomenon is characteristic of some other dialects as well, e.g. in the northwestern Kapsai gerãsas ~ gerãsias, jáisas ~ jáisias, táis “that”²³, and in the dialect of Lithuanian fishermen in the former East Prussia geresnêises, káisti, sal-džeises, sláistai ~ žemdises²⁴. It is true that -ai, -ei in place of the old acute-stressed endings -á, -é or -án, -én are not attested anywhere; cf. the plural accusative forms of all the dialects mentioned: gálvas (< *gál-vans), mažàs, tokàs; singular inessive daiktè (< *daiktén), kamè; plural instrumental in the southern Western Highlanders ausisè (< *ausysén), laukuóse, and in the Zietela dialect áusi·sà, šveču·sà. This indicates that when -á-, -é- or -án-, -én- changed into -ai-, -ei- before certain consonants in the word stem, they had already become monophthongs and shortened in the ending²⁵. The forms of the Pzanavykio Kapsai anáis “that one,” táis do not invalidate this claim, since, first of all, these are monosyllabic words, which often have their own phonetic development patterns, and, on the other hand, they may have developed from shortened pronominal forms *anáisas, *táisas or have been formed on their model. Consequently, the assumption that the endings -ai, -ei could have developed from the absolute endings -á, -é or -án, -én is not tenable. However, such a change (i.e. á, é or án, én > ái, éi) most likely took place in almost all possible cases: both in the word stem and in the protected singular instrumental ending of the following syllable (analogous pronominal plural accusative forms have not survived in the dialect). This is also confirmed by the singular instrumental form in the Kapsai and Zanavykai dialects, senáju || senájā²⁶. Later, as the pronominal forms shortened, the second element of the diphthongs ai, ei readily merged with -j (< -ja)²⁷. *-ánjan > *-ánja > -ája > -áj. It is possible that the analogous Slavic endings in the same case and gender, -ou, -eu, also contributed to the widespread generalization of the longer endings in the Zietela dialect; cf. Belarusian прыехаў ранняй вясной; Russian пришёл со своей женой.

§ 101. The dative plural of masculine and feminine nouns and adjectives of all stem classes has the ending -mi after a stem-final vowel, e.g.: dùok darbà· vīrami itre·mi “give these men some work”; ark lám i reikà dùot pasulsèt (to rest); visómi marčiómi po skėpta’ nupirko “for all the daughters-in-law they bought a kerchief each”; kárvėmi kunódu· diòjam; vis èmi žmonėmi atlaidė; nupirkâu akimikàplu “I bought eye drops”; pi ẽme nàmi davàu.

Forms of the plural instrumental of many nouns and adjectives (mostly feminine) have the same endings, e.g.: visa reikėj rankomi dirpt; sa penkomi mergomi aimù namop; ilgomi dalgėmi pjaunam; ragù savomi akimi; dantìmi krimta; iš-kirzdinėja (medžius) sa visomi šaknìmi; aimù sa savomi dukterimi; less often sa mergòmi, šakòmi²⁸.

²³ J. Senkus, The Zanavykai Kapsų dialect, candidate dissertation in philological sciences, typescript, Manuscript Collection of the V. Kapsukas Library of Vilnius State University, Vilnius, 1955, p. 64; J. Otręb ski, Gr., vol. I, p. 175.

²⁴ Žr. J. Gerullis ir Chr. Stang’as, Lietuvių žvejų tarmė Prūsuose, Kaunas, 1933, p. 11.

²⁵ The fact that nasal vowels in word stems and circumflex vowels at word ends, especially ą and ę, survived longer is also attested by old written sources; see A. Bezzenberger, Beiträge zur Geschichte der litauischen Sprache, Göttingen, 1877, p. 30; J. Palionis, Lietuvių literatūrinė kalba XVI–XVII a., Vilnius, 1967, pp. 99–103.

²⁶ See J. Senkus, LKK, vol. 3, pp. 146–147.

²⁷ Cf. J. Endzelīns, Gr., pp. 470–471; Z. Zinkevičius, IBIB, p. 43.

²⁸ The accentuation of the forms is unclear. Therefore, the differing notation of the plural dative mergòmi and plural instrumental mergòmi (more often mergo-mi) is largely formal.

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The forms of the dative plural and instrumental plural differ in intonation or stress position, but in essence these two cases nevertheless have one generalized ending. On the evidence of other dialects, in which the same form is used predominantly for the dative and instrumental plural, it must be assumed that it was first generalized for the i- and consonant stems²⁹, and only later for the -(i)o, ė, and other stems³⁰.

The ending -mi in the dative and instrumental plural was probably generalized for both cases not very long ago, since forms of the dative plural without -i are still occasionally found, e.g.: dúok z a·sim avižų; adúok jẽm; jům pasakáu.

§ 102. The inessive plural of all nouns has the ending -sa, e.g.: krūmúsa, nasrúosa; bóbosa, pū́kosa, draugė́sa, upė́sa; krúti sa; baltúsa, drobinė́sa, trijósa, júosa, ma-nosa, tosa. The same inessive plural ending is widespread in the southern Dzūkian dialects—both within the territory of the Lithuanian SSR (approximately as far as the Lazdijai—Varėna—Šalčininkėliai line³¹) and in neighboring Lithuanian-speaking areas of the Byelorussian SSR (the districts of Gardinas, Rodūnia³², Varenavas, and Įvija), etc.

It has been proposed that the final -a of instrumental plural forms arose through depalatalization of the consonant s³³, but it most likely came from illative forms; cf. laukúosna, savósna³⁴.

Stems

§ 103. In the Zietela dialect, as in Standard Lithuanian, there are six main noun stems: (i)a, (i)o, ė, i, (i)u and consonant stems. Not all stems are equally robust or well preserved. The strongest are the (i)a, (i)o and ė stems. The remaining stems—i, (i)u and consonant stems—are weaker: many of their forms are displaced by corresponding (i)a-, (i)o- or ė-stem forms. For example, the plural of the (i)u stem has been almost entirely displaced by the plural of the ia stem: su·nai, su·nami, pãčėis. Most feminine nouns with i and consonant stems have shifted to the ė stem (duktẽ || duktẽrė, móterė, žãsė “goose,” živẽ “fish”) or, less often, to the (i)o stem (ãkšės || ãkštės), while masculine nouns have shifted to the (i)a stem (dañtas || dañ-čis, dañtei, šunei), or, less often, to the ė stem (dañtės, šunės).

There are also cases of the opposite tendency: for example, some nouns with (i)a or i stems take endings of the (i)u stem in certain cases, e.g., singular instrumental kelúm, ugnúm, vocative brólau, dievìliau.

Other, less extensive cases of stem mixing are indicated after the paradigms.

No reflexive nouns have been recorded in the dialect.

²⁹ This feature seems to have been first noted by P. Aruma (LMT, p. 68), while recording texts in the Lazūnai dialect: “Nur die i-Stämme endigen in beiden Kasus regelmäßig auf -mi”.

³⁰ For the origin of the formant -mi, see P. Arumaa, Untersuchungen..., p. 50–78; E. Fraenkel, cited work, vol. 2, p. 36; J. Otrębski, Gr., vol. 3, p. 84–85.

³¹ The data collected for the Atlas of the Lithuanian Language (in response to question No. 290 in the “Program”) are used.

³² O. Broch, describing the Lithuanian dialect of the eastern part of the Rodūnia district (the villages of Puodžiai, Lapo­tiškiai, and Zeniūnai), transcribed the inessive plural ending as -sę, but noted that s is not palatalized; see O. Broch, NTS, vol. 19, (1960), p. 21.

³³ Cf. J. Senkus, MAD, A, vol. 1 (1955), p. 150; A. Laigonaitė, Locatives in Contemporary Lithuanian, doctoral dissertation in philology, typescript, Vilnius, 1956, p. 15–16.

³⁴ Cf. also Z. Zinkevičius, Lietuvių dialektologija, p. 239.

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Accentuation

§ 104. The dialect noun also has quite a number of its own accentual peculiarities. In many cases, people who have partly forgotten the dialect no longer sense the word-accent system and confuse accent placement to a relatively great extent. The accent placement most often confused is that of the instrumental singular, nominative plural, accusative plural, and accusative plural of nouns. For example, the forms of these cases of first- and third-accent-paradigm nouns often have the accent shifted to the ending, cf.: instrumental singular árklu || arklù, brólu || bro·lù, láužu || laužù, pù·du || pu·dù, súnu || su·nù; agù·nai || agù·naí, gálvai || galvái, márškai || marškái;

dual nominative–accusative: two brólu || bro·lù, sú·nu || su·nù; two bóbi || bobi, rišti || ri·šti “switches,” stráisti || straisti “little sacks”;

accusative plural árklus || arklùs, brólus || bro·lùs, dárbus || darbùs, súnus || su·nùs; dróbes drobès, || gálvas || galvàs.

It seems that the endings of these forms began to be accented mainly under the influence of the corresponding cases of second- and fourth-accent-paradigm nouns. Although the accent is shifted, the distinction between nouns with different accentuation has nevertheless not disappeared, since the earlier intonation of the word stem is retained; with a few exceptions, it is the same for most nouns as in standard Lithuanian. The accent paradigm of a noun also plays a certain role in variations in accent placement. Words of the third accent paradigm more often have the accent on the endings of the cases mentioned, whereas those of the first paradigm have it on the stem.

Individual forms of second- and fourth-accent-paradigm nouns are also pronounced with retracted accent. The accent is most often retracted from a short ending onto a long stem, e.g.: instrumental singular gaĩdu, rė̃tu, ver̃šu, žõdu, accusative plural gaĩdus, blĩnus, žõdus, pĩrkas, vir̃šas. However, this phenomenon is much less common than the aforementioned shift of accent to the ending.

Other cases are also found with two accentuation patterns. The singular nominative of ia-stem nouns ending in -ys or -is is quite often accentuated in two ways: forms with an accented ending (arklìs, gi·lìs, glėbìs, šulnìs) are often accented on the stem (árklis, gilis, glėbis, šulnis), while forms with stem accent (aṅ(k)slis, žõdis) sometimes have the ending accented (an(k)slìs, žodìs).

For some nouns, the singular illative is more often accented in two ways (krúman || kru·màn, pádān || padàn, rátan || ratàn, ski·etàn || ski·e·tan, sódan || sodàn); for others, the plural inessive or illative forms (daiktuosa || dãiktuosa, daiktu·sna || dãiktu·sna, lovu·sà || lóvu·sa); for still others, the singular adessive, cf. § 106 and elsewhere.

There are also various other minor matters of accentuation concerning nouns or individual forms of theirs. These are noted in the remarks following the paradigms.

Declension

(i)a stem

§ 105.

Singular

Nom. brother, pig, boy, road, rooster || rooster Gen. brother, pig, boy, road, rooster || rooster Dat. brother, pig, boy, road, rooster || rooster Acc. brother, pig, boy, road, rooster Instr. brother³⁵, pig, boy, road || road, rooster || rooster

³⁵Forms presented with two accent marks in paradigms and in the text indicate that both the stem and the ending can be stressed.

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Inessive: wind, sieve, object, road: ramti “in the stick” Illative: wind, sieve, object, road, ramti Adessive: brother, pig, boy, rooster, rooster || rooster Allative: master, rooster || rooster Vocative: brother || brother, master, boy, green

Dual

Nom.-Acc. two brothers, two pigs, two boys, two roosters || roosters

Plural

Nom. brólei, paršai, bernai, gaidēi || gaidžai Gen. brólu, paršu, bernu, gaidū || gaidžū Dat. brólamī, paršamī, bernāmī, gaidāmī || gaidžāmī Acc. brólūs, paršūs, bérnūs, gaidūs || gaidžūs Instr. bróleis, paršais, bernais, gaidēis || gaidžais Iness. žirnʿosa, pónuʿs(a), dáiktuʿosa, gaiduʿsa || gaidžuʿsa Ill. žirnʿosna, páituʿsna, dáiktuʿsna, švečiʿsna Voc. brólei, bernai

Notes. § 106. 1. In the singular nominative of a-stem nouns, the mobile a of the ending occasionally drops out, e.g., vaiks, more often vaikas, dėus, more often dėvas; cf. nechói dėz gina “may God protect.” ia-stem nouns of this type, such as artójas, kráujas, vėjas, often have the ending -is in the singular nominative after the consonant j: artójis, kráujis, vėjis. 2. The singular inessive of ia-stem nouns is shortened, e.g.: kaisni “in a piece,” kráuji || kráuji, kuʿgi, lopši, lovi, ramti, rēti, sámiti, vėjį. The word kėlas has the a-stem singular inessive form kelė; cf. daiktė, kraštė. 3. Those ia-stem nouns that end in -ias in the singular nominative have the ending -ian in the singular illative (< -iana) (kelan “onto the road, on a journey,” medžan), while all the others have the ending -in (< -ina) (lovin, ramtiņ, sámtin, vėjin). 4. The singular adessive ending is of two kinds: -iep or -ip. The ending -iep occurs more often under stress, e.g.: arklīep, diēvīep, gaidīep, || gaidžīep, lietuvīep, veršīep, Žukīep, žvirblīep; when unstressed, it is -ip: árklip, Adólip, Adómip, bernūkìp, Bóhusip, brólip, Burókip, dedžūkìp “at uncle’s,” jáučip, diēvip, gaidip || gaidžip, Jōnip, kiškìp, paršip, pónip, veršip, virip || virīskip. However, gaidip, paršip, veršip or Rōmakiep, virīškiep, žvirblīep are also said alongside these. The pronominal singular adessive ending is also sometimes used, e.g.: Žukelčikim sàdegė tvártas; cf. manim, muʿsim. 5. The singular allative of two-syllable nouns usually stresses the ending -op (Gaidžóp aišū “I’ll go to Gaidys”; aimū Žukóp), while in polysyllabic nouns stress varies: it may fall on the ending or the stem (Gaide lóp nubėk; nuvājom Macūkóp || Mačūk op; Michailūk op || Michailukóp tadaik bėgu “then I run to Michailukas (a nickname).” 6. The singular vocative ending of two-syllable a-stem nouns is -e. Such a vocative is usually stressed on the root, e.g.: kab táu, bérne, dūgno nebūt “may you, boy, sink somewhere”; diēve, dovánok táu; atai̇kit šēi, pône; vaike, krūpa inkáisk “boy, have a little bite.” However, sometimes the stress also occurs on the ending-

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ending, e.g.: o kab, vaike, stalavojates “oh, how are you getting by, boy?” dievė mano miltikas “my dear God.”

The vocative of polysyllabic nouns (with the suffixes -ukas, -utas) is mostly without an ending, e.g.: kiškut nabagut (l.d.); aimà, brolùk; Vosi'lùk, palàuk; vaikùt, àik šen.

The singular vocative of some ia-stem nouns has a iu-stem ending, e.g.: tep bùstasi, brólau “that’s how things go (how life is), my brother”; dièvulau tu mùnas; tai vòl, ponėlau, kàp.

In the dialect, the nominative is often used instead of the vocative, namely: ak, mùnas tu katinùkas; ar nu'naik, pònas, aisi kanà “are you going somewhere today, sir?” nacàlnì'kas (supervisor), padarik mùn tep; àch, vaikùtas tu miltikas.

7. Alongside the usual plural instrumental ending -(i)ais, forms of that case with -(i)ami also occur occasionally (possibly on the model of the Slavic instrumental and partly also following feminine nouns), e.g.: jàučami tadaik arè “they ploughed with oxen then”; pìrṧtami intardė “he scratched with his fingers”; ùspilė skatikami; sa švèčami prabit; o anà būma sa tomi vilkùtami “and she is with those wolf cubs.”

8. The plural inessive is often shortened as well, e.g.: daržùos, kampùos, laukùos, marškiniùos, naginiùos “in the naginės,” pònùos, rugùos. Sometimes the full forms are pronounced with retracted stress, e.g.: didesnìù-sa vaikùosa.

9. The plural illative occasionally has a stressed postposition, e.g.: nas(t)ruosna, Žirmonuosna “to Žirmūnai.” A form with the ending -uosan was heard once: šìena stogùosan sakràudinėja “he loads hay into the stacks.”

The plural adessive and allative of nouns are no longer used.

10. The plural vocative is rare. It coincides with the plural nominative, e.g.: kab jùmi, pònai, visa gerai būtù'p “may everything be well with you, gentlemen”; àch, brólei mani; kanà jūs, vìrai, aimat “where are you going, men?”

§ 107. In the Zietela dialect there are also the following a-stem words: mėnas “month, moon”; among ia-stem words, tulžis and vōris “weather.” Instead of the a-stem words ažaras, vìras, ažaris, viris may sometimes also be said; singular accusative ažari', viri'.

2. Alongside ia-stem forms with affricates (gaidžo, gaidžù, gaidžei, ramčo, rėčo, žodžo), forms without affricates are also used (gaido, gaidù, gaidei, ramio, rėto, žōdo). They probably arose by analogy with other forms in the same paradigm that lack affricates (gaidìs, ramìtis, gaidì', ramì', ramti', rėti', ramtiñ, rėtiñ). The same applies to the less frequent reverse phenomenon, e.g.: gaidžis, darčis, žōdžis, danči', žōdži', žōdžin.

3. The following belong to accent paradigm IV: lāpas, ku'gīs, tulžīs, žaltīs, rāžnas “broom handle.”

(i)o-stem

§ 108.

Singular

Nom. bōba “wife, woman,” momà “mother,” galvà, gìrà, martì || marcà

Gen. bōbos, momōs, galvōs, gìros, marcōs

Dat. bōbai, mōmai, gálvai, gìrai, marcèi

Acc. bōbà, momà', galvà', gìrà', marcà'

Instr. bōbai, momái, galvái, gìrāi, marcāi

Instr. strāistoi, galvōi, gìroi

Ill. strāiston, galvōn, gìrōn,

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For example: bóbaip, mōmaip, marčeip

For example: Katri·nõs(p)³⁶

For example: bóba, mōma, tētà || tẽt

Dual

V.-G. two bóbi, two mōmi, two gálvi, two marti.

Plural

V. bóbos, mōmos, gálvos, gìros, marčos

K. bóbuˈ, mōmuˈ, galvũ, gìruˈ, marčũ

N. bóbomi, mōmomi, galvómi, gìromi, marčõmi

G. bóbas, momàs, gálvas, gìrãs, marčàs

Loc. with fathers, with mothers, with heads, with daughters-in-law

Loc. with fathers, with heads, with geese, with daughters-in-law

Il. bóbosna, galvósna, gìrosna

Š. bóbos, mẽrgos

Notes. § 109. 1. Singular dative forms are most often stressed on the stem, e.g.: bóbai, pažei, tėtai. However, forms of this case with a stressed ending, usually bearing the circumflex accent, also occur sometimes, e.g.: Katri·nai must dapadēt “Katerinai needs help”; marčẽi pasakāi tiktàik viẽnai “I said it only to one daughter-in-law”; kāmgi t a i mergãi reĩka; dūˈsi pačẽi krūpa “you’ll give your wife a little”; padēk savaĩ tetai kumōdni·kaˈ kāst “help your aunt rake the potato tops.” Once, a singular dative form was also recorded with a stressed acute-accent ending: pasakik tāi mergãi. These forms may be remnants of nouns with ancient end-stress (oxytone nouns).

2. The stressed ending -(i)ai of the singular instrumental is always acute-accented, e.g.: galvãi, gīrãi, mergãi, pirkãi. Even when unstressed, the first element of the diphthong -ai in these endings (kōjai, karvìkai) is clearer than the first element of the same diphthong in the singular dative ending (mōmai, pirkèi).

3. The singular inessive is shortened, e.g.: galvōi, márškoje, ‘in the blanket,’ pirkōi, Vilnoi ‘in Vilnius.’ Perhaps e has recently disappeared here, since alongside giroi E. Volteris also writes pirkioje³⁷.

4. The singular adesive ending of the o-stem is -aip, and that of the io-stem is -iaip (pronounced -eip), e.g.: avìkaip, bóbaip, mergáip, mōmaip, Juzžfaip, Katerìnaip, Šẽnkaip, Víktaip. The stressed singular adesive ending most often has a circumflex accent, e.g.: marčẽip, mergãip, momãip, pačẽip, vištãip, Kaškaip, Katri·naip. Forms with an acute accent in the singular adesive are rare: marčāip, momāip.

5. Only a couple of examples of the noun allative have been recorded in the dialect: Katri-nōs (< Katri·nōsp) and a feminine form with the masculine singular allative ending Lenkōp nu-vejàu (Lenkā is the surname of the Zasečiai village).

6. Alongside singular vocative forms ending in -a (aik tu, bóba, nug manē ‘go on, woman, away from me’; mōma, dūˈk pienuko; būk šviekā, tēt a || tẽta ‘stay well, aunt’), shortened forms also occur occasionally, e.g.: tẽt, aik šōn.

³⁶ This allative form is taken from P. Aruma; see P. Arumaa, LMT, p. 70.

³⁷ See E. Wolter, MLLG, vol. 4, pp. 169, 172.

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§ 110. 1. The io-stem words marti ‘daughter-in-law’ and pati ‘wife’ are probably sometimes pronounced marčà, pačà in the singular nominative due to paradigm leveling. This stem also has the older form of the name of the city of Vilnius, Vilna. The o-stem includes: grucà ‘groats,’ plėvà ‘husk,’ žirkłos, žvirzdos ‘sand.’

2. Unlike, the following dialect words are stressed on the first syllable: II and IV accent paradigms may include: kapà, rankà, vištà, mergà, plėvà, apačà, vir(k)ščà. Derivatives with the suffix -yčia belong to the II accent paradigm (bažnyčà, sprageli·čà, teli·čà); those with -iena belong to the III accent paradigm (aviž·nà, žirni·nà). The IV accent paradigm includes: ši·và ‘šeiva’, pirkà.

ė stem

§ 111. Nouns of the ė stem are declined as follows:

Singular

Nom. karvė, bitė, gerklė, draugė “family,” pelė; Gen. karvės, bitės, gerklės, draugės, pelės; Dat. karvei, bitei, g’rklai, draugei, pelai; Acc. karvę, bitę, gerklą, draugę, pėlą; Instr. karvai, bitai, gerklai, draugai, pelai; Instr. upė, gerklė, draugė; Ill. upen, gerklėn, draugėn; All. karveip, biteip, kãteip || kateip; Voc. karve, momūte, kãte

Dual

Nom.-Acc. dvi karvi, dvi biti, dvi draugi, dvi pelbi

Plural

Nom. karvės, bitės, gerklės, draugės, pėlės; Gen. karvių, bitių, gerklių, draugių, pelų; Dat. karvėmi, bitėmi, gerklėmi, draugėmi; Acc. karvės, bitės, gerklas, draugės, pelàs; Instr. karvėmi, bitėmi, gerklėmi, draugėmi; Instr. karvėsa, bitėsa, gerklesà, draugėsà; Ill. karvėsna, bitėsna, draugėsna; Voc. karvės, kãtės

Notes. § 112. 1. Alongside the usual singular dative forms of the ė stem with root stress (karvei, kaũlai, kãtei, põnei, bitei, paūstei), occasional forms with ending stress are found. Only words with a short or circumflex root have stress on the ending, e.g.: bitei, katei, kaulai, paūstei.

2. For the singular instrumental ending -ėi and the occasionally occurring -e, see § 100.

3. The singular inessive is shortened: draugėi, pūšėi, ūpėi³⁸.

4. The singular adessive is most often stressed on the root: Burok’ė neip zladjei bit “there were thieves at Burokienė’s”; vėnas sunūs bit Kãseip “Kasė had one son”; mergiteip gražūs plāukai. Ending stress is rare: kateip nagai ilgi; poneip li-

³⁸ E. Volteris (MLLG, vol. 4, p. 172) also records upeja (sagāwo Alēna upeja).

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kaũ. The monophthongized ending -ep (< -iep < -eip, perhaps as in the word viˈkãũ || vĩkãũ || vekãũ “faster”) was heard in the word mergĩep.

No singular or plural forms of the allative were observed.

5. Singular and plural vocatives are very rare.

§ 113. In the ē-stem paradigm, the stem-final vowels ē, e, æ and the diphthong ei in the singular dative, singular and plural accusative, and singular vocative have changed into e, a, ą, ai after the hardened consonants l, r, š, e.g.: gruˈšė, grūša, gruˈšas, kãulė, kãulai, kãula, kãulas; žãgrė, žãgra, žãgràs; mergẽla, vuˈgẽla. Thus the endings of these cases in fact coincide with the endings of the same cases in the o-stem, see § 108. For this reason, singular genitive and plural nominative forms sometimes also analogically shift to the o-stem, e.g.: gruˈšos, grūšos, šaũlos, skiˈlos, skìlos, žìrklos.

§ 114. 1. The following words in the dialect have an ē-stem: bãlė “mud, bog,” blusė “flea,” gisle “vein,” dal̃gė, kãrtė “pole,” kùlsė “threshing flail,” mãrės, less often mãros, pẽntė “heel,” pãuštė, põnė || ponẽ “lady.” A word with a double stem is sėklė || sėkla. The noun kõjēs, kõjėmi; is also inclined to shift to the ē-stem.

2. The following words are accented according to accentuation classes II and IV: bitė || bitẽ, dal̃gė || dalgẽ, klešnė || klešnẽ “trouser leg,” mùsė || musẽ, põnė || ponẽ, pusė || pusẽ, virvė || virvẽ, verpstė, less often verpstẽ.

The following words belong to accentuation class IV: meñtė, “the cutting blade of a scythe,” rumbė “seam, hem,” skuˈlė “boil, sore,” tiˈsė “right hand,” žvaizdė.

i-stem

§ 115. Most i-stem nouns are feminine. The only masculine ones are ãnglis, dañtis, diˈveris, gelãžis, žveris (more often žvẽris), ùgnis (now the masculine noun šìltis is also more commonly used in its place).

Singular

V. klõnis, širdìs, dañtis, akìs

K. klõniės, širdìes, dañto || dañčio, akiẽs || akẽs

N. klõnei, širdei (prig. širdi), dañtũ || dañčiu, ãkei

G. klõniˈ, širdiˈ, dañtiˈ, ãkiˈ

Įn. klõnei, širdẽi, dañtũ || dañčiu, akẽi

Įn. klõniˈ, širdiˈ, dañtiˈ, ãkiˈ

Il. klõnin, širdin, dañtin, akĩn

Ad. žvẽrip, žìveip, žãsēip

Dual

V. G. dvi šìrdai, du dañtũ, dvi akì, dvi zaˈsi

Plural

V. klõnės, širdẽs || širdes, dañtės || dañtei, ãkės

K. klõnių, širdų, dañtũ || dañčų, akũ

N. širdìmi, dañtimi || dañtãmi, akẽmi || akimi

G. klõnis, širdis, dañtũs || dañtis, akìs || akẽs

Įn. klõnimi, širdimi, dañtẽis || dañtimi, akimi

Įn. klõniˈsa, kruˈtiˈsa, dañtiˈsa, akiˈsa

Il. klõniˈsna, kruˈtiˈsna, dañtiˈsna, akiˈsna

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Notes. § 116. 1. Many i-stem nouns, in addition to the sg. nominative ending -is, may also have -ė, e.g.: nósis || nosė, karštis || karštė ‘benefit’, pažastis || pažastė, širdis || širdė, verpstis || verpstė || verpštė, za’sis || zašė || za’sė, žuvis, more often žvė || žvė.

2. The feminine singular genitive also quite often has a parallel ė-stem form, e.g.: from ausės pakėlė ‘lifted by the ear’; nėr karštės ‘there is no benefit’, an naktės atȧi ‘came at night’; an kloniės gano ‘herds in the valley’. The masculine singular genitive has shifted to the ia stem: añglo, dañto, žvėro.

3. In place of the old singular instrumental ending i-stem ending -imi of feminine nouns, the ė-stem ending -ei has now become generalized: nósėi, živéi (for this, see § 100), while in place of the masculine instrumental, the ia-stem ending -(i)u: añglų, gãlažu, žvėru. Endings originating from the io and iu stems occur only in forms that have become adverbial, e.g.: nakčà (more often nakčėi) kab ima lót; kad ãnas ugnũm (< ugnim?) nepažnótų ‘so that he would not recognize [it] at all.’

4. The singular inessive is shortened: ausī, nósī, širdī. The ending of the feminine singular adessive is the same as that of the ė-stem: žãseip, živeip, whereas the masculine ending -ip has merged with the consonant-stem ending and the unstressed (i)a-stem ending: díʽverip, žvėrip.

5. The plural nominative of feminine i-stem nouns has almost entirely shifted to the ė-stem: ãkės, ãšės, ãusės, šãknės, zãses. ė-stem masculine nominative forms are rare, e.g.: dañtės, dùrės, širdės. More common is the masculine plural nominative form with the ending -ei ~ -iai, e.g.: anglei, dañtei, gelãžei, žvėrei (but also: gãlaži’s, zvėri’s). Only a few plural nominative forms have been recorded with the old consonant-stem ending -es: dañtes, dùres, širdes.

6. The plural genitive has the ending -(i)ų, e.g.: akų, ausų, dañtų || dañčių, kruʽtų, naktų, nósų, petų || pecų, pirčių, zaʽsų || žãstų, živų. Only two words stand apart: dùrų and žvėrų.

7. The plural accusative has two endings: -is (akis, ašis, ausis, dañtis, naktis, žuvis) and -es — ašės, šaknės, živės || živės, zaʽsės.

8. Only one example is recorded with the shortened plural inessive ending: anà tũri dañtis nėka ‘she has something in her teeth’. Forms with the ė-stem also occur sometimes, e.g.: dùrėsa.

9. Alongside forms with the ending -i·sna, the plural illative also has, somewhat less often, forms with -ėsna: pažùrėk abejòs akísna; šmertis nėžùri dañtísna ‘death does not look at teeth’; mẽtė dùrísna || dùrĭėsna, živėsna. Stress falls mainly on the penultimate syllable, although sometimes one also says: kõ žùri dañti·snà.

§ 117. 1. As we can see, the i stem has become considerably depleted: some words have already shifted entirely to other stems (see § 114), while in others only individual forms have shifted, e.g.: the word dañtis || dañčės has forms from as many as three stems; sometimes dañtas as well, cf.: sg. gen. dañčo || dañti·s; pl. nom. dañtėi || dañtės, pl. dat. dañtimi || dañtėmi || dañtãmi || dañčėmi. There are few forms originating from the io stem, e.g.: sg. instr. nakčà, pl. nom. ãkščos, pl. dat. ašómi, pl. instr. nakčómi, more often naktimi.

2. The paradigm of the noun žmonės, which notably has forms of both the i and consonant stems, is worth noting; e.g.: pl. nom. žmonės || žmon'ės, less often žmonės || žmoni·s (|| žmogai, cf. § 119₈), gen. žmonų, dat. žmonėmi || žmonimi || žmonãmi, acc. žmonis, less often žmones, instr. žmonėmi, less often žmonimi, žmonėis, iness. žmoni·sà || žmonėsa, ill. žmonisna || žmoni’ėsna.

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It would be difficult to believe that the forms of the disappearing i- and consonant-stem paradigms here are new. They have most likely survived from the time when ‘person’ was a consonant-stem noun; cf. the Lazūnai dialect form žmog.

3. The word dùrės has root stress. Only the inessive and illative plural forms have variable stress: dùrėsa || dùri·sà, dùrėsna || dùrisna.

IV accentuation class includes švirtis (this word was heard from only one old man).

The plural forms of the word za·sis are stressed mostly on the ending, but zàšų, zàšimi, zàšėsna are also said; cf. the nominative singular form žàsę, used occasionally.

(i)u stem

§ 118. There are very few u-stem nouns in the Zietela dialect. Moreover, most of them are singularia tantum, e.g.: alùs, dangùs, li·tùs, medùs, pãekus, vidùs, cùkrus. There are somewhat more nouns with the u stem: bõčus, kãpčius, lãjus, pãčus, saldė·nus, švìlus, ru·kõčius and others.

Singular N. pãekus, su·nùs, viršùs, bõčus || bõčis G. pãekaus, su·nãus, viršãus, bõčo D. pãeku, sùnu, bõču A. pãeku·, sùnu·, viršù·, bõčù· || bõči· Instr. pãeku, sùnu, viršù, medùm bõčù Loc. dangù·i, viršù·i || viršù·i, Ill. dangùn, viršùn, All. sùnip || su·nìp, bõčip || bõčup Ad. Mikalõjop Voc. su·nãu bõčau Dual N.-A. du turgù, sùnù, viršù, žmogù, bõčù Plural N. turgai, su·nãi || sùnù·s, viršai, bõčei G. turgù, su·nù, viršù, bõčù· D. turgãmi, su·nãmi || su·nùmi, viršãmi, bõčãmi A. turgùs, sùnùs, viršùs, bõčãs Instr. turgais, su·nais, viršais, bõčéis Loc. turgù·sà, su·nù·s || su·nu·sà, bõčù·sa Ill. turgù·sna, su·nù·sna, bõčù·sna

Notes. § 119. 1. The nominative singular ending of many iu-stem nouns has two variants: -ius and -is, e.g.: bõčus, dĩšlus || dĩšlus, pãčus, ru·kõčius, saldė·nus, švìlus, užančius ‘bosom’, and alongside these pãčis, ru·kõčis, užančis. Words that have shifted to the i-stem and words with the u stem also occur, e.g.: viršas || viršus.

Those iu-stem nouns whose stem-final consonants r, š, c can become hard sometimes have u-stem endings in the nominative singular, e.g.: aspadõrus || aspadõris ‘householder’, kermõšus || kermõšis ‘large market’, palãčus ‘palace’, plãčius ‘square’.

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2. Alongside the ending -aus, the genitive singular of u-stem nouns (as in medaus ‘of honey’ and alaus ‘of beer’; iš vidaus gražast, kap iš viršaus ‘from inside beautifully, as from above’) also has a less frequent variant ending of the a-stem, e.g.: iš daňgo mětė; an turgo važinėjo Zičtelon, while the genitive singular of iu-stem nouns has the more common ia-stem ending, e.g.: ir bōčo nebit namė; ir stōja gaidis an kāpčo; važuoja an kermošo Li-dōn, less often an ri-tōjaus bus; nug pėčiaus; mārlūs ‘marls’.

3. The accusative singular of iu-stem nouns is often also expressed with endings of other stems, e.g.: sūna' momā ište'sė negiva', bit piē Vilni: ‘was (lived) near Vilnius’; piē pėči' dirbasi.

4. The instrumental singular ending is -um, e.g.: lig li-tum; kvepėtu medum: sa cukrum occurs rather rarely. More often one says: sa cūcru, sa medū; sa bōču ir momāi.

5. The inessive and illative singular also have two sets of endings, e.g.: būsta dangūi; būvom turgu; ir vidū ir viršūi karšta biti; āugo dangūn; nuvažiavom Nogardan turgu n; saldė'nūn nekrauna miēlū; viršūn ir apačōn pakeldinėi, and alongside these: medė pristāpino mūsė ‘a fly drowned in honey’; būsta Vilni:; katė pėči' sėdėi; medan inkišāu pirštūs; kunodās kāpčin supilė.

6. The singular adessive is usually the same as that of the (i)a stem, e.g.: klāusa bōčip; pasiklāsks sūnip; su-niep būvom; tām žmōgip arklis prapuōle; žmōgip (|| žmo-giep) valasai, paršip šarei ‘(a person’s — hair, a pig’s — bristles (that is))’. Only remnants of the old (i)u-stem forms occur. The example recorded by P. Chaleckienė from Pagirys most likely preserves one: vienam bōčup bit keturi su-nai. The u-stem singular adessive ending is used with the a-stem word pōnas: riudenip kunodās mōteres pōnup dirbo ‘in autumn the women dug potatoes for the master’. Also worth noting is the ia-stem singular allative ending, used with an iu-stem form in the meaning of the singular adessive: Mikalōjop būvot? ‘were you at Mikalojaus?’

7. The plural of (i)u-stem nouns has almost entirely shifted to the (i)a stem (cf. the paradigm). Only a few old (i)u-stem forms have been recorded, e.g.: plural nominative mūsų bōčis ir jo bōčis biti rodni brōlei, jau didžūko sūnūs; plural dative bōčis su-nūmi (|| su-numi) pārdavdinėi (ūkį).

8. The dual nominative–accusative of the noun žmogus (— rarely žmogūs⁳⁹) is du žmōgū; plural nominative žmōgai (|| žmōnės || žmōnes || žmōni·s, see § 117₂), plural genitive žmōgū, plural dative žmōgāmi, plural accusative žmōgūs, plural instrumental žmōgais, plural inessive žmōgūos || žmōgūsa, plural illative žmōgūosna.

120. 1. Although the dialect’s (i)u stem is very limited in number, individual cases of it are nevertheless relatively numerous and even penetrate into other stems, e.g.: singular instrumental aik keliūm; kad ānas ugūnūm; singular vocative artōjau, brōliau, dievuliau ponēliau. In the paradigms of individual nouns, some other cases also have (i)u-stem forms, e.g.: singular nominative ana kėpina, kap šilūs ‘she burns, like fire’; vasarōjus (more often vasarōjas, -ōjis); singular genitive pirko medžāus an visōs pirķōs ‘bought wood (material) for the whole bathhouse’; an ri-tōjaus (more often ri-tōjo); šiltāus nebit ‘there was no fire, warmth, light’; vasarōjaus; singular instrumental medžūi kirmėlės ‘worms in the wood’; šiltūi dėga.

2. The plural of the word žmogus has fourth-accent-paradigm stress, whereas the singular varies: in the singular instrumental and adessive, stress is usually on the stem, and the accent is unclear: žmogū, žmogų, žmogip,

³⁹ The form žmogūs occurs somewhat more often with u-stem adjectives, e.g.: brangūs, gražūs skupūs žmogūs.

12. Lietuvių kalbos gramatikos tyrinėjimai

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less often žmogų, žmogip || žmogieᵖ. The word bōči(u)s also has root stress in all its forms most often.

Lìtus belongs to the fourth accentuation class. The singular of tùrgus belongs to the second accentuation class, while the plural belongs to the fourth.

Consonant stem

§ 121. The dialect has several consonant-stem (n- and r-stem) nouns. Almost all n-stem nouns are masculine, e.g.: akmūo, pi̇emūo, rudūo, šūo, tešmūo, vandūo. However, rudūo || rudenė and vandūo often shift into the feminine, probably under the influence of the corresponding words in Slavic languages, e.g.: ilgą rudūo || rudenė, an rudenės, lig r ū denei; tokà vandūo bit, nàvet kárvė negėrė “such (dirty) water there was, even the cow would not drink it.” The n-stem noun sėmenos || sėmenės, which shifts into the o- and ē-stems, is also feminine.

The r-stem consonant nouns duktē (less often dukterė), mòtērē (alongside mòteriškis), and sestrō are feminine. The masculine word of the same stem, di̇e’veris || di̇everis (rarely di̇everis), has almost entirely shifted into the ia-stem. The s-stem word mė́nas “month, moon” has shifted into the a-stem.

§ 122. The declension paradigm of n- and r-stem nouns:

Singular

Nom. šūo || šuva || šūnis, pi̇emūo, sesūo || seserė Gen. šunìes || šūno pi̇emenio, seserės Dat. šuniu || prig šūni, pi̇emeni, sēserei, less often seserei Acc. šuni, pi̇emeni, sēseri Instr. šūnū, pi̇emenū, sēserā Iness. vandenì Ill. šunìņ pi̇emenìņ Adess. šūnip || šūnieᵖ⁴⁰, pi̇emenip || pi̇emenieᵖ, sēserēip, rarely seserēip Dual Nom./Acc. du šunū, du pi̇emenū, dvi sēseri Plural Nom. šūnes || šūnes || šūnei, pi̇emenai || pi̇menei, sēserēs || sēseres Gen. šūnū, less often šunū pi̇menū || pi̇menū, seserū Dat. šūnimi || šunāmi, pi̇menāmi, sēserēmi || sēserimi Acc. šūnis || šūnūs, pi̇menūs, sēseres || sēseris Instr. šūnimi || šūneis, pi̇menais || pi̇menāmì || pi̇menāmi, sēserēmi || sēserimi Iness. šun’isā || šunūos(a), pi̇menūos(a), sēserēsā Ill. šunisnā || šuni̇osna, pi̇menūosna || pi̇meniosna, seserēsna

Notes. § 123. Only a few cases have preserved the old consonant-stem endings in the dialect, e.g.: sg. nom. šūo, sesūo, tešmūo; pl. gen. akmenū, dukterū, obelū, pi̇emenū, šunū, seserū; with prepositions, masculine sg. dat. lig rudenì; prig šūni;

⁴⁰ This form is taken from Chr. Stang (NTS, vol. 18, pp. 186–187).

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Occasionally, the singular genitive and plural nominative forms seserės dukte ‘sister’s daughter’; tris seseres ‘three sisters’; šūnes jis, do ir visa; jaib tris dukteres bit ‘she had three daughters’ are used; cf. also the form pėmenes recorded by K. Būga. That the old plural nominative ending -es is present here is shown by forms with the short -e elided, e.g.: dvi čà dukters ‘two daughters here’, vienà ten ‘one there’.

The masculine singular adessive ending -ip, iᵉp has merged with the identical ending of i- and ia-stem nouns: šunip, šunīᵉp, piᵉmenip, rūdenip. The masculine adessive ending is sometimes transferred to feminine words, e.g.: dukterip (more often duktereip, sėsereip).

The paradigm of the word šūo retains most of the old consonant-stem endings (cf. the plural oblique forms that have merged with the i-stem: šunimi, šunis, šunimi, šunìsà, šunisna). The singular accusative, inessive, and illative endings of other n-stem words are also not innovations, having merged with the endings of ia- and i-stems; cf. singular acc. piᵉmeni; tėšmeni; singular iness. akmeni, vándini; singular ill. akmenin, vandenin. The old endings also occasionally occur in the r-stem plural dative, accusative, and instrumental: dukterimi, sėseris, sėserimi.

It is unclear whether the feminine singular dative forms with stress on the ending are old or more recent in origin, e.g.: tiktaik seserei tai pasakāu vienai ‘I told only my sister that’; viresnei seserei savo pasakāu ‘I told my older sister’; šunča lapūs (laiškus) dukterei ir ganà ‘[she] sends letters to her daughter, and that is enough’.

Alongside the older consonant-stem forms, variant singular nominative forms formed on the i- or ia-stem pattern are now beginning to be used: akmenis, piᵉmenis, rūdenis, tėšmenis, vándenis, šūnis. The occasional form šuvà is of the same origin as the forms sesuvà, ruduvà, šuvà, vanduvà in the western Dzūkian dialects.

The other n-stem cases have ia-stem endings, or, less often, a-stem endings; cf. the paradigm.

Variant feminine singular forms of rudùo, like most r-stem forms of the same number, have now shifted to the ē-stem, cf. the paradigm. The ē-stem form is also frequent in the masculine plural nominative of šuo ‘dog’.

On the model of the ē-stem singular nominative duktė, shorter variant ē-stem forms have arisen in almost all the other cases as well: singular gen. duktes, singular dat. duktei, singular adess. dukteip, plural instr. duktešù. By analogy with duktė, sesė is also sometimes said: sesė nečhoj atvažūoja ‘let sister come’.

§ 124. The consonant-stem noun vanduo ‘water’, except in the singular nominative, may have two forms in all the other cases: alongside vándeno, vándenu, etc., vándinio, vándiniu, vándini, vándini... are pronounced.⁴¹ The same phenomenon is found in other Lithuanian dialects as well as in old written sources.⁴²

* * *

§ 125. Compared with Standard Lithuanian and other dialects, the Zietela dialect noun has a considerable number of distinctive features. Most of these arose as a result of the dialect’s centuries-long isolation:

Because of this isolation (the nearest Lithuanian-speaking locations lie more than 80 km north of Zietela), some archaic features have been preserved in the dialect, e.g. postpositional

⁴¹ It should be noted that the vowel e alternates with i also in individual derivational suffixes of Zietela dialect nouns, cf.: ādeta || ādāta: ādita, kãepenės: kãpinės, škãpeta: škãp(i)ta, etc.

⁴² See K. Būga. Rinktiniai raštai, vol. 3, Vilnius, 1961, pp. 369, 375; A. Jonait y tė, LKK, vol. 3, p. 107; Z. Zinkevičius, Lietuvių dialektologija, pp. 58–59.

12⁺

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vietininkai (gaidip || gaidiẽp, gaid(ž)óp, kárveip, sãšereip, akiñ, dañtiñ, dañtisna, galvósna, turgũosna), į ir priebalsinio kamieno atskirų linksnių formos (vns. naud. prik dañti, po pažãsti, lig rudenì; vns. kilm. dukterès, seserès; dgs. vard. dũkteres, šines) ir kt.

On the other hand, this dialect has long been influenced by the Slavic languages surrounding it (chiefly Belarusian, and to a lesser extent Polish and Russian). The influence of the Slavic languages is quite pronounced. It affects both noun formation and inflection. Under the influence of those languages, the gender of some words is confused (a worker, a priest, water); the formation of proper nouns with diminutive and endearing meanings using the suffix -ikas has taken root, and various affixes and hybrids formed with them have emerged (a girl, a smoker, a son “grandson” great-grandfather “great-grandfather,” and so on).

The dialect also has many other distinctive morphological features that cannot be explained by the direct influence of the Slavic languages, although there is no doubt that bilingualism among the dialect’s speakers has determined the emergence of many of them. They already think in Belarusian and, when they need to speak Lithuanian, translate their thoughts; in general, they have largely forgotten the traditional local Lithuanian dialect. As a result, countless different parallel forms have emerged, with variants in accentuation, word formation, and inflection (sunshine || sunshine, skullcap || skullcap, old age || old age; girl || girl, oxen || oxen, sisters || sisters).

It is true that Lithuanian literary language and other Lithuanian dialects have also contributed somewhat to the diversity of this dialect's morphological forms. Zietela speakers have had occasion to interact with speakers of other dialects—mostly western Dzūkians—at markets in Lyda, and less often in Zietela, Vilnius, and elsewhere; one or another has met Lithuanians speaking other dialects while serving in the army of tsarist Russia or bourgeois Poland. Some Zietela speakers had the opportunity to study Lithuanian literary language to some extent at the Lithuanian school that operated in Zasečiai village in 1918–1928, to hear it from Lithuanian intellectuals who worked here for a time, and to encounter it somewhat through the Lithuanian press they read. However, the influence of literary language is mostly limited to vocabulary and to the fact that most dialect speakers are able, to a greater or lesser degree, to understand literary language or someone speaking a more closely related dialect.

In general, the poverty of this Lithuanian dialect is striking. The Zietela speakers themselves are aware of this. Many dialect speakers who speak Lithuanian relatively well often resort to Slavic languages when they want to express a more complex thought. As a result, many suffixal and prefixal derivatives could be illustrated with only one or two examples. On the other hand, however, quite a substantial amount of unrecorded material has undoubtedly remained in the dialect, which could provide a much fuller illustration not only of noun morphology but also of the overall structure of this unique, endangered dialect.

NOUN OF THE ZIETELOS DIALECT

А. ВИДУГИРИС

Резюме

The article describes noun formation and inflection in the Zietela dialect, one of the most interesting isolated dialects of the Lithuanian language in the territory of the Byelorussian SSR.

The first section considers the features of noun formation in the dialect. The following derivational

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…: suffixation, prefixation, inflection, and compounding. It is noted that suffixal formations are the most widely represented in the dialect. Prefixal formations (e.g.: apinastris || aprimėstis, pakelė || pakelės, pãkulos, pãrdė nė), compounds (e.g.: an(k)strítas, kĩrvakočis, šiẽmpjovis, vidukiẽmis), as well as inflectional formations (e.g.: drãugė, švìlus, šìltis) are not characteristic of the dialect.

In the analysis, derived nouns, especially words formed with suffixes, are divided into groups according to meaning. The most interesting of these groups include, for example: diminutives with the suffixes -ukas (arkliùkas, piẽniukas), -yka, more often -bì-ka (karvìka, pãuštìka, sãujika), -utas, -a (kiškùtas, langùtas, mergùtá), -yna (sãulina || sãuli·nà); names of actions and their results with the suffixes -imas (arìmas, gẽrimas, ku·lìmas, kvepìmas (cf. kvepėjimas) and ãrimas, gẽrimas, kùlimas), -ymas (bùsti·mas, vãlgi·mas), -ienė (čùz̃rė·nė, žaidė·nė), -ulys (skùadulìs), -yba (dailìba); names of properties with the suffixes -umas, more often -umà (brangùmà, grãžumas, kartùmd), -yba (jaũniba, saldìba), -umyna (gražùmi·na), -ysta (seni·stã), -imas (karštìmas, šlapìmas); names of persons with the suffixes -iškis, -ė (lãtviškis, -ė, liẽtaviškis, -ė || lietuviškis, -ė), -ainė (brólainė), etc.

The second section examines changes in the dialect’s nouns according to gender, number, and case. It is established that some nouns are used in both the masculine and feminine genders (rudù, Víl·nia || Vílnius) or have a different gender from that in the literary language (dãlgė, tuĩžis).

In addition to the singular and plural, nouns in the nominative and accusative cases also have a dual number, used with the numerals du, dvi, abi, abi: du gražiù bérni nuvažã·; abi dukti pãmetė.

In addition to the seven cases found in the literary language, the dialect also uses the illative (singular gìron; plural dãritisna), adessive (singular only: bérnpi, veršẽp, vištãip), and allative (singular only: patób, põnpop).

The masculine singular dative is always used without final -i: gaid(ž)u, kãtinu. In prepositional constructions, the old masculine singular dative ending -i has been preserved, inherited from nouns with an i-stem and a consonant stem: po pãžasti, pri gãnti, pri kẽli, lig rùdeni.

Many feminine nouns are pronounced with stress on the ending in the singular dative, e.g.: katẽi, marcẽi, mergãi, seserẽi.

The singular instrumental forms of all feminine nouns have the endings -aį, -eį: mãrškai, virvẽį; however, in some phrases or adverbs the endings -a, -e also occur: pakčã, pãkū·nė.

The singular inessive forms of nouns with stems in (i)o, ė, and (i)u are always pronounced without final -e: strãistoi, pirḱoi, drãugėi, saldiẽniui; those with stems in ia, i, and a consonant are pronounced without -je: kraũji, akmeni.

All nouns have the ending -mi in the plural dative: ark-lãmi, galvómi, akìmi, su·nùmi. Nouns with stems in (i)o, ė, i, and a consonant also have this same ending in the plural instrumental: pirkómi, pelėmi, šunìmi.

The plural inessive forms of most nouns end in -s(a), instead of the literary-language ending -se (krùmu·sa, ùpėsa alongside krùmu·s).

Nouns with consonant stems have preserved the old ending -es in the singular genitive and plural nominative (cf. seserẽs and sãseres, šùnes alongside seserẽs, sãseres, sãseri·s, šùnes, šùnei), etc.

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Many nouns in the dialect may have a different stem from that in the literary language (mēnas, pāištē) or a different accent paradigm (bitė || bitē 2, 4, lāpas 4, pirkā 4). Cases of stem mixing and confusion of accent paradigms are also not uncommon.

As this brief survey shows, in the inflection of nouns in the dialect, many archaic features have been preserved, on the one hand, while quite a few innovations have also appeared, on the other.

The long-standing isolation of this dialect helped preserve archaisms. The emergence of innovations, however, was caused not only by its isolation but also by the fact that the dialect has long been in very close contact with Slavic languages (in closest contact with Belarusian, and to a lesser extent with Polish and Russian). Incidentally, the influence of these languages is observed not so much in the inflection of the dialect’s nouns (e.g., in some words the gender changes on the model of the corresponding words in Slavic languages: dárba, diònas, vandrō), as in word formation (e.g., the formation of diminutives from proper names with the suffix -ikas has become generalized; many hybrids with Slavic affixes have appeared: mergīlkos, ru-kōčus, su-nāiēus, prodie-dūkas), and so on.

In addition, many other features are noted in the morphology of nouns, whose emergence cannot be explained by the direct influence of Slavic languages. Nevertheless, many of them are attributable to the bilingualism of the dialect’s speakers. As a result of this bilingualism, numerous parallel forms have arisen in the dialect both in word formation and in inflection and accentuation (e.g., pelūnē || pelūdē, seni-stà || seni-stvà, jāu-čēs || jāu-cami, sēserēm || sēserimi, mērgaip || mergaip), and so on.