LIETUVIŲ KALBOTYROS KLAUSIMAI, II LIETUVOS TSR MOKSLŲ AKADEMIJA

ACCENT AND TONE IN THE ŠAKYNA DIALECT¹

A. JONAITYTĖ

Stress

Word stress

§ 1. Word stress in the Šakyna dialect is much more stable than in standard Lithuanian, since, owing to the general law of stress retraction, it can occur only at the beginning or in the middle of a word. Stress occurs on the ending only when the stressed final syllable has a circumflex (falling) tone, e.g.: singular dative drū́tām~driūtām, kietām~kietām, plural dative daigām~daigām, galvōm~galvōm…

§ 2. In certain cases, a word has more than one stress. Then one stress—the first from the beginning of the word—is stronger than the others, that is, primary, while the others are secondary, e.g.: rū́kštė, lė́~rugštelė, šùrbė, lė́~siurbėlė, ùšpakālis~užpakalis…

The same types of primary and secondary stress occur in the Šakyna dialect as those described in V. Grinaveckis’s dissertation²; therefore, this study uses the same terminology as that dissertation.

The types of primary stress do not differ in any way from those described by Grinaveckis; the various cases of secondary stress are somewhat more varied and therefore require closer examination.

§ 3. The secondary old final stress occurs in the dialect in the following cases:

1. When stress is retracted from a long ending to the stem (long or short), e.g.: drėbulė, kó:sul’īs~kosulys, kratinīs~kratinys, plural nominative laš,āi~lašai, vāik,āi~vaikai;

2. Most often in disyllabic words, when stress is retracted from a short ending to a short stem, e.g.: lāką~laką (a board for bees to settle on in front of the entrance, i.e. the opening through which bees enter the hive; the opening itself is called a landa), nāgą~nagą (an animal’s hoof), rāsą~rasą, plural accusative žāl,ēs~žalias;

3. When the singular vocative endings of diminutive and endearing nouns and adjectives are shortened, stress is retracted from the ending bearing the acute accent

1 “Accent and Tone in the Šakyna Dialect” is part of a larger work being written on the Šakyna dialect.

2 Vladas Grinaveckis, Phonetic Features of the Northwestern Žemaitian Dialects and Their Development, manuscript, Vilnius, 1956.

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to the first syllable, while in the old position a clearly audible secondary old final stress remains, e.g.: kàrv,à:t~karvaitė, mėrgužė:l~mergužėlė, šun,ė:l~šunėlį, tèt,ė:t~tetytė “tėtytė,” vaik,ùk~vaikiuk, senùt~senutė.

However, it should be noted that the dialect’s old secondary final stress is not as strong or regular as in the North-Western Aukštaitian Šiauliai dialect further south, or in the neighboring Samogitian dialects. In the Šakyna dialect, apart from the vocatives with the shortening mentioned above, it is quite weak and optional. In fluent speech, even when the same person is speaking, it occurs on one occasion but not in the same context on another. It is more common in long endings and rarer in short ones. Moreover, it is encountered more often in the speech of older people, though there too only optionally.

§ 4. In polysyllabic words of accent class II with primary retracted stress on the first syllable, a secondary retracted stress occurs on the penultimate syllable in certain cases. It occurs in polysyllabic words of accent class II in the dialect in the following cases:

1. In trisyllabic words, if the final syllable is short and the penultimate syllable is long, e.g.: pl. gen. bàl,ąndžùs~balandžius, kàm,àntus~kamantus, šàld,àines~saldainės “saldainius,” vàršk,ė:čus~varškėčius…;

2. In words of more than three syllables, the length of the penultimate syllable is irrelevant—the secondary retracted stress occurs even when that syllable is short, e.g.: pl. gen. bàrazù:kùs~baravykus, dàrbin,įnkùs~darbininkus, gvàiz-dik,ùkus~gvaizdikiukus, vàkar,ėlùs~vakarelius.

This secondary stress is likewise indistinct and not always audible, especially in trisyllabic words. It is also optional. It is more clearly audible when the word is pronounced carefully. Secondary retracted stress occurs more often in polysyllabic words.

Polysyllabic words of accent class II with variable stress have secondary retracted stress on the syllable to which the primary stress can also be retracted, e.g.: pl. gen. agūonas || àg,ùonas~aguonas, avìetes || àv,ìetes~avietes; sg. instr. balàndžù || bàl,àndžù~balandžiu, sijõ:nu || sìj,õ:nu~sijonu… This secondary stress arose when the primary retracted stress began to be retracted still further toward the beginning of the word—from the penultimate syllable to the first syllable.

§ 5. Thus, in terms of their origin, both the old secondary final stress and secondary retracted stress arose as a result of stress retraction, but secondary retracted stress is younger than the source, the old final stress. At first, primary stress was retracted only to the penultimate syllable of polysyllabic words of accent class II, as, for example, it still is today in the neighboring Šiauliai dialect³; subsequently, it began to be retracted farther toward the beginning of the word, while secondary stress remained in its former position. Since both types of secondary stress in the dialect are only optional and occur irregularly, they will not be marked at all in the remainder of this study.

³ E. Brazaitė, “Šiaulių tarmė,” diploma thesis, manuscript, 15, 1950. G. Gerullis Litauische Dialektstudien, 22, Leipzig, 1930.

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Stress Retraction

§ 6. In the dialect there are cases in which secondary stress is also found in words that retain the old primary stress. Most often, such secondary stress occurs in compounds or derived words whose primary stress falls on the first component (in compounds) or on the root (in derived words).

Secondary retracted stress occurs in the dialect:

1. In compound numerals: kẽ·turesd,ẽ·šim(t) ∼ keturiasdešimt ‘forty’, pěn-kẽzd,ẽ·šim(t) ∼ penkiasdešimt ‘fifty’, sė·sėzd,ẽ·šim(t) ∼ šešiasdešimt ‘sixty’, septi·nezd,ẽ·šim(t) ∼ septyniasdešimt ‘seventy’, aštuónezd,ẽ·šim(t) ∼ aštuoniasdešimt ‘eighty’, deví·nezd,ẽ·šim(t) ∼ devyniasdešimt ‘ninety’.

2. In compound adverbs: ána·m,ẽ·t ∼ anąmet ‘the year before last’, kitàm,ẽ·t ∼ kitąmet ‘next year’, ši·m,ẽ·t ∼ šįmet ‘this year’, šį·n,á·kt ∼ šįnakt ‘tonight’, užp,ẽ·rn(ẽi) ∼ užpernai ‘the year before last’, užv,á·kar ∼ užvakar ‘the day before yesterday’.

3. In compound nouns, with the exception of the word „užpak,á·lis ∼ užpakalis“, secondary retracted stress is almost never found, e.g.: páukštvanagis ∼ paukštvanagis ‘goshawk’, šùno·belė ∼ šunobelė ‘buckthorn’, sáužbergžda ∼ sausbergžda, lėdžinga ∼ ledžinga; and if it does occur on the penultimate syllable, it is very weak and difficult to hear. The vowels a and e, which are always long when they bear secondary retracted stress, do not lengthen in this case.

4. In the singular dative of feminine inflected adjectives, pronouns, numerals and participles, e.g.: bá·lt,á·jei ∼ baltajai ‘to the white one’, raudó·n,á·jei ∼ raudonajai ‘to the red one’, àn,á·jei ∼ anajai ‘to that one’, sàv,á·jei ∼ savajai ‘to one’s own’, dvidešimt,á·jei ∼ dvidešimtajai ‘to the twentieth’, vá·lgo·m,á·jei ∼ valgomajai ‘to the edible one’; varý·t,á·jei ∼ varytajai ‘to the one that was driven’.

5. In verb forms with the past frequentative tense suffix -dav-, e.g.: dirbd,á·va ∼ dirbdavo ‘he/she used to work’, dirbd,á·vuses ∼ dirbdavusios ‘those who had worked’; bě·gd,á·va ∼ bėgdavo ‘he/she used to run’, bě·gd,á·ves ∼ bėgdavęs ‘he used to run’…

6. In the past simple tense of verbs with the suffixes -uoti, -auti and old primary stress on the root, and in participle forms derived from it, e.g.: bá·ltuot—bá·lt,á·va—bá·lt,á·ves ∼ baltuoti—baltavo—baltavęs ‘to whiten—whitened—having whitened’; geltó·nuot—geltó·n,á·va—geltó·n,á·ves ∼ geltonuoti—geltonavo—geltonavęs ‘to turn yellow—turned yellow—having turned yellow’; júoduot… ∼ juoduoti… ‘to blacken…’; mė·lynuot… ∼ mėlynuoti ‘to turn blue…’; và·karuot ∼ vakarauti ‘to spend the evening’; šú·kaut—šú·k,á·va—šú·k,á·ves ∼ šūkauti—šūkavo—šūkavęs ‘to shout—shouted—having shouted’; klì·kaut… ∼ klykauti… ‘to shriek…’

7. In the plural dative of a- and ia-stem nouns, inflected adjectives, pronouns, numerals and participles, e.g.: bró·l,á·m ∼ broliam ‘to brothers’, aklìes,á·m ∼ akliesiam ‘to the blind’, maniẽs,á·m ∼ maniesiam ‘to mine’, penktìes,á·m ∼ penktiesiam ‘to the fifth ones’, buvusìes,á·m ∼ buvusiesiam ‘to those who were’, nėštìes,á·m ∼ nėštiesiam ‘to the pregnant ones’, vežamìes,á·m ∼ vežamiesiam ‘to those being transported’.

8. a) In the third-person forms of the present and past simple tenses of third-conjugation verbs with the prefix par—(per) and the vowel a in the root, in the first- and second-person plural forms derived from them, and in participles, e.g.: pá·rd,á·ra—pá·rd,á·re—pá·rd,á·ra·s—pá·rd,á·rant(i)—pá·rd,á·ro·ms, —a,—pá·rd,á·res—pá·rd,á·fus(i) ∼ pardaro—pardarė—pardaras—pardarantį—pardaromas, —a,—pardaręs—pardariusi ‘he/she tidies away—he/she tidied away—tidying away—being tidied away—having tidied away’; pá·rkr,á·pšto·m…—pá·rkr,á·pštant(i)… pá·rkr,á·pščus(i) ∼ parkrapštom… ‘we are scraping away…’

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pá'tkr,á'to'm… pá'tkr,á'ta's… pá'tkr,á'to'ma… pá'nkr,á'tes ~ párkratome…; pá'tm,á'na… pá'rm,á'ne'm… pá'rm,á'nan(i)… pá'rm,á'no'ms… ~ párnano…; pá'rm,á'ta… pá'rm,á'te't… pá'rm,á'to'ms… ~ pármato…; pá'rs,á'ka… pá'rs,á'kes… nepá'rs,á'ko'ms… ~ pársako…, nepársakomas “unrepeatable”; pá'rvo,á'ra… pá'rvo,á'res… ~ párvaro…

b) In the third person singular of the past simple, in the first-conjugation verbs with the prefix par- and the vowel e in the root or suffix, having the ending a < ā; in the third person singular, first and second persons plural of the past simple, and in participles formed from that tense, e.g.: pá'rgi·v,ę'na—pá'rgi·v,ę'no'm… pá'rgi·v,ę'nes… ~ párgyveno, párgyvenom… párgyvenęs; pá'rsę'na—… pá'rsę'no't…—pá'rsę'nuš(i) ~ párseno…; pá'rt,ę'ka, pá'rt,ę'ko'm…—pá'rt,ę'kes…—párteko…, pártekęs…

9. In the singular nominative of reflexive nouns, e.g.: bjá'uro'jim,á'sis (-ies) ~ biaurojimasis; krá'pštim,á'sis (-ies) — krápštimasis; mušim,á'sis (-sies) ~ mušimasis…

§ 7. The origin of the dialect’s secondary retracted stress is not always the same. In some cases it arose because the second component of a compound word retains a certain portion of the old stress (cases 1, 2, 3, and 8); in others, secondary retracted stress arose by analogy with words that have primary stress in the same position (cases 4, 5, 6, and 7).

The singular dative of feminine adjectives, numerals, pronouns, and participles of certain tenses has stress on the ending in the dialect, e.g.: baltá'i~baltái, aná'i~anái, trečé'i~trečiai, dirbtá'i~dirbtái. In pronominal forms the first syllable is stressed, as in 1k., but by analogy with non-pronominal forms they acquire secondary stress on the ending. The same can be said about the emergence of secondary stress in verbs with the suffixes -uoti, -auti, and the past frequentative tense suffix -dav-. Here it arose on the model of verbs with the same suffixes that have the old primary stress on those suffixes, e.g.: kará'ut—kará'va—kará'ves ~ to wage war, waged war, having waged war; šu'búot—šu'bá'va—šu'bá'ves ~ to rock, rocked, having rocked; žalúot—žalá'va—žalá'ves ~ to turn green, turned green, having turned green.

It is difficult to say how secondary retracted stress arose in reflexive nouns.

Stress Retraction

§ 8. Stress is retracted from the ending to the beginning of the word from old stressed endings bearing a short or circumflex accent, e.g.: àvižà~avižà, dõ'vanà~dovanà, šàka~šakà, trõ'bà~trobà; gèra—gerà…; dùsulis~dusulỹs, kì'li~kylỹs; ràši's~rašỹs, skáiti's~skaitỹs; niẽkur~niekùr.

In disyllabic words, stress is retracted to the first syllable, e.g.: smìltis~smiltis, táukai~taukai; kàšu~kašù. In polysyllabic words stress is always retracted to the first syllable from a long ending, e.g.: dõ'bilai~dobilai, gen. pl. àvižù~avižù, gàbalù~gabalù; past simple 2nd person singular išvažàvai~išvažiavai; future 3rd person singular sùsìvo'lõs~susivoliós.

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From a short ending, the stress is retracted to the first syllable of the word if the penultimate syllable is short, e.g.: plural accusative akminukus~akminiukus, šunelįus~šunelius; singular instrumental kėpure~kepurė; singular locative kãmine~kaminė; singular nominative nùgara~nugara. In words of accent paradigm II, though less often, the stress is sometimes retracted to the penultimate syllable as well, e.g.: plural accusative akminìkus~akminiukus, laikrodžiùkus~laikrodukus, vežimùs~vežimus.

Sometimes stress is retracted from a short final syllable only to the penultimate syllable, e.g.: navìcku~Navickų (surname), singular instrumental; tarùčius~Taručius (village, plural accusative); gapùčius~Gapučius (surname, plural accusative). It should be noted that surnames and place names are stressed this way.

If the penultimate syllable is long, polysyllabic words are stressed in two ways: stress is retracted from a short ending either to the penultimate syllable or to the first syllable (now more often), e.g.: plural accusative agūonas || àguonas~aguonàs, agùrkus || àgurkus~agurkus, balándžius || bãlandžius~balandžius, baravy'kus || bãravykus~baravykus; aštuoni || àštuoni~aštuoni.

In words newly adopted into the dialect, stress is retracted to the syllable that bears stress in the singular accusative, e.g.: brigãda~brigada, singular accusative brigãdą~brigadą; granãta~granata, panẽra~fanerà, figūrã~figūra, prižiūra~frizūrą, plural accusative komunìstus~komunistus, spartùolus~spartuolius, traktorìstus~traktoristus... But stress is sometimes retracted to the first syllable even in such words, e.g.: elèktra || elèktrą~elektrą, sãlietra || salietrà~salietrà; plural accusative kãliošus || kãliošus~kaliošus.

Stress is also retracted from a secondary ending (arising through shortening of the ending) that bears a sustained or short accent in the dialect, e.g.: advenč~adventàs, bãravy'ks~baravykas, drìganc~drigantas, káltu'ns~kaltūnas, lãido'ks~laidokas, lãukuks~laukiukas, mẽgnec~magnetas, singular vocative vãikẽ?~vaikelį. The only exception is the infinitive: stress is never retracted from its secondary ending, e.g.: apsimẽšti~apsimesti, numìr't~numirti, nusigãšti~nusigąsti, pasilìkẽ~pasilikti, pasisvẽrti~pasisverti, užsidẽkẽ~užsidėgti. Stress is not retracted because this ending was shortened only quite recently; its full form with -i is sometimes still used, so stress retraction has not yet had time to affect it.

If shortening of the ending creates a mixed diphthong or triphthong, ã, ẽ always change into á, é and stress is no longer retracted, e.g.: rasál's~rasãlas, senitá'rs~senitàras “sanitarian”, tarakã'nc~tarakãnas; givẽ'n~gyvẽna, kurẽ'n~kūrẽna.

If a secondary mixed diphthong is formed in the secondary ending, with i, u as its first component, that diphthong likewise acquires a falling accent and stress is no longer retracted from it, e.g.: baltùms~baltumas, ilgùms~ilgumas, karštìms~karštimas, minkštìms~minkštimas, gendvìls~Gendvilas “surname”, radvìls~Radvilas (also), leistùs~leistuvas, palàistùs~palaistuvas “libertine”, etc. If no diphthong is formed, stress is usually retracted, e.g.: pãmpiks~Pampikas (surname), čiùbiks~čiubikas, viščùks~viščiukas, žìnduks~žindukas. But sometimes stress remains unretracted in this case too, e.g.: mušìks~mušikas, pìo'žuks~piovikas.

8. Kalbotyros klausimai II.

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If no diphthong is formed in the secondary ending, ã, ẽ > á, é optionally, and such words are stressed in two ways, e.g.: bo'tãks || bõ·taks～botãgas; česná·ks || čėsnaks～česnãkas; nabá·ks || nabaks～nabãgas; pi'rã·ks || píraks～pyrãgas… It should be noted that in this case too ã, ẽ nevertheless more often change into á, é than remain unchanged, especially ẽ, e.g.: lankė·c～lankėtas (a part of a sleigh), verpė·c～verpėtas, etc.

Stress is not retracted:

§ 9. 1. Usually, from the second syllable from the end or one still farther from the end, e.g.: cibùlis || -e～cibùlis, -ė “onion”, numirė·lis～numirėlis, pelė́dė～pelūdė, senã·tve～senãtvė; gerė·snis～gerė́nsis; važã·va～važìavo.

2. From long endings bearing a falling accent, e.g.: plural dative do·bi-lám(s)～dobilám(s), mažiem～mažiem; past tense, second person singular nešė́i～nešėis; past tense, first person singular suká·us～sukáus; adverbs: makarã·i, tabalã·i.

3. From secondary endings bearing a falling accent, e.g.: akúoc～akuotas, karklì·ns～karklynas, perkū́·nc～perkūnas, spiglúoc～spigliuotas, taukiúoc～taukuotas. For á, é < ã, ẽ see § 8. For į, ù see § 8.

4. In compound adverbs: daugmã·ž || maždaug, gangrėit～gangreit, kàsmė·t, kaskàrt || kaskàrt.

5. In compound particles nekàs～nekàs, niekàs～niekàs “nothing special”.

Abnormal cases of stress retraction

§ 10. In the dialect, there are cases in which stress is retracted from the middle of a word to the first syllable. The following are among the cases worth mentioning:

1. a) If the reflexive particle „si“ is stressed in forms of prefixed reflexive verbs, stress is very often retracted from it to the prefix, e.g.: ápsisuku～apsisuku, ùsimetu～užsimetu; pàsišneki～pasišneki, susìvelki～susivelki; ápsimetą·s～apsimetas; ápsiverčėnt～apsiverčiant.

b) In verb forms with the prefixes nebe-, tebe-, stress is also often retracted to the first syllable, e.g.: nèbetiku～nebetikiu, nèbemeti～nebemeti, nèbėare～nebėrė, tèbeguli～tebeguli (sing. 2nd person), tèbekerti～tebekerti.

Such stress retraction is recent, since it is still optional. It may have arisen through analogy with verbs in which, in the past simple tense, stress is regularly retracted from the historically stressed ending to the prefix, e.g.: ápsivilkau～apsivilkau, nùsiėjau～nusiejau “I got tired while walking,” nùsiojau～nusivijau; ápsisukáu～apsisukai, etc. Such stress retraction may subsequently have spread to the present tense, e.g.: ápsisuku～apsisuku, nùsiperki～nusiperki…, and may then have been generalized to all prefixed reflexive verbs. The general tendency in the dialect to shift stress to the first syllable everywhere also facilitated this process.

In verb forms with tebe-, nebe-, stress is likewise retracted to the first syllable of the prefix by analogy with verbs in which stress is regularly retracted from the ending to the first syllable of the prefix, e.g.: nèbegáliu～nebegaliu, tèbematáu～tebematau, etc.

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c) The effect of analogy may also explain the retraction of stress from the middle of a word to the first syllable in half-participles and gerunds: bėtrengdams~betrenkdamas “while talking,” nùveidams~nueidamas, pàligdams~palikdamas, užùzdams~užùzdama­s; ateinant~ateinant, bèbùnant~bebūnant, pàreinant~pareinant, užgrūnant~užgrūnant…

2. Stress is sometimes optionally retracted from the middle of a word to the first syllable in nouns and adjectives as well, e.g.: gėnatvė~genàtvė, gírkančei~Girkánčiai “village,” màkelis~makėlis, nèlaimė~neláimė, pàsaulis || pásaulė~pasaulis, || -ė, sėnatvė~senatvė, žãgarė~Žagarė “town,” vocative singular jùdošau~judošiau. Less frequently, one finds: kėpùrė~kepūrė, mẽrgelė~mergėlė, vìrėlis~vyrėlis. This stress retraction occurred under the influence of Latvian. Under Latvian influence, stress is retracted from the middle of a word in words common to speakers of the dialect and Latvians, such as kėpùrė, nèláimė, pàsaule, žãgarė~Žagarė… The nominative singular of pronominal adjectives also sometimes has stress on the first syllable, e.g.: bàltasis~báltasis, pirmasis~pirmasis, etc. A rising accent would indicate that this is not stress retraction but a borrowed Samogitian form. If stress had been retracted, the accent should be circumflex or middle.

3. Stress is also optionally retracted from long stressed endings bearing a rising accent, e.g.: dative plural dõ·bilam~dobilám, krùoša·m~Kruopiám “town,” váika·m~vaikám; present tense, 1st person singular láikaus~laikaús, present tense, 2nd person singular mãišais~maišáis, past simple, 1st person singular nèšaus~nešiaús, past simple, 2nd person singular rìtais~ritáis, sùkais~sukáis. Around Kruopiai and Šiupyliai (Norvaišiai village), stress retraction of this kind is very strong, almost regular. For example, in Norvaišiai the dative and instrumental plural forms of distinct stems have become completely leveled, although they normally differ in accent, e.g.: dative and instrumental plural gálvo·m~galvóm and galvòm, šãko·m~šakóm and šakòm, vãrle·m~varlėm and varlėm(s), pùšim~pušim and pušim, rùdenim~rudenim and rudenim. It may be thought that in this case too, stress began to be retracted from dative plural forms by analogy with instrumental plural forms, which differ from the dative only in accent. Later, this irregular stress retraction began to take hold in the dative plural of other stems as well, e.g., both gáidža·m~gaidžiáms and gaidžiáms are said (dative plural).

Comparing the speech of representatives of the older and younger generations, it appears that younger speakers retract stress incorrectly more often than older speakers.

The Development of Stress Retraction

§ 11. Kirčio atitraukimas būdingas ne tik šiaurės Lietuvos tarmėms, bet ir visai latvių kalbai. Palyginus matyti, kad latvių ir lietuvių kalbose kirčio atitraukimas vyksta kiekvienoj savaip, nepriklausomai viena nuo kitos. Latvių kalboje kirtis iš galūnės į pirmą skiemenį atitraukiamas visada, lietuvių kalboje paprastai kirtis neatitraukiamas iš ilgos stumtinę priegaidę turinčios galūnės (pvz. žr. § 9.). Be to, skirtingos ir atitraukinio kirčio priegaidės: latvių atitraukinio kirčio priegaidė ilguose skiemenyse visur yra iš senosios

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the acute accent in pre-stress position is circumflex; in Lithuanian dialects, the accents are circumflex, sustained, and middle, for example:

báltą~baltà, báltuos~baltõs (Kretinga)

pìrmą~pirmà, pìrmos~pirmõs (Šakyna)

vàgą~vagà, vàgos~vagõs (Šakyna)

The varying accent of retracted stress in the dialect shows that stress was not always shifted back at the same time—that is, stress retraction occurred in several stages. First, stress began to be retracted from a short stressed ending onto the preceding long syllable, e.g.: áusis~ausìs, gálvą~galvà, šìrdis~širdìs; singular instrumental gulóvų~gulovų, kìrvų~kirvių, varškė̃čių~varškėčių; plural genitive ganìklas~ganyklas; plural nominative raudónį~raudonį, septìni~septyni, and so on.

The same accent of primary retracted stress under the same conditions in both disyllabic and polysyllabic words shows that stress was retracted here at one and the same time.

The following facts confirm that this was the earliest stage of stress retraction:

1. in the dialect, in this case, no traces whatsoever remain of the old secondary final stress;

2. the usual mid accent (s) of retracted stress changing into a circumflex (~);

3. the existence of dialects that know only this type of stress retraction (Kražiai, Tytuvėnai, Ariogala, Krakės)⁴.

This stage of stress retraction was followed by another. Stress began to be retracted from short stressed endings onto short stems, and from long stressed endings onto both long and short stems. In polysyllabic words, stress was then always retracted to the first syllable, e.g.: bérgdė-lė~bergždėlė ‘barren’, dróbulė~drobulė; ėžì~ežys, gaidìs~gaidys, katė~katė, mamà~mamà, plural nominative kámuolai~kamuoliai, nãmai~namai, réikalai~reikalai, plural accusative šàkeles~šakeles; future tense, singular, first person ė̃miau~ėmiau, kìrpau~kirpau; future tense, singular, second person dàrei~darei.

In those polysyllabic words in which stress had earlier been retracted from a short ending to the preceding long syllable, it now began to be retracted from that long penultimate syllable to the first, bringing them into line with other polysyllabic words of the same accentual class. Thus arose two different stress patterns in a certain group of polysyllabic words (see § 8).

Once stress began to be retracted so extensively to the first syllable, stress on that syllable was generalized even where, according to the usual laws of stress retraction, it should not occur. This analogical stress retraction is especially frequent in verbs (see § 10), but the tendency is also felt to some extent in nouns (see § 10). This would be, as it were, a third and most recent stage of stress retraction, still occurring in the dialect today through analogy and, in part, under the influence of Latvian.

⁴ A. Salys, Several Remarks on the History of Dialects, — “Archivum Philologicum”, 4, 32, Kaunas, 1933.

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It should also be noted that speakers of the dialect themselves do not regard the retraction of stress from a short ending to a long syllable as stress retraction, i.e., they no longer perceive it as such; and, wishing to speak literary language, that is, to restore the retracted stress, they say, for example: do'bilai,.pelai, nešiau, vedėi, bet; ganykla, mokykla, maišu, pirštus, vaikus, aštuoni •ir t. t.

Causes of stress retraction

§ 12. There are various opinions about the origin of stress retraction. Some claim that stress was retracted under the influence of foreign languages—Latvian or Curonian⁵; others explain that stress began to be retracted without any foreign influence⁶; a third group considers the question almost impossible to resolve, but accepts Jaunius’s theory as a plausible hypothesis, supplementing it with the influence of a foreign language⁷; and a fourth group seeks to extend the Jaunius–Endzelīns theory, further supplementing it with the decisive role of shortening stressed and unstressed long acute syllables in the emergence of stress retraction⁸.

The theory that stress began to be retracted under the influence of Latvian falls away on its own: not all Lithuanian dialects in contact with Latvians retract stress. There is one fairly weighty argument in favor of Curonian–Semigallian influence: the area of dialects that retract stress and the area inhabited by the Curonians and Semigallians almost coincide. However, according to Endzelīns, the Curonians had free stress. He notes, it is true, that the Curonian accent—and, through them, naturally, the accent of Lithuanian dialects—may later have been influenced by the Ugro-Finnic tribe of the Livonians. But he also points out that, even before the Livonians, Curonian stress was already being retracted more or less spontaneously; the Livonians helped generalize this retraction.

Perhaps the most convincing explanation of the origin of stress retraction is given in the dissertation by Candidate of Philological Sciences Grinaveckis, who, drawing on the claims of Jaunius and Endzelīns, connects stress retraction with the shortening of endings, especially stressed and unstressed long acute endings, while also accepting foreign-language influence as a factor conducive to shortening.

Of course, apart from these general underlying causes, there are also other causes in individual dialects. Thus, speaking specifically of stress in the Šakyna dialect, one must acknowledge the influence of Latvian on certain irregular cases of stress retraction (retraction from the middle of a word, and in part from a circumflex ending), as well as the effect of analogy (the stressing of forms of prefixed reflexive verbs, and in part the retraction of stress from circumflex endings).

⁵ See Archivum Philologicum, 4, Kaunas, 1933.

⁶ K. Явнис, Поневежские говоры литовского языка.—Памятная книжка ковенской губернии на 1898-1899 г. J. Plāķis, Daži attīstības posmi latviešu un leišu akcenta vēsturē, Rīgā, 1923.

⁷ J. Endzelīns, Latviešu valodas gramatika, 32, Rīgā, 1951.

⁸ Vl. Grinaveckis, Phonetic Features of the Northwestern Dünininkai Dialects and Their Development, manuscript, 91–105, Vilnius, 1956.

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The antiquity of the dialect’s retraction of stress

§ 13. The old unstressed endings -ā, -ās in the Samogitian and northwestern Highland Lithuanian dialects have shortened to -ā, -ās, e.g.: *šárkās, *vilkā > šárkās, vilkā. Thus, they must have shortened before long ā changed into present-day o, and therefore could no longer develop into -o, -os. The stressed old endings -ā̃, -ās in the dialect developed into -ō, -ōs, e.g.: nāmo ~ namō (loc. adv.), trōbōs ~ trobōs (sg. gen.). Consequently, stress retraction from such endings must have begun not much earlier than the time when old ā began to change into today’s o. Had stress been retracted from the ending much earlier, those now unstressed endings would have shortened just like the old unstressed -ā, -ās and would no longer have been able to develop into -o, -os. However, it is impossible to say when old ā began to change into o in the dialect, since in the Lithuanian dialects old ā changed into o at different times.

If the second stage of stress retraction, when stress began to be retracted from the old long circumflex endings, took place at roughly the same time as ā changed into o, the first stage must have begun considerably earlier.

Stress strength

§ 14. The dialect’s stress is strong and very clearly audible. Compared with the stress of the Capsian and Zanavykian dialects, the dialect’s stress is considerably stronger. In strength, it is closer to Samogitian stress, but slightly weaker than it. In the neighboring Samogitian dialects, a long syllable often acquires stress of its own, whereas this does not occur in the dialect described here. Moreover, in the Šakyna dialect, even words with primary retracted stress very often have no secondary stresses, whereas in the Samogitian dialects, except right along the Latvian border, such secondary stresses are regular.

Even when a word in the dialect has only one stress, it is not of equal strength throughout. Stress on a long syllable is stronger than stress on a short syllable, e.g.: kàs and káˑs ~ kã̄s (future tense, 3rd person singular), māna ~ māno and išmāˑna ~ išmāno.

Stress on long syllables is also of varying strength: old primary stress on a long syllable is stronger than primary retracted stress on a long syllable, except when primary retracted stress bears the sustained accent, e.g.: plural nominative āusis ~ āusys: plural instrumental āusim ~ ausim; plural accusative šuolus ~ šuolus: plural nominative šuolai ~ suolai; žiedus ~ žiedus: plural nominative žiedai ~ žiedai.

Primary retracted stress bearing the sustained accent is as strong as old primary stress on a long syllable, e.g.: singular genitive dārža ~ daržo — plural accusative dāržus ~ daržus; singular accusative rāṅka ~ ranką — plural accusative rāṅkas ~ rankas; singular genitive vīlka ~ vilko — plural accusative vīlkus ~ vilkus; žōˑdže ~ žōdžio — žōˑdžus ~ žodžius.

Moreover, old primary stress on long syllables is not always of equal strength: stress on the first syllable is stronger than stress on that same syllable when it occurs in the ending of a polysyllabic word, e.g.: singular instrumental sáˑmču ~ sámčiu: plural dative vabuolám(s) ~ vabuoláms.

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If a word has more than one stress, the stresses in that word are not of equal strength. The strongest is the first from the beginning of the word—the primary stress. The relative strength of the primary and secondary stresses is not always the same. The primary stress is stronger when the syllables bearing the two stresses—the primary and secondary—are of equal length: either both long or both short, e.g.: bálą~balà, pãvažą~pavažà, tãukąi~taukai, vẽgėlė~vėgėlė.

The primary retracted stress is somewhat weaker when the syllable bearing the primary retracted stress is short, while the one bearing the secondary stress is long, e.g.: ągùoną~aguonà, ęketįs~eketýs, kãlę~kalė, sẽptįnų~septynių.

The primary retracted stress is still weaker in the shortened singular vocative forms of diminutive and endearing words, e.g.: mòtinąit~motinaite, šèsėrąit~seseraite, šùnėlį~šuneli, vaikẽlį~vaikeli. In addition, the primary stress in words with a secondary shifted stress is of the same strength, e.g.: bãltąva~baltavo, būdãvo~būdavo, pãrsėnęs~pãrsenęs, pẽnkedžėšimt~penkiasdešimt, užvãkar~užvakar.

Sentence stress

§ 15. In connected speech, not every word retains its stress. Very often, two or more words combine into a single unit of pronunciation and have only one stress, on one of the words making up that unit. Thus, unstressed proclitic and enclitic words arise in a sentence. In a sentence, various monosyllabic words usually lose their stress: prepositions, conjunctions, various particles, but sometimes also pronouns, adverbs, and even verbs.

§ 16. Proclisis. a) Conjunctions, e.g.: ką_i_kàs bū̃tų | bū̃su nesuprãntąs~whatever happens, I’ll be pretending not to understand; ò_bró'lis kãrė žùvą~and the brother on the left was killed.

b) Prepositions and conjunctions, e.g.: bìje | ką_nepaliktù bãgotėsni už_lãtvius “is afraid they might become richer than the Latvians.”

c) Prepositions and pronouns, e.g.: tùra aš_ už_rìki gáunu “I get the tower for a rook.”

d) Particles, e.g.: žìūru | gi tekinis sulūžęs “I see—the wheel is broken”; ùgnis ne ùgnis | vànduo ne vànduo | eisme keliu “fire is no fire, water is no water—we’ll go by road.”

e) Particles and verbs, e.g.: a_tãu bus gėrau “Will you be better off?”

f) Verbs, e.g.: duok šė́: mãn júodus “hand them here to me, the black ones”; kàlvis į_nùtarę gražį̃t“the blacksmith has been ordered to return.”

g) Pronouns, e.g.: pìningai tie_pãtys bus“the money will be the same”; a_šẽnd búvau žadė́jus važiuót“I had promised to go today.”

§ 17. Enclisis. a) Particles, e.g.: ànà bìje jau“she, that is, will already be afraid”; vìsi lãtvei kerė́j_agi“all Latvians are witches, you know.”

b) Adverb, e.g.: kã_če tie_jùsu šùnīs lòj“why are those dogs of yours barking here?”.

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In Šakyna and neighboring Samogitian Dunininkai (Kuršėnai) and Dounininkai (Kruopiai) dialects, perhaps owing to the peculiarities of stress retraction, there is a distinctive kind of enclisis: here stress is retracted from the inflected word’s ending onto the preposition, and the inflected word thereby becomes enclitic, e.g.: nèlišk pré_manè_s “don’t crawl near me”; ar eisi su manim “will you go with me?”; nù_savè_s nutràukęs | tàu dà·ve “having pulled it away from himself, he gave it to you”; sù_liežùviu tu_viską· padirbi “with your tongue you get everything done,” that is, you only talk but do no work; iš_amo· nė_akmina gàlvai prasimušė negà·usi “you won’t get a stone through his head, not even a pebble,” that is, he is very stingy; nèġerai bè_namù “it’s not good without a home”; kàtra· rì·ta põ_dvi làpes “every morning two foxes (would come).” Such enclisis most often involves disyllabic pronouns, but often other inflected words as well: nouns, adjectives, and numerals. Such enclisis does not occur in neighboring Latvian dialects.

Logical stress

§ 18. When speaking, we always pronounce one particular word in a sentence more strongly, giving it greater emphasis. Such a word bears the sentence’s logical stress, which indicates what is especially intended to be emphasized in the sentence, e.g.: kàip sužinó·t | kàtra ta_tikròji dùktė “how can one find out which is the real daughter?”; to· klebò·na gà·nau bãnda “I herded that priest’s flock”; dà· liepe atvažiuot neužilgu “he also told [me] to come soon”; daba rėikt ka_užilì·tu “now it would be good if it rained”; dó·relis vìską· i·nupirkęs “the dollar has bought everything”; sė·na·ms žadė·je dùoti kìlbasus “they promised the old folks sausages, that is, to feed them sausage”; tàm(e) valgì·klo· aš_àr èšu būvęs “I, too, have been in that dining hall.”

§ 19. If a word in a sentence receives strongly emphasized logical stress and is also pronounced with a particular intonation, it acquires a second stress as well, e.g.: a_tà·u gèrai sè·dė·t | gè·r,àu “Is it comfortable for you to sit? — Fine!”; kad_i_jùo-kes | kad_i_cì·dies | ka_ti_kò·ks vaikìs àri· | gù·r,àu i_tièk “Let them laugh, let them mock; as long as there’s some lad nearby — that’s fine, and that’s that”; neduòsu tà·u nieka | i_kà· tu_mà· padarì·si | nèdùok | nèbij,àu “I won’t give you anything, and what can you do to me! — Don’t give it! I’m not afraid!”; a_nepragė·rei tik_algẹ·les | pràgė·rau | ot “Did you only go and squander your little wages? — I squandered them, sure did!”; a_gì·valei šèrti a_nešèrti | nèšvà·rbu tà·u “Whether the animals have been fed or not fed — it makes no difference to you.”

In words of this kind that bear two stresses, the strength of the two stresses is almost equal.

Stress shift from its usual position

§ 20. Stress is shifted from its usual position owing to sentence rhythm in proverbs, songs, and verse-like expressions, e.g.: no· varškė·s dãntis barškė·s | no· mėsõ·s lù·pas vė·psõ·s “from curds the teeth will chatter, from meat the lips will gape”; ta·k upė·lis vingiuodamas | nà·s vainìka linguodamas “the little stream flows, winding along, carrying a wreath that sways”; negimdì·c nɛ_vaiks | nɛlaižì·c nɛ_vèršis “not born, not a child; not licked, not a calf.”

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Quite often stress is shifted from its usual position when the same word recurs in a sentence, e.g.: dą́žines nér | a_primrės | a_neprimrės “it is not yet known whether [he] will take it or not”; sãka | priprãs_gaˈl | kùr_ana táˈu priprãs “they say, perhaps she’ll get used to it—where would she ever get used to you?”

In these sentences, the repeated word is said the first time with shifted stress, and the second time with its normal principal retracted stress.

Stress and word meaning

§ 21. As in the standard language, so too in the dialect, one word from another, or one form of the same word from another, sometimes differs only in the position of the stress.

a) Word forms, e.g.:

galvùm (dative plural): gálvum (instrumental plural).

žòlum (dative plural): žólum (“ ”).

b) Word meanings, e.g.:

áˈntiena (adjective): antiena (noun).

briediena (“ ”): briediena (“ ”).

mėˈnesiena (“ ”): mėˈnesiena (“ ”).

kloˈjims (concrete noun): klóˈjims (abstract noun).

plėˈšims (“ ” ”): plėˈšims (“ ” ”).

baltùms (name of a quality): báltums (a white spot, something white).

juodùms (“ ”): júodums (a black spot, something black).

singular genitive kaùlininka “pigsty”: káulininka (name of an agent).

“ ” vižštininka “henhouse”: vižštininka (name of an agent).

dùndėˈt “to decay, wear away, disintegrate”: dundėˈt “to rumble, clatter”.

kirmiˈt “to sleep, to lie”: kirmiˈt “to rot, to become infested with worms.”

Intonation

§ 22. The dialect has the following intonations: rising, falling, medial, and short. In place of the dialect’s rising intonation, a glottalized intonation occurs very frequently. Rising and falling, rather than the accepted acute and circumflex intonations, are so called because they differ from one another not in the location of vocal pressure or greatest intensity, but only in the unequal weakening of vocal intensity and in duration. For this reason, the dialect’s intonations are closer to those of Samogitian than to those of the southwestern Aukštaitian dialects.

Rising intonation

§ 23. When a sound bearing rising intonation is pronounced, the voice first grows abruptly stronger and, having reached its greatest intensity, gradually subsides. The strengthening portion is considerably shorter than the weakening portion. Thus, for monophthongs and the diphthongs ie, uo, whose separate components are not heard, the strongest vocal pressure of the rising intonation is at the beginning of the sound; for other diphthongs, it is at the beginning of the first component⁹.

⁹For a graphic representation of the dialect’s rising intonation, see A. Laigonaitė, Dėl lietuvių kalbos kirčio ir priegaidės supratimo, figs. 40 and 41—„Kalbotyra“, 1, 94-95, Vilnius, 1958.

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Vowels bearing the stressed rising intonation are long. In stressed diphthongs with rising intonation, the first component is long (except in ie, uo, whose separate components cannot be heard). However, the first components of ui and i, u+l, m, n, r diphthongs are short. They are slightly longer than the first components of the corresponding Zanavykian dialect diphthongs, but incomparably shorter than the true East Aukštaitian half-long i, u in those same diphthongs.

The dialect’s rising intonation corresponds to the standard Lithuanian acute and occurs in the same contexts as the standard Lithuanian acute, that is, on long vowels and diphthongs, e.g.: ąžuols~ąžuolas, apuóks~apuókas, gėda~gėda, yla~yla, káilis~kailis, káušas~ká ušas, kėrpe~kėrpė, mušėika~mušėika, sámtis~sámtis, sieksnis~sieksnis, súris~sūris, šárms~šarmas, žióks~žiogas; dirse~dirsė, dúrtuls~dūrtuvas, gù nklas~gunk las, smùika~smuika, smìlga~smilga, vìn gis~vingis...

In the dialect, rising intonation also occurs in the following cases:

1. In secondary endings

a) when a secondary diphthong is formed in them, e.g.: blýn s~blýnas, jávas~jãvas, káras~kãras, klėvas~klėvas, nãras~nãras, gėras~gėras, sėnas~sėnas, žalìs~žalis, žìlas~žìlas, piktùms~piktumas, sùrimas~sūrimas;

b) if the root contains a long stressed vowel with sustained intonation—ō, ū, ī, ē or ã, ē—then, when the ending is shortened, the sustained intonation very often (almost always) changes to rising even without a diphthong, e.g.: botã:ks~botãgas, blìud as, grìps~grỹbas, lẽ:cs~lẽdas, lṓ:ps~lõpas, mẽ:c~mẽtas “year,” plṓ:c~plõtas, šẽ:ps~šẽpas “cupboard”

2. In the singular dative of feminine adjectives, pronouns, ordinal numerals, and passive participles, e.g.: baltã:i~baltái, gerái~gerái, kitá:i~kitái, panktá:i~penktái, dirbamã:i~dirbamái, neštã:i~neštái.

Circumflex intonation

§ 24. The dialect’s falling-rising intonation quite often shifts optionally to the circumflex. The voice pressure of the circumflex intonation is similar to that of the falling-rising intonation, only somewhat stronger. After the first, abrupt and strong portion, the voice suddenly weakens for a moment, but does not stop altogether; it is then lowered in the same way as when pronouncing the falling-rising intonation. In vowels, the voice dips approximately in the middle of the vowel, e.g.: mẽ:c~mẽtas; in diphthongs, the voice weakens in the first component, while the second component remains unchanged, e.g.: kãauls~káulas¹⁰.

Compared with the circumflex intonation of the Samogitian dialects, the dialect’s circumflex differs in that, when it is pronounced, the voice does not stop completely but merely weakens. Moreover, it seems that the dialect’s circumflex intonation also arose under the influence of the Samogitian dialects, since in this dialect it optionally replaces the ordinary falling-rising intonation without any regularity. Because it is irregular in the dialect, it is not marked further in the text.

¹⁰ For a graphical representation of the dialect’s circumflex intonation, see A. Laigonaitė, Dėl lietuvių kalbos kirčio ir priegaidės supratimo, fig. 39 — “Kalbotyra”, 1, 94, Vilnius, 1958.

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Sustained intonation

§ 25. The dialect’s sustained intonation can be divided into two types: primary, corresponding to the circumflex of dialect 1, and secondary, arising when stress is retracted from a short syllable to a long one. In pronunciation, these types of intonation do not differ from one another at all.

When a vowel bearing sustained intonation is stressed, the voice initially grows abruptly stronger, reaches its greatest strength in the first part of the vowel, and then gradually weakens. The sustained intonation differs from a similarly stressed vowel with falling-rising intonation only in its longer, slower weakening of the voice. In diphthongs, the voice pressure falls on the first component, as in the Samogitian dialects, but compared with the Samogitian sustained intonation, the pressure of the dialect’s sustained intonation is weaker¹¹.

Vowels stressed with sustained intonation are pronounced long, longer than those with falling-rising intonation. The two components of diphthongs with sustained intonation are of equal length, slightly longer than the components of corresponding unstressed diphthongs, and almost half-long.

As already mentioned, vowels and diphthongs with sustained intonation are longer than those with falling-rising intonation. But even the sounds with sustained intonation are not always of equal length. A vowel with sustained intonation in a closed syllable is slightly shorter than one in an open syllable, e.g.: lūks: lūka~lūko “highland dialect.” The ū in the first word is shorter than in the second.

A shortened sustained intonation becomes even more like the falling-rising intonation because, as already mentioned, they differ only in the unequal duration. Because of this similarity and by analogy with cases in which a newly formed closed syllable has a secondary diphthong and falling-rising intonation (see § 23), the shortened sustained intonation in a newly formed closed syllable often turns into falling-rising intonation (see § 23). If the sustained intonation occurs in an old diphthong, then in the newly formed closed syllable it shortens so much that it becomes medial (see § 26).

With primary old stress, the dialect’s sustained intonation corresponds to the circumflex of dialect 1. This is the so-called primary sustained intonation. Primary sustained intonation is also most often acquired by words newly entering the dialect from dialect 1 or other dialects, e.g.: ãnglai~ãnglai, didvỹris~didvỹris, pãrma~fẽrma, pílma~fílma “film,” vãistai~vãistai, vãldininks~vãldininkas, vẽidrodis~veidrodis.

Comparative adjectives, as in the Samogitian dialects, also have primary sustained intonation in this dialect instead of the short intonation of dialect 1, e.g.: aukštẽ:snìs~higher, gerẽ:snìs~better.

Besides the case already mentioned, secondary sustained intonation also occurs quite often, optionally, in the dialect (especially in disyllabic words) when stress is retracted from a long ending to a long stem, e.g.: skãusmai~skausmai, vãikai~children, žmõ:gaus~of a person, žõ:le~grass, vẽ:liai~late. It should be noted that in such cases the word never has secondary stress.

¹¹ For a graphical representation of the dialect’s sustained intonation, see A. Laigonaitė, Dėl lietuvių kalbos kirčio ir priegaidės supratimo, figs. 34, 35, and 36 — “Kalbotyra”, 1, 92, Vilnius, 1958. Figure 35 gives the primary, and figure 34 the secondary sustained intonation of the dialect. The intonation in fig. 36 should be checked again, since to the ear the primary sustained intonation of monophthongs and diphthongs produces the same impression.

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From the fact that the contour of the newer retracted accent quite often shifts from medial to circumflex, it may be inferred that the present circumflex contour of the older retracted primary accent arose in a similar way; that is, the contour of that retracted accent was initially medial and later became circumflex. The change may also have been considerably influenced by analogy with word forms in the same paradigm that had the old primary accent and circumflex on the same syllable, for example: gen. sg. pìršta~piršto, dat. sg. pìrštu~pirštui, acc. sg. pìršta~pirštą... nom. pl. pìrštai~pirštai, gen. pl. pìrštu~pirštų, dat. pl. pìršta·m~pirštams, instr. pl. pìrštais~pirštais, and instr. sg. pìrštu~pirštu, acc. pl. pìrštu·s~pirštus (with retracted accent).

Medial accent contour

§ 26. In the dialect, the point of vocal pressure for the medial accent contour is in the same place as for the circumflex contour, that is, on vowels in the first part of the sound and on diphthongs’ first element. The medial accent contour differs from the circumflex only in duration: it is shorter. Because of this brevity, it loses the characteristic continuation of the circumflex and becomes sharper, somewhat resembling a shortened acute or a lengthened short accent.

Vowels and diphthongs with the medial accent contour are not lengthened at all: they are of the same duration, and sometimes even slightly shorter, than the corresponding unstressed vowels or diphthongs. They differ from unstressed sounds only in vocal intensity—that is, in stress.

The medial accent contour occurs in the dialect:

1. a) When stress is retracted from a long ending onto a long stem, e.g.: gen. pl. ã·žuolų~ąžuolų, gen. sg. lānko·s~lankos, instr. pl. pēnkeis~penkiais, rìešutais~riešutais; past tense, simple, 1st person sg. ė·jau~ėjau; conjunction kò·dėl~kodėl;

b) when stress is retracted from a short secondary ending (arising through shortening of the ending) onto a long stem, e.g.: ãncùks~ančiukas, kálniuks~kalniukas, pjō·viks~pjovikas, šō·viks~šovikas, vāiniks~vainikas.

2. a) When the circumflex is shortened in monosyllabic words, e.g.: ãr~ar, dẽl~dėl, nō~nō “nuō”, ō~o, prē~prė “prie”;

b) when the circumflex is shortened in third-person future-tense verbs with diphthongs in the stem, e.g.: ãus~aũs, dźãus~džiaũs, ēis~eis, kēiks~keiks, nērs~nerš, pìrks~pirks, šẽrs~šers;

c) when the circumflex is shortened in words that have become monosyllabic through shortening of the ending and have an old diphthong in the stem, e.g.: pìršc~piìštas, šìens~šienas, šām̃c~šimtas, vāiks~vaikas, vīlks~vilkas; present tense, 3rd person: ēina~eina, knārk̃~knarkia, pāerš~perša, vēlk~velka.

This medial accent contour, derived from a shortened circumflex, is slightly longer and stronger than the medial accent contour of retracted stress.

3. Long syllables bearing secondary stress also have the medial accent contour, e.g.: acc. pl. ãgùonas~aguonas, m·k·ī klas~mokyklas, gen. sg. sū·nųs~sūnaus, dat. sg. bā·lt·ā·jie~báltajai. But the medial accent contour under secondary stress differs somewhat from the medial accent contour under primary stress. The medial accent contour under secondary stress

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The accent is more similar to the retracted accent. This difference in the intermediate accent arose because post-stress long syllables in the dialect have a clear retracted accent. Consequently, when the final syllable loses the main stress, its circumflex accent shortens and approaches the retracted accent.

The short accent

§ 27. We call the accent of short stressed syllables the short accent. In terms of the distribution of vocal intensity, that is, pronunciation, it differs from the circumflex or retracted accent only in its brevity. In other respects, here too, as when pronouncing the retracted or circumflex accent, the voice grows stronger, reaches its point of greatest intensity, and then falls again and weakens. To the ear, the short accent sounds like a stressed, short vowel cut off quite abruptly.

In words with an archaic fixed stress, the dialect’s short accent corresponds to the standard Lithuanian short accent, e.g.: bùs~bùs, būva~bùvo, kàsti~kàsti, kìba~kìbo, lìpsu~lìpsiu, nėš~nėš, rìšu~rìsiu, tàs~tàs…

In addition, the dialect also has the short accent:

1. When stress is retracted from the ending to a short syllable, e.g.: àpušė~apušė “ash tree,” làkta~laktà, singular instrumental nàgu~nagù, singular genitive nàkties~naktìes, šùñies~šuniès;

2. When monosyllabic words are shortened, e.g.: à~ar, ì~ir, ì~i;

3. When the singular nominative of disyllabic a- and ia-stem nouns and adjectives is shortened, e.g.: kàps~kàpas, mẽč~mėtas, tàks~tàkas, žàps~žàbas. In this case the short accent is irregular and is more commonly found among speakers of the dialect influenced by Samogitian. Farther from the Samogitian border, it is almost never encountered.

4. The stressed noun prefix pa- also has the short accent, e.g.: pàbalis, pàgo·vis, pàkelis “roadside,” pàlaukė~pàlaukė, pàmiškis, pàrugis, pàso·dne, -is. It seems that root and ending stress in words of this type has declined altogether, and stress on the first syllable of the word, together with the short accent, has been generalized throughout.

5. Short syllables bearing secondary stress also have the short accent, e.g.: ràš,à~rašà, plural accusative nàm,ùs~namùs, adverb dàb,à~dabà “now.”

6. In words borrowed from Latvian, or shared with Latvian, stressed a and e always have the short accent, e.g.: àmac~àmatas, àtmatas~àtinatos “neglected, no-longer-cultivated fields,” bàdinks~badìngas “hungry,” cèkuls~čekulas “topknot,” cèplis “lime kiln,” gàbals~gàbalas, kèburainis “branchy, twisted,” kèza “trouble, inconvenience,” làbums “goodness,” làdē·t “to curse,” làkac~làkatas “large shawl,” làmata “bonfire, bulky mess,” mẽtama-sis, mẽtams “something used for striking: a belt, switch.”

In addition, other words that have recently entered the dialect also have the short accent if their stress falls on the vowels a or e, e.g.: àdresas, klàsė~klasė, pàšta, šnàbe~šnabė “vodka.”

Compared with the southwestern Aukštaitian dialects, the short accent of the Šakyna dialect is stronger and slightly longer. The dialect’s own

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the short intonations of the old primary and the retracted primary stress. The short intonation of the old primary stress is slightly stronger than the short intonation of retracted primary stress, e.g.: pūšis~pušys (plural nominative) and pūšis~pušis (singular nominative).

Accents of unstressed syllables

§ 28. As in some Samogitian dialects, the long post-stressed syllables of the Šakyna dialect have a clear rising intonation, e.g.: ká’ulái, pė́lėĩ~peiliai. It is harder to determine the intonation of long pre-stressed syllables: it fluctuates between falling and middle.

Intonation and sentence intonation

§ 29. Although not always, sometimes the sentence intonation changes the intonation of a word that bears logical sentence stress in the dialect. For example, when asking for something, the rising intonation often becomes falling, e.g.: dúok má’ dúonas “give me some bread”; važiúokem námo “let’s go home”; dúok sū’re nons_gabalė’li “give me some piece of cheese”; when issuing a command, conversely, falling intonation is replaced by rising, e.g.: pu’sk | kó’ láuki “blow, what are you waiting for”; lí’sk į_vidų “get inside.”

Much more often, sentence intonation changes the intonation only slightly, while it remains the same. For example, when asking something, falling intonation approaches the Lithuanian circumflex: in diphthongs, the vocal pressure is concentrated more on the second component, e.g.: a_tai_šakai eisi “are you going to that branch?”; nó·rį ó’bele “do you want an apple?”, in the word “nó·rį” the rising intonation is much more level than usual, and somewhat resembles falling intonation.

Metatony

§ 30. The following alternations of intonation are observed in the dialect: 1. falling or middle alternates with rising, 2. rising with falling, 3. short with rising.

§ 31. Falling or middle alternates with rising: 1. In prepositions and prefixes, e.g.:

ánt~ant: á’nčakis “forehead”, á’nčkalas~ánčkalos; nó’~nuo: nuóbaigas~nuóbaigos, núokulstas~nuókulkstos “flax tow”; pó’~po: pó’pietis~póppietis, pó’su’nis~pósūnis; pár~per: pá’rspe’jims~pérspėjimas, pá’rtvara~pértvara; prē’~prie: prieku’tis~priekūtis, priemetis~priemetis “such an illness”; prē’š~prieš: priežgina~priešgina, priešprešais~priešpriešais; pró’~pro: pró’smilts~prósmiltis “sandy loam”.

2. In simple verbs and iterative verbs of effort, e.g.: č’i’p’t~čypti: či’paut~čypauti; lí’st~lįsti: lándžo’t~lándžioti; slínkė~slįnkti: slá’nko’t~slánkioti; šáukt~šáukti: šū’kaut~šūkauti.

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3. In simple and causative verbs, e.g.: bėrpti~bėrbti: birbinti~birbinti; skėlstis~skelstis: skęsti, -nti~skálsti, -yti; várgti~várgti: várginti~várginti; žérkti~žergti: žárginti~žarginti.

4. In simple verbs and verbs denoting a state, e.g.: álpti~alpti: álpti~álpėti; kémpti~kempti “to dry”: kémpėti~kėmpėti; lįsti~lįsti: lindo~lįndoti; mírti~mirti: mérdėti~merdėti; skęsti~skęsti: skéndėti~skendėti.

5. In simple verbs and momentary-action verbs, e.g.: krėipti~kreipti: krýptelėti~kryptelėti; lénkti~lenkti: linktelėti~linktelėti; švélpti~švelpti: švul[p]telėti~šviptelėti.

6. In simple verbs and onomatopoeic words, e.g.: tėkšti~tėkšti: tiškšt~tykšt; žengti~žengti: žinkt~žingt.

7. In present-tense verbs with st- and št-stems, e.g.: mirti~mirti: miršt~miršta.

8. In nouns and adjectives and causative verbs, e.g.: gárbė~garbė: gárbinti~garbinti; kálc~kaltas: káltinti~káltinti; smáilus~smailus: smá-ilinti~smailinti, švénc~šventas: švéntinti~šventinti.

9. In verbs and nouns, e.g.: klúikti~klukti: klúika~klúika; lénkti, lénkti~linkti, lenkti: linkums~linkumas “bending”; lįsti~lįsti: linda~linda “a burrow”; smírkšti~smirkšti: smírkštine~smirkštynė; véržti~veržti: várža~varža; žérkti~žergti: žirklės~žirklės.

10. In nouns with the prefix pa-, e.g.: sg. acc. bárzda~barzda: pabárzdis~pabarzdis; sg. acc. gérklė~gerklė: pagérklis~pagerklis; sg. acc. láuka~lauka: paláukis~palaukis; sg. acc. žáuna~žiauna: pažáunis, -ė~pažiaunis, -ė.

11. In adjectives derived from prepositions, e.g.: aplinkui~aplinkui: aplinkinis~aplinkinis; prieš~prieš: priešinis~priešinis.

12. On the change of the circumflex accent into the acute accent due to the shortening of endings, see § 23.

13. The circumflex accent also changes into the acute accent in some compound words, e.g.: sg. acc. sēna~sėna: sēndvaris~Sėndvaris “village,” sémbernis~sėnbernis, sémpirda~sėnpirda “old woman”; sg. acc. skānu~skānu: skānskonei~skánskoniai; sg. acc. dvāra~dvára: dvā́rponis~dvárponis; sg. acc. smáilu~smailų: smáigalís~smáigalis.

§ 32. The acute (or short) tone alternates with the circumflex (falling) tone:

1. When the stem of the same word changes, e.g.: káuls~kaulas: káulus~kaulius; piens~pienas: pěnus~pienius “one who likes milk,” pěne~pienė “Russula”; plūksna~plunksna: plūnksnus~plunksnius; séile~seilė: séilus~seilius; stirna~stirna: stirninas~stirninas; várna: várns~varnas.

2. In compound words: dá́rps~dárbas: devyndárbis~devyndarbis; kóje~koja: vienkó jis~vienkojis; krūmai~krūmai; pakrūme, -is~pakrūmė, -is; ló va~lóva: palóvis~palovis; márks~márgas: rudmárgis~rudmargis;

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nó'sis~nósis: pano'sis, -e~panošis, -ė; plá'uk~pláukas: gaelto'mpláukis~gelton-plaukis; vìlna ~ vilna: o'skavìlnė ~ ožkavìlnė; singular genitive vá'ndeni ~ vándeni: pavándeniu~pavandeniui; but: gė'da~gėda: begė'dis~begėdis; pró'tas~protas: bepró'tis~beprotis; só'tis~sotis: besó'tis~besotis; súols~suolas: pasúolis, -ė; tilc~tiltas: patiltis, -ė and so on.

3. In nouns and adjectives, e.g.: a'ukšč~aukštas: áukšts~aukštas; lá'uks~laukas: lãuks~laukas; mė'li'ns~mėlynas: mė'lìne~mėlynė “berry”; ká'ršč~karštas: kãrštis~karštis.

4. In simple adjectives and adjectives with the suffixes -gans~ -ganas, -kšvas, -svas, e.g.: bálc~báltas: bálzgans~bálzganas, bálkšvas, bálsvas; júoc~júodas: jūosvas; pìlks~pilkas: pìlkšvas.

5. In cardinal and ordinal numerals, e.g.: aštúonus~aštuo-nius: aštúnta~aštuñtą (singular accusative); devì'nus~devynius: devìnta~devìntą (singular accusative); septì'nus~septynius: septìnta~septìntą (singular accusative).

6. In nouns and verbs with the same root, e.g.: gė'rti~gerti: gė'ralas~gėralas; gnó'ušti~gniužti: gnũ'žis~gniūžis; šá'uti~šauti: šū-vis~šūvis; vė'rti~verti: vãrtai~vartai.

7. In nouns and verbs derived from them, e.g.: dū'mai~dūmai: dū'mi't~dūmyti; krū'mai~krūmai: krū'mi't~krūmyti “to spread into bushes,” sū-nus~sūnus: sū'nìt~sūnyti; kerė'bla~kerėbla: kerė'blìnt~kerėblinti.

8. In simple and gradually iterative verbs, e.g.: lá'rìt~lauk­ti: lũ'kuruot~lūkuriuoti; sná'ust~snausti: snũ'duriuot~snūduriuoti; šni'kė~snigti: snì'guriuot~snyguriuoti.

9. In the infinitive and the conditional mood of verbs, e.g.: ká'št~kąsti: kã'stu~kąstų; lìe~lieti: lìetu~liėtų; spá'ust~spáusti: spáustu~spáustų; ži-bė'i~žibėti: žibė'tu~žibėtų.

10. In the third-person future forms of verbs with a diphthong in the root, e.g.: á'ūsu~áusiu: ãus~aũs; dùosu~dúosiu: dũos~duos; lé'isu~léisiu: léis~leis; kùrsu~kùrsiu: kùrs~kurs; skė'lṣu~skėlsiu: skėls~skels.

11. A rarer case of metatony in adjectives and prefixed verbs with the same root, e.g.: júoc~júodas: pajúošt~pajuóšti.

12. In the vocative forms of nouns with the suffixes -áitis, -ė, -ýtis, -ė, e.g.: mergá'te~mergáitė (singular nominative): mẽrg,á'tes~mergaitės (plural vocative), tetì'te~tetýtė (singular nominative): tẽtì'ž~tetýte (singular vocative).

§ 33. The short intonation alternates with the circumflex:

1. In simple verbs and iterative verbs of effort, e.g.: krìsti~kristi: krá'ičio't~kráičiuoti; lìp~lipti: lá'ipo't~láipioti; mė's~mesti: mė'ti't~mėtyti; brìsti~bristi: brá'idžo't~braidžioti.

2. In verbs and nouns with the same root, e.g.: sùp-tis~sùptis: šù'pi'ne~siūpynė.

3. Such cases of metatony also occur in nouns with the prefix pa-, e.g.: ùžlas~ùžlos: paú'žlis~paúžlis.

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Intonation and word meaning

§ 34. Quite often, one word differs from another only in intonation, e.g.: ántis~ántis “bird”: ántis~ãntis “part of clothing”; džó'va~džióva “disease”: džõ'va~džiova “drying”; kãrtis~kártis “pole, stake”: kãrtis~kartis “whims, stubbornness; horse’s mane”; kietis~kietis “plant”: kietis “hardness”; kãl~káltas “tool”: kálc~kaltas (past participle); mérkti~mérkti “to blink”: mėrkti~merkti “to soak, put into water”; priminti~priminti “to step on, press down”: priminti~priminti “to remind”; smãrukį~smaugti “to suffocate”: smaukti~smaukti “to pull off, push aside”; plá'uks~pláukas (noun): pláuks~pláuks (future tense, 3rd person); mana~mano (gen. sg.); mã'na~mãno (pres. tense, 3rd person); gana~ganà (adv.): gã'na~gãno (pres. tense, 3rd person); šaka~šakà (nom. sg.): šã'ka~šãką (acc. sg.); vaga~vagà (nom. sg.): vã'ga~vãgą (acc. sg.).

STRESS AND INTONATION IN THE ŠAKYNA DIALECT

А. П. ИОНАЙТИТЕ

Summary

The Šakyna dialect is a dialect of the northwestern Aukštaitians bordering the Latvian SSR. The most characteristic features of this dialect are stress retraction and the shortening of endings. This article examines the stress and intonation of the dialect.

In the Šakyna dialect, stress shifts from an ending with a short or rising intonation to the beginning of the word (dãrklis~arklys, bàla~balà, dõ'vana~dovanà). In some cases, however, stress also shifts from an ending with falling intonation (dõ'bilam~dobilám), or from the middle of a word (gìrkančei~Girkańčiai, kèpure~kepùrė, àpsisuk~apsisuku).

Sometimes, when stress shifts, the portion left in its original position forms a secondary stress. As a rule, however, such secondary stresses occur in the dialect only optionally.

Two stages of stress retraction can be traced in the dialect, apart from all the abnormal cases of stress shift that occur there today. Initially, stress shifted from short endings to the preceding long syllable (ãusis~ausis, agūona~aguonà). After this, retraction also occurred in the remaining cases (àkis~akìs, ėžì's~ežys, skrùz-de'lė~skruzdėlė, vè'lai~vėlai).

Regarding the factors that conditioned stress retraction, the author of the article agrees with those researchers who regard the reduction of endings and, in part, the influence of a foreign language as such factors.

In compounds or in certain grammatical forms of words of a particular type, a secondary stress arises in syllables following the syllable bearing the primary

§. Kalbotyros klausimai II.

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stress (àna·mˢeˑt ~ anāmət, bāˑlt,ǯāˑjei~ báltajai, bāˑlt,ǯāva~báltavo). The author attempts to explain the occurrence of this secondary stress through the influence of analogy or the features of compound formation.

In addition to word stress, the article also examines sentence stress and establishes the features of proclisis, enclisis, and logical stress in the dialect.

The Šakyna dialect has the following intonations: short, rising, level, falling, and, optionally replacing the falling intonation, broken. In terms of pitch movement, the dialect’s intonations are closer to those of Samogitian dialects than to those of the southwestern Aukštaitian dialects. The article gives examples of the use of the various intonations with primary or secondary stress, as well as intonation in unstressed syllables, and indicates the relationship between the intonation of an individual word and that of the sentence as a whole.

At the end of the article, various cases of metatony found in the dialect are surveyed, and the role of intonation in establishing word meaning is indicated.