LIETUVIŲ KALBOS GRAMATIKOS TYRINĖJIMAI LIETUVOS TSR MOKSLŲ AKADEMIJA

ADJECTIVE, NUMERAL, PRONOUN IN THE WESTERN HIGHLAND DIALECTS OF PALATVĖ¹

A. JONAITYTĖ

ADJECTIVE

1. General remarks

Gender. The adjective in these dialects has 3 genders: masculine, feminine, and the now vanishing neuter, e.g.: bãugus, bãugi, bãugu; grãžus, grãži, grãžu; kìec, kìeta, kìet.

Neuter adjectives are generally used quite rarely, while the neuter forms of a-, ia-stem adjectives are disappearing altogether. Moreover, the neuter has been retained only by adjectives of the positive degree. The neuter forms of comparative adjectives have long since merged with comparative adverbs, while the old neuter forms of superlative adjectives have likewise been replaced by superlative adverbs, e.g.: gerã·usei, šaļčã·usei.

Neuter adjectives are generally used to describe a person’s condition or state of well-being, e.g.: mã· blõ·g; nè· mã· šilt, nè· šã·lt “I don’t care”; …i tas rublė·lis miel; gẽ·rì nèšveik Škn; ka dã· kõ·ke diena (— nothing), o· kõ·ke — negẽ·r i gãna Šk; širdis vãtal vãtal (beats), ka negẽ·r Dam; tẽip tã·u čė linksми, grãžu Škn; tẽip nebesmãgu be lì·taus Darg; dãba šiena pjã·ut bãugu — gã·l bū·t lì·taus Dilb; o· jau su mažų kai bjãuru, ka dãñču rè·k; mã· jau ãr nebemalõ·nu và·lgì·t, nebãskanu Sk.

u-stem neuter adjectives are also used in other cases, e.g.: lãuke tõ·ks dvãñks (stuffy heat), tõ·ki šilima, o· trõ·bo· vẽ·su Sk; ãušt, žì·mu diena Dam; dvìdešimt kapẽikų mãišas bū·dã·va brãngu “it used to be expensive to pay 20 kopecks per sack” Darg; tà lìga šunku ì·ra pagì·dì·t Dam.

The examples show that the neuter is retained mainly in impersonal sentences, where the neuter adjective functions as part of a compound predicate².

In these dialects, the neuter is replaced by:

1. Adverbs, e.g.: a tã·u gerãi? šã· žiẽma būva gilei sniega Škn; bitim nègerai; dãba ka žãlu· bãrkšču· bū·tu, tãi bū·t gerai Dilb; sã·ka, lãbai, grãžei vilñui; jãu, adõ·mai, mã· blõ·gai Sk.

¹ Straipsnis yra prieš keletą metų (1962) parašyto didesnio darbo „Šakynos tarmė“ dalis. Straipsnių šio darbo temomis yra skelbta ir anksčiau (žr. LKK, t. 2, p. 109—130; MADA, 1960 m., t. 1(8), p. 151—162; LKK, t. 3, p. 91—111 ir p. 79—86; LKMSR, p. 165—177; LKGS, p. 171—182.

²For further discussion of the reasons for the survival of the neuter in adjectives, see K. Явнисъ, Грамматика литовского языка, Петроградъ, 1908—1916, p. 87.

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2. Feminine gender of adjectives, e.g.: pė·rn visa pavā·sari būva šal­ta i šal­ta; ale, sā·ka, če šlāpe Skn; sā·ka, svēika su rū·tum (rūtomis) trīni Dilb; dāba vaikā·m tāiso·m minkščā·usei, o· pirmau piemuo pārginei bānda, ant šuola acigūlsi, nė· būs kiēta šo·na·m, nė· gā·lvai Dam; ūžvē·jo·, kur nāpuč vē·jes, ga·l i gēra bū·tu gulē·ti; šēndie nė· lābai kāršta Sk; būva nā·kti gēra gā·udi·t Dilb³.

3. Masculine gender of adjectives (less often), e.g.: pastovē·jes vānduo skānus gē·ri; trūšis (hare) bjāurus pjā·ut Sk; (pinigų) nė· vērc šū·ši; nū, kas pās jum nāuje Skn.

Thus, the neuter gender of adjectives is disappearing not only in the dialects described, but also in neighboring Samogitian and Aukštaitian dialects.

Number. The adjectives of these dialects have only singular and plural forms. Traces of the dual remain only in the plural dative of all stems and in the plural instrumental of o, io, ē stems, where forms without -s have become established under the influence of the dual.

Case. The vocative of adjectives in these dialects coincides with the nominative. The only exception is polysyllabic ia-stem adjectives (medinis, rudbārzdis, apī·geris…): their singular nominative and vocative usually differ (singular vocative: medini, rudbārzdi, apī·geri…). But occasionally the singular nominative is also used here in its place.

Case endings, apart from particular exceptions, are mostly the same as in lk⁴.

Stem. The adjectives of the dialects described have a, ia, u, o, io, and ē stems (bā·lc, medinis, nāujes, smārkus, bālta, nāuje, smārki, medine…). The stems of some adjectives sometimes differ from those of the corresponding lk. adjectives, e.g.: glēbnus, glēbni; glāžnus, glēžni; lēngvus, lēngvi; links­mus, linksmi, but in such cases they usually coincide with the stem of the same adjective in neighboring Samogitian dialects (cf. lē·ngv·ōs ~ lengvūs, lī·nksm·ōs ~ linksmūs Pp).

Degree. The dialects distinguish three main degrees of adjectives: positive, comparative, and superlative. In addition, there are two intermediate degrees: between the positive and comparative is the elative (quite rare), and after the superlative comes the absolute superlative. The same adjectives are gradable as in lk.

Accentuation. Like lk., disyllabic adjectives have only two accent paradigms: III (ā·ukšč, āukšto; lī·gus, lī·gi) and IV (nāujes, nāuje; smāgus, smāgi).

Polysyllabic a-, ia-stem adjectives do not have accent paradigm IV.

Polysyllabic u-stem adjectives do not have accent paradigms I and II; o-stem adjectives lack paradigms II and IV; io-stem adjectives lack II and III; and finally, ē-stem adjectives lack accent paradigm IV. In addition, polysyllabic adjectives with accent paradigms I and III are very few.

For feminine adjectives of accent paradigms III and IV, across all stems, the singular dative, as in many other dialects, is accented not on the root but on the ending, e.g.: aukštā·i, didelē·i, mo·lind·i, panasē·i, silpnā·i.

There are also other cases in which the accentuation of adjectives in the dialects described differs from that in lk. The following cases are worth mentioning:

1. Some adjectives with the suffix -ingas, -a, derived from nouns with fixed stress, retain the noun’s stress position and accent type, e.g.: bā·iminks, bā·iminga;

³ That the examples given above are feminine is indicated by the retracted accent and the retained ending vowel a < ā. The old unstressed short a has disappeared in all cases in these dialects.

⁴ For the Samogitian masculine plural dative forms, see LKMSR, p. 168.

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dioningi (mė·tai); gė·dinks, -a; ká·links, -a (ká·lns in the dialects was formerly a word with initial-stress accentuation, cf. ká·lnai “a certain kind of prayer”); ká·ulinks, -a; kū·ninks, -a “fat, full”; mó·links -a; míltinks, -a; pieninga; pró·tinks, -a; pú·links, -a; súltinks, -a; vė·jinks, -a; vilninks, -a… The same phenomenon is also observed in neighboring Samogitian dialects, e.g.: miltinks, pí·ninga, giedinks, pruótinks, smiltinks Krš.

The accentuation of adjectives of this kind with the suffix -ingas, -a should be regarded as a remnant of the former double accentuation (stem and ending) of this type of Lithuanian adjective.

2. Traces of initial-stress accentuation have also been preserved in individual dialect adjectives with the suffixes -ėtas, -a; -ótas, -a; -úotas, -a; e.g.: ká·ulė·c, ká·ulė·ta; pé·lkė·c, -a; sá·ulė·c, -a; bá·mbo·c, -a; gi·slo·c, -a; kúilo·c, -a (with a hernia — “a boar”); á·nkštuoc, -a; ká·uluoc, -a; lí·tuoc, -a; miltuoc, -a; trá·škannuoc, -a; vė·juoc, -a.

At present, nearly all the examples given are accented not only on the stem but also on the suffix, and this suffixal accentuation is becoming increasingly generalized.

3. Adjectives with the suffix -inis, -ė are now accented according to accent paradigm II, but one or another of them still retains stem stress, e.g.: bárkštinis (bring the little tub bárkštini); káulinis, -e || kaulinis, -e; vá·sarinis, -e || vasarinis, -e and others.

4. The adjective perni·kštis, perni·kštė || perni·kščė is also accented according to accent paradigm II.

5. The adjectives geltó·ns, gė·lto·na; mė·li·ns, mė·lina; raudó·ns, raúdo·na are accented according to accent paradigm III.

6. The adjectives aiškus, -i, lygus, -i, tankus, -i are accented only according to accent paradigm III (singular nominative á·iškus, -i, lí·gus, -i, tá·nkus, -i), as in all neighboring dialects.

7. The adjective brángus || brángus, brángi || brángi is accented in two ways—according to accent paradigms III and IV.

For the accentuation of comparative, elative, and superlative adjectives and pronominal adjectives, see pp. 188, 189, 191.

2. Declension of simple adjectives

Masculine gender

a stem

Singular Plural Nom. sg. bá·l c, á·lkanas bá·lti, ál kani Gen. bá·lta, á·lkana bá·ltu, álkanu Dat. baltá·m, alkaná·m baltiem(s), alkaniém(s) á·lkamui Acc. bá·lta, á·lkana bá·ltus, á·lkanus Instr. bá·ltu, á·lkano bá·ltais, álkaniais Loc. bá·ltam(e) álkanam(e) bá·ltuos(e) álkanuos(e)

The declension of a-stem adjectives in the dialects under discussion is, in general, the same as in the literary language, except that the endings of individual cases are shortened. With the exception of the singular locative, the case endings of a-stem adjectives are shortened in the same way as those of a-stem nouns⁵. The singular locative ending -e is almost always dropped in adjectives, whereas it is never dropped in a-stem nouns. In addition, polysyllabic adjectives, as in the neighboring Samogitian dialects (e.g., Kuršėnai), with the sole exception of color terms (geltó·ns, mė·li·ns, raudó·ns...), already have, alongside their older pronominal ending, a less frequently used nominal ending in the singular dative.

⁵ See LKK, vol. 3, pp. 98—99.

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ia stem

Singular Plural Nom. langāinis, žā·lis Nom. langāinei, žāli Gen. langāine, žā·le Gen. langāinū, žālu· Dat. langāinui, žalā·m Dat. langāinām(s), žāliem(s) Acc. langāini, žā·le || žā·li Acc. langāinus, žālus Instr. langāinu, žālu Instr. langāineis, žāleis Loc. langāini·, žālem(e) Loc. langāinuos(e), žāluos(e) Voc. langāini

The singular dative of polysyllabic ia-stem adjectives has a nominal ending. The only exception is the adjective didelis. However, even its singular dative sometimes already has a nominal ending.

ia-stem adjectives have the ending -ias in the singular nominative, and an alternative form with the ending -i in the singular accusative, e.g.: pė·ščes || pė·sc: pė·šce || pė·šti. Forms with the ending -i arose by analogy with the singular accusative of those ia-stem adjectives that regularly have -i in the singular accusative⁶. The same phenomenon is characteristic of the neighboring Samogitian dialects.

In the singular locative, alongside the more frequently used nominal ending, polysyllabic adjectives with the suffixes -ykštis, -inis still occasionally retain the older pronominal ending, e.g.: medini· || medinem, vakari·kšti || vakari·kščem. The neighboring Samogitian dialects retain the full older pronominal ending.

u stem

Vienaskaita Daugiskaita V.Š. li·gus li·gus K. li·gaus, li·ge li·gu· N. li·gām li·giem(s) G. li·gu li·gus Įn. li·gu li·geis Vt. li·gem li·guos(e)

The declension of u-stem adjectives, except for the singular genitive, does not differ from the standard language.

Alongside the old u-stem adjective form, the singular genitive in the dialects sometimes already has an ia-stem form as well. It seems that the example of the neighboring Samogitian dialects (Kuršėnai, Papilė, Akmenė), where u-stem adjectives already have considerably more ia-stem forms, may have helped forms with an ia stem shift to an u stem. However, ia-stem forms may also be entering the genitive of u-stem adjectives by analogy with the singular genitive of ia-stem nouns in these very dialects; cf.: suklūpa ant li·ge ke·le; niekur nerandu āpuole me·dže; se·ne (karvė) išplempe puse kubila sū·re vā·ndine Škn.

⁶ Cf. the accusative singular of ia-stem nouns of the same origin, see LKK, vol. 3, pp. 100—101.

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Feminine gender

Feminine adjectives of all stems are declined in the same way as feminine nouns of those same stems; therefore, neither paradigm examples nor notes on individual cases are provided separately, since what has been said about feminine nouns of the corresponding stems applies here⁷. It may be added here that the adjectives ri˙ti˙kšči̇e, ši̇ndieni˙kščė || šėndieni˙kščė, vakari˙kščė have ē-stem forms (ri˙ti˙kšte, ši̇ndieni˙kšte || šėndieni˙kšte, vakari˙kšte; singular genitive ri˙ti˙kštės, ši̇ndieni˙kštės || šėndieni˙kštės, vakari˙kštės, etc.) alongside io stems, while the adjectives didelė, dešinė, kairė have, in the singular genitive and locative and the plural dative, instrumental, and locative, neighboring io-stem forms alongside their old ē-stem forms, e.g.: singular genitive: didelės || didelōs, dešinės || dešinōs, kairės || kairōs; singular locative: didelē || didelō, dešinē || dešinō, kairē || kairō; plural dative: didelum(s) || didelēm(s) || didelōm(s)…; plural instrumental: didelum(s) || didelēm(s) || didelōm(s)…; plural locative: – didelē(s)(e) || didelō·s(e) || didelios(e)…. The same phenomenon is observed in the neighboring Samogitian dialects. This is the result of stem mixing. Indeed, the pronominal forms of the corresponding cases may also have had some influence on the mixing of these adjectives’ stems, since a clear stem-final io is heard there, e.g.: singular genitive kairōsės, singular locative kairōjo·, etc.

3. Degrees of comparison of adjectives

Comparative degree of adjectives

In the descriptive North-Western Aukštaitian dialects (as in many neighboring Aukštaitian and Samogitian dialects), the comparative degree of adjectives differs from standard Lithuanian only in having a circumflex accent, e.g.: aukštē·snis, aukštē·sne; baltē·snis, baltē·sne; didē·snis, didē·sne.

Adjectives of this degree are declined as follows:

Masculine gender Singular Plural Nom.-Acc. baltē·snis baltēsni baltē·snei Gen. baltē·sne baltēsni· baltēsne (rare) baltēsni· Dat. baltesnā·m baltesniem(s) baltē·šnui Acc. baltē·sni baltēsnu̇s Instr. baltēsniu baltēsneis Loc. baltēsnem(e) baltēšnuos(e) Feminine gender Singular Plural Nom.-Acc. baltē·sne baltē·snes Gen. bāltėšnio·s baltēšni· bāltėšne·s (1. rare) baltē·snes Dat. baltesnē·i baltesnūm(s) baltesnō·m(s) baltesnē·m(s) Acc. baltē·sne baltēsnes Instr. baltēsne baltēsnium(s) baltēsniō·m(s) baltēsne·m(s) Loc. baltēsniō· baltēsniō·s(e) baltē·šniō· baltēsne·s(e) baltēsne· baltēsnuos(e)

⁷ See LKK, vol. 3, pp. 100–103.

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The dative singular and nominative plural of masculine comparative adjectives also have forms of ia-stem nouns.

In feminine comparative adjectives, the old ė-stem forms of the singular genitive and locative, and the plural dative, instrumental, and locative, as in neighboring Samogitian dialects⁸, are supplanted by the corresponding io-stem forms.

The paradigm shows that some cases of comparative adjectives have variable stress: stress may fall on the penultimate syllable or on the ending (from which it is retracted to the first syllable). This stress pattern may have arisen for several reasons:

1. Because of peculiarities in stress retraction in the descriptive dialects. Thus, for example, the singular instrumental and plural accusative may quite regularly have variable stress: báltėšniu, báltėsne; báltėšnūs, báltėsnes and baltėšnu, baltēšne; baltėšnūs, baltėsnes. On the basis of those cases in which stress can regularly be retracted to the penultimate syllable, this stress pattern may be generalized to other cases as well. Such generalization is especially favored at the eastern edge of the dialect area, since neighboring Central Aukštaitian dialects (Joniškis, etc.) tend to retract stress only to the penultimate syllable, e.g.: plural nominative senėšni, plural genitive senėšnu.

2. The stress of particular cases of comparative adjectives may be generalized on the basis of cases with fixed stress, e.g.: singular genitive baltė·snes, singular locative baltė·sńo || baltė·sne, etc.

3. Variation in the stress of comparative adjectives, especially in the western part of the dialect area (Šakyna, Šiūpyliai, Aukščučiai), may also be influenced by the neighboring Kuršėnai dialect of the Samogitian dūnininkai, in which these adjectives are stressed according to accentuation paradigms II and IV. As a result of the vowel assimilation rules of this dialect, in some cases the stressed e of the suffix -esnis, -ė is lengthened, e.g.: masculine singular nominative gerėšnis, singular dative mažėšnu, singular accusative jaunėšni, etc. Such forms could easily have spread into the descriptive North-Western Aukštaitian dialects as well.

The superlative degree of adjectives

In the dialects described, as in all neighboring dialects, the superlative degree of adjectives is formed with the suffix -(i)ausis, -(i)ausia, e.g.: bjaur‧d’usis, bjaur‧d’u-se; ger‧d’usis, ger‧d’use; pikč‧d’usis, pikč‧d’use.

Regarding the declension of adjectives in this degree, it need only be noted that four cases of masculine superlative adjectives differ from the first accentuation paradigm: singular nominative (skanā’usis), accusative (skanā’usi), locative (skanā’usem(e) || skanā’usi·), and plural nominative (skanā’usei)⁹.

The substantival form of the singular locative, used alongside the older singular locative form of the superlative, remains rare.

The case endings of feminine superlative adjectives do not differ in any way from the case endings of io-stem nouns¹⁰.

The accentuation of superlative adjectives is the same as in the first accentuation paradigm.

8 See also LKMSR, p. 167.

9 For their relationship to the corresponding cases of superlative adjectives in the neighboring Central Aukštaitian and Samogitian dialects, see LKMSR, p. 167.

10 See LKK, vol. 3, p. 102.

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Other degrees of adjectives

1. The attenuative comparative. The attenuative comparative is formed with the suffix -ėlesnis, -ėlesnė, e.g.: didėlesnis, didėlesnė; mažėlesnis, mažėlesnė. Adjectives of this degree are quite rare in the dialects of the area under description.

The inflectional endings of masculine attenuative comparative adjectives are the same as those of the comparative, except for the singular dative, which no longer has a pronominal form at all, but only a nominal one — mažėlesniui.

Feminine attenuative comparative adjectives are declined like feminine comparative adjectives, except that in no case other than the singular locative do they have parallel io-stem forms.

The accentuation of adjectives of this degree is fixed.

2. The absolute superlative of adjectives. This degree is formed through various syntactic constructions:

a) The pronoun pats, pati and the pronominal form of an adjective, e.g.: pàč didì·sis; pà·čė didžà·je isirinka; ė·je par pà·ti gli·ji sniega Škn; àš pàti senõ·ji, pàti gražõ·ji Sk; pà·tis gerìeji vaistai Dilb. This construction is very widely used.

b) The pronoun pats, pati and the superlative form of an adjective, e.g.: elzbieta pati senà·use; ànie pà·tis bijaurà·usei. This construction is quite rare in the dialects under description.

c) A superlative adjective with the particles už vis (už vis senà·use), par vis par visus, par visas (stabarà·uskis par visus senà·usis Dilb; šuovims, — tas par vis lengvà·use mirtis Auks); visù· (visù· senà·usis pàlikau Sk), kõ· (kõ· senà·use dàine uždainuok Drg), etc.

d) The genitive plural of positive-degree adjectives and the superlative form, e.g.: gærù· gefà·usis, nàujù· naujà·usis.

e) Comparative adjectives with the particles už vis, par vis, etc., e.g.: už vis gerė·snis; par vis jaunė·sne; par visas gerė·sne, etc.

The intensity of a quality can also be expressed in other ways, e.g.: bà·lc balčà·usis “very white, extraordinarily white,” gèrs gerà·usis, júoc juodžà·usis.

4. Pronominal adjectives

Pronominal adjectives are very vigorous and widely used in the dialects. Their origin¹¹ and usage¹² are the same as in the standard language.

Pronominal forms are also made from comparative and superlative adjectives. However, pronominal forms of elative and all superlative adjectives are relatively rare.

Examples: pronominal forms of the comparative degree: geresnì·sis, geresnó·ji; tamsesnì·sis, tamsesnó·ji; of the elative degree — gerė·lesnì·sis, gerė·lesnó·ji; of the superlative degree — gerà·usi·sis || gerà·usesis (rare), gerà·uso·ji; senà·usi·sis || senà·usesis, senà·uso·ji; of the highest superlative degree — visù· gerà·usi·sis || visù· gerà·usesis, visù· gerà·uso·ji.

¹¹ Žr. Z. Zinkevičius, ĮBIB, p. 5—18 ir LD, p. 277—279.

¹² Žr. A. Valeckienė, Dabartinės lietuvių kalbos įvardžiuotinių būdvardžių vartojimas, Literatura ir kalba, t. 2, p. 172—256; LKG, t. 1, p. 505—513.

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Declension

Masculine gender

Singular

Nom. sg. masculine: baltāsis, aiškūsis, aukštesni·sis, senā·usi·sis; feminine: bā·ltasis, aiški·sis || ā·iški·sis || gražēsis, senā·usesis (rare). Gen. sg. feminine: bā·lto·je, ā·iško·je, aukštesnio·je, senā·uso·je. Dat. sg. masculine: bā·lto·jui, ā·iško·jui, aukštesnio·jui, senā·uso·jui. Acc. sg. feminine: bā·ltā·ji, ā·išku·ji, aukštesni·ji, senā·usi·ji, ā·iški·ji, senā·use·ji (rare); masculine: stāmbe·ji. Instr. sg.: baltuoju, aiškuoju, aukštesniūoju, senā·usuoju. Loc. sg.: baltamē·je, aiškemē·je, aukštesnemē·je, senā·usemē·je

Plural

Nom. pl. masculine: baltiejei, aiškiejei, aukštesniejei, senā·usiejei. Gen. pl.: baltū·ju·, aiškū·ju·, aukštesnū·ju·, senā·usū·ju·. Dat. pl.: balties·ā·m(s), aiškies·ā·m(s), aukštesnies·ā·m(s), senā·usies·ā·m(s), baltiesiem(s) (rare). Acc. pl. masculine: baltuōsus, aiškuōsus, aukštesniūosus, senā·usuosus. Instr. pl.: baltāiseis, aiškēiseis, aukštesnēiseis, senā·useiseis. Loc. pl.: baltuōsuos(e), aiškuōsuos(e), aukštesniūuos(e), senā·usuos(e)

Among the pronominal adjectives originating from the u-stem class, the singular nominative has two variant forms, e.g.: aiški·sis, gražēsis. Their emergence should probably be regarded as the result of influence from neighboring Samogitian dialects¹³.

We sometimes encounter variant forms of a different kind as well, e.g., rū·kštus — rū·kš-tūsis || rū·kštāsis Dlb. The form rū·kštāsis probably arose through analogy with the a-stem class (cf. baltāsis, piktāsis).

The origin of the y-forms among the variant singular nominative forms of superlative pronominal adjectives can be explained by the characteristics of the superlative degree of simple adjectives: gerā·usi·sis < gerā·usi + jis.

The singular dative of pronominal adjectives, as in neighboring Samogitian dialects, has only a nominal ending¹⁴.

The singular accusative of masculine pronominal adjectives has variant forms of the same origin as the singular nominative. The ia-stem forms gražē·ji, stāmbe·ji, instead of u-stem forms, must have arisen by analogy with the singular nominative.

The singular locative of masculine pronominal adjectives is formed similarly to those in neighboring Samogitian dialects, e.g.: didemi·jie Krš, didemējie Pp¹⁵. In Pa-žemaitė itself, singular locative forms that are already almost purely Samogitian occur, e.g.: maža-mē·jie Krp.

¹³ Cf. LKMSR, pp. 167–168.

¹⁴ For the origin of the pre-ending -o(j)-, see Z. Zinkevičius, ĮBIB, pp. 93–94 and LD, p. 285.

¹⁵ For the origin, see K. Явнисъ, Грамматика литовского языка, Петроградъ, 1908—1916, p. 114.; Z. Zinkevičius, LD, p. 113.

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The plural nominative and plural dative, as in the neighbouring Samogitian dialects (Papilė, Kuršėnai), have nominal endings¹⁶.

The singular nominative of masculine pronominal adjectives is sometimes accented in the Samogitian manner throughout the Samogitian border area, e.g.: bá·ltasis, didì·sis.

Feminine gender

Singular

Nom. baltō·ji, aiškō·ji, aukštėsñō·ji, sená·usō·ji Gen. baltō·ses, aiškō·ses, aukštėsñō·ses, sená·usō·ses Dat. bá·ltā·jei, á·iškā·jei, aukštėsñā·jei, sená·usā·jei Acc. bá·ltā·je, á·iškā·je, aukštėsñā·je, sená·usā·je Ins. baltā·je, aiškā·je, aukštėsñā·je, sená·usā·je Loc. baltō·jo·, aiškō·jo·, aukštėsñō·jo·, sená·usō·jo·

Plural

Nom. bá·ltō·ses, á·iškō·ses, aukštėsñō·ses, sená·usō·ses baltō·ses, aiškō·ses, aukštėsñō·ses, K. baltū·ju·, aiškū·ju·, aukštėsñū·ju·, sená·usū·ju·:i Dat. baltūm̃sum(s), aiškūm̃sum(s), aukštėsñūm̃sum(s), sená·usūm̃sum(s) baltō·sum(s), aiškō·sum(s), aukštėsñō·sum(s), sená·usō·sum(s) baltō·so·m(s), aiškō·so·m(s), aukštėsñō·so·m(s), sená·usō·so·m(s) Acc. baltá·ses, aišká·ses, aukštėsñá·ses, sená·usá·ses didžō·ses, Ins. baltūm̃sum(s), aiškūm̃sum(s), aukštėsñūm̃sum(s), sená·usūm̃sum(s) baltō·sum(s), aiškō·sum(s), aukštėsñō·sum(s), sená·usō·sum(s) baltō·so·m(s), aiškō·so·m(s), aukštėsñō·so·m(s), sená·usō·so·m(s) Loc. baltō·so·s(e), aiškō·so·s(e), aukštėsñō·so·s(e), sená·usō·so·s(e) baltūosuos(e), aiškūuosuos(e), aukštėsñūuosuos(e), sená·usūuosuos(e)

In the dialects, the plural dative and instrumental cases have now become identical in every respect and each has three identical parallel forms, one of them retaining the consonant m of the first component and having the ending um doubled in the same way.

At the eastern edge of the area (in the vicinity of Skaistgirys), such parallel plural accusative forms as, for example, didžō·ses, didžō·ses are occasionally encountered. They appear to have come from the Eastern Aukštaitian dialects; cf. the Kriukai plural accusative gerǫ·ss (here Lithuanian ą is rendered as ǫ, e.g.: ko·sñs ~ kásnis)¹⁷.

In the dialects described, the plural nominative is accented in two ways. The plural dative and plural instrumental are accented identically—the difference in pitch accent is not perceptible by ear.

¹⁶ For the emergence of nominal endings, see Z. Zinkevičius, ĮBIB, pp. 83—85 and LD, pp. 268—269.

¹⁷ For the origin and distribution of these forms, see Z. Zinkevičius, ĮBIB, pp. 27—28 and LD, pp. 291—292.

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NUMERAL

1. General remarks

The categories of numerals in the dialects under discussion are the same as in standard Lithuanian.¹⁸

The gender of numerals in the dialects coincides with the gender of the corresponding standard Lithuanian numerals¹⁹. They have no neuter-gender numerals. Where standard Lithuanian uses neuter ordinal numerals (first, second…), the dialects use adverbs instead, e.g.: first go and look at the cows, then pick some leaves, then, when it gets warm, let the piglets out Skn.

As for number, numerals in the dialects inflect in the same way as in standard Lithuanian.²⁰

The shortened names for tens are indeclinable, e.g.: ten || ten, … ninety, as are compound fractional numerals, e.g.: one and a half (rare), one and a half (rare) (years). All other numerals have 6 cases and, with a few exceptions, are declined like dialect adjectives and nouns of the corresponding stem and number.

2. Declension

Cardinal numerals

Cardinal

The dialects’ cardinal numerals do not form a single group in terms of declension: they divide into smaller groups, and sometimes even into separate paradigms.

The numeral viens, viena is declined like disyllabic a- and o-stem adjectives of the third accent paradigm, for example bã·lc, bãlta. Only its feminine singular locative, like the same case of feminine pronouns, sometimes has a corresponding masculine form, for example vienam(e) pùsė ‘on one side’. This phenomenon is also found in the neighboring Samogitian dialects. Alongside the usual form vienam(e), the masculine singular locative sometimes also has the form vienem(i) at the western edge of the dialect area²¹.

The declension of the numeral dù, dvì differs little from that of the standard language. Only its dative and instrumental sometimes take the plural ending -s: dvìems, dvìems (cf. corresponding plural forms of other nominal words: baltìem || baltìems). In addition to the feminine locative form dvìejo·s(e), the form dvìejos(e) is also used²².

The numeral ãbu, ãbi is declined like dù, dvì. The numeral abùdu || abùodu, abìdvì || abìedvì is declined as follows:

Masculine

Feminine

Nom. abùdu abùodu Gen. abùdviejų· abìdviejų· abùodviejų·

Nom. abìdvì abìedvì abìdves (Skn, Auks, Krp) Gen. abìdviejų· Dat./Instr. abìdviem

¹⁸ See LKG, vol. 1, pp. 605–608.

¹⁹ See ibid., p. 609.

²⁰ See ibid., p. 609 and, on fractional numerals, pp. 626–627.

²¹ For its origin, see LKMSR, p. 169.

²² For forms with root -i- found in the area bordering Samogitia, see LKMSR, p. 168.

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Dat. Instr. abùdviem abìdviem abùodviem abùdum (Škn, Auks, Krp) Loc. abìdviejùos(e) abìdviejùos(e) abùodviejùos(e) Loc. abìdvije·s(e) abìdvije·uos(e)

The nominative and accusative forms abùodu, abìedvi are apparently quite old, since the added component du, dvi has preserved the old diphthongal ending of the first component. Among the masculine forms of this numeral, the nominative and accusative are used most often; the forms of the other cases are not very current and are usually replaced by the corresponding forms of the numeral abù. For example, people say: pàrvesk abùdu à·r̃klus; ar abùdu àr̃klei matì·ti, bet abìeju· àr̃klu· nètè·. Because of their lack of vitality, the other case forms of the numeral abùdu are therefore also being remodeled in various ways across the dialects, since they no longer seem to form a unified system. Most often they are remodeled on the basis of the nominative-accusative, but, as the paradigm shows, forms with the vowel i (abìdvije·, abìdviem…) also occur. These probably arose on the model of the feminine forms.

The feminine forms of this numeral are considerably more vibrant and more widely used, and consequently there is less variation in the paradigm.

Closer to the Samogitian boundary (Šakýna, Aukščiai, Kruopiai), the masculine dative-instrumental quite often has the Samogitian form abùdum, while the feminine nominative-accusative has the form abìdves.

Once the phonetic contractions are restored, the numeral tri·s differs from Standard Lithuanian only in the feminine alternative locative form trìjuos(e).

The numerals kèturi, kė·tures,… dè·vi·ni, devì·nes are declined like the plural of two-syllable adjectives with ia- and io- stems (e.g., žá·lš, žàle).

Numerals from “11” to “19” have the formant -lika, as in Standard Lithuanian (e.g., dvì·lika,… penkó·lika,…), as well as the formant -leka (e.g., dvì·leka, tri·leka).

In the eastern part of the area covered by the dialects described (Skaistgirys, Kyburiai), the formant -lika seems to occur more frequently than in the western part (Šiupyliai, Šakýna, Aukščiai, Kruopiai).

In the numeral “vienuolika,” the consonant n of the first component may still be hard or palatalized: vienuólika || viẽnuólika and vienuóleka || viẽnuóleka. Neighboring Samogitian dialects also have this numeral with palatalized n (cf. Kuršėnai vi·nù·leka, Papilė veĩnõulekᵃ). The consonant n may be palatalized on the model of other cardinal numerals of the same type with regularly palatalized n (septì·nõ·lika, aštuonõ·lika, devì·nõ·lika).

In the area immediately south of the Samogitian region, another form occurs: vi·nùoleka. It is probably also Samogitian; cf. vi·nù·leka Krš, veĩnõulekᵃ || viñõulekᵃ Akm, veĩnõulekᵃ || vi·nõulekᵃ Vgr.

Numerals from “11” to “19” are declined like the singular of dialect nouns with an o stem²³. The only uncertainty is whether the accusative form coincides with the nominative, as in Standard Lithuanian²⁴, or is phonetically contracted, like the singular accusative of dialect nouns with an o stem (gá·Iva).

²³ See LKK, vol. 3, p. 100.

²⁴ See LKG, vol. 1, p. 649.

13. Lietuvių kalbos gramatikos tyrinėjimai

193

Sometimes numerals in this group may be indeclinable, e.g.: ant šešō'lęka (of eggs) užlė'džau (to hatch), į visus vérte “she hatched them all”; ana būva dvī'lęka mā'tu-išnešta pro' lā'nga Dam. However, alongside them, inflected forms are used more often, e.g.: aš tik už dvī'lękas mā'tu pasiimšu Dam.

The names of the tens are shortened in the dialects in three ways, e.g.: dė·šimc || dė·šimt || dė·šim. All these shortened forms are used side by side, and it is almost impossible to determine which is more frequent and which less so. These forms are indeclinable.

Alongside them, though very rarely, the unshortened form is also used. However, the full nominative form is no longer found; one of the shortened forms is used instead. Thus, one says, for example: gen. dvīdešimties, dat. dvīdešimčei, acc. dvīdešimtį, instr. dvīdešimče, loc. dvīdešimti· || dvīdešimtie, but nominative dvīdešim(t)(c).

Like dvīdešim(t)(c), the numeral dė·šim(t)(c) is inflected, but it also has all the plural cases. It differs from the plural of feminine i-stem nouns in that the plural nominative and accusative ē-stem forms alongside minių have never been heard.

The cardinal numerals milijo·ns, šimc, tū·kstantis are declined like nouns of the same stem in the dialects.

Compound numerals formed from several separate numerals are declined like 1k.²⁵

Accentuation. Except for the feminine singular dative form of the numeral “one,” vienái, and the numeral šimc, which is accented according to accentuation pattern II and IV, all other basic cardinal numerals, once the regular retracted accent has been restored, are accented like 1k.

Collective numerals

Collective numerals in the dialects are formed in the same way as 1k.²⁶

Alongside the collective numeral vieneri, vieneres, the simple numeral vieni, vienas is also very often used with the same collective meaning, e.g.: vieni käilinei, vienas pirš-tines.

The collective numerals dvēji, dvē·jes; trēji, trē·jes are declined and accented like the plural of the dialect adjective žā'ls, žāle.

The numeral ābej, ā·bejes is also declined in the same way, but its accusative case is accented on the stem: ā·bejus, ā·bejes.

The feminine paradigm of collective numerals with the suffix -eri, -eres (e.g., kē·tveri, kē·tveres) is like the plural of plural-only io-stem nouns in the dialects²⁷.

The masculine paradigm, once the shortened dative and locative endings are restored, does not differ from 1k.²⁸

Accentuation. The accentuation of the numerals septýneri, -erios; aštuoneri, -erios; devyneri, -erios is mixed. The following have variable accentuation:

1. The masculine nominative, e.g.: septì·neri ~ septýneri and septì·neri;

²⁵ See LKG, vol. 1, p. 623.

²⁶ See ibid., p. 624.

²⁷ See LKK, vol. 3, p. 102.

²⁸ See LKG, vol. 1, p. 623.

194

2. Genitive of both genders, e.g.: septì·nėrù ~ septýnerių and septì·nėrù ~ septýnerių (cf. a tik tá·u nerei̇̀kė·s trejù devì·nerù Škn);

3. Instrumental and locative of both genders, occurring occasionally, e.g.: septì·nereis ~ septýneriais || septì·nereis ~ septýneriais; septì·nerò·s(e) ~ septýneriose || septì·nerò·s(e) ~ septýneriose.

In all these cases, forms with stem-final stress are more frequent, while those with non-final stress are less frequent. Non-finally stressed instrumental and locative forms are particularly rare.

The variation in stress most likely arose because such large collective numerals are not used often in the dialects, and people simply do not really know how to stress them²⁹.

Interestingly, in the forms of these numerals, stress is usually retracted not to the first syllable of the word, but to the second syllable from the beginning of the word.

Collective numerals

The dialects use collective numerals from trẽ·jee… to devì·nec. Instead of the collective numeral for 2, dvejeto, põ·ris ‘a pair’ is used, e.g.: ga·l ga·ušu kò·ki pò·ri trẽ·jeta šimtù (rubles) Škn.

Collective numerals are declined and stressed like the numeral for 2³⁰, but the locative case was never heard.

These numerals are not very actively used in the dialects; they occur only occasionally. They usually express a certain imprecision, e.g.: pàrnešk duònas pò·ri trẽ·jeta kilògramu; an tò·kos ù·kes laikì·dà·va pẽnketa še·šeta árklu; o·gi trẽ·jeta vàlandù acigù·li i vẽl kẽlkis (…sleep for about three hours); kità kárta pò·nai važinė·dà·va kẽtureis árkleis (= with four horses) Škn.

Fractional numerals

The fractional numerals of the dialects are not varied. Apart from pusę (pùse) and the Slavicism čvertì || čvertką (čvė·rtis || čvėrtka ‘a quarter’), only fractional numerals formed from pus- and the genitive of an ordinal numeral are used, e.g.: pusà ntra, pustre·če… puzdevì·no·lekta; they are inflected and used like the numeral for 2³¹. Instead of these fractional numerals, other expressions may also be used: masculine viens su pùse, dù su pùse; feminine dvì su pùse, kẽ·tures su pùse. In such formations, the numeral in the first component is declined, e.g.: nominative dù su pùse, genitive dviejų· su pùse, and so on.

Ordinal numerals

The dialects’ ordinal numerals differ from cardinal numerals in the following respects:

1. In songs, an older form of the ordinal numeral septintas, sė·kmas, occasionally occurs, e.g.: o· čė visi pẽnki, o· aš pac sestasis, sė·kmas mùna žirgė·lis Sk (Rukužių village). Here the song’s meter did not allow sekmo to be replaced by septintu.

²⁹ The noun metai, which could help preserve a more vigorous paradigm of these numerals, quite often has both singular and plural forms in the dialects; consequently, cardinal numerals are usually used with it, e.g.: dina· m·ėta nebūva ò·belu; tù jau didelis, jau septì·nù m·ė·tu Škn.

³⁰ See LKG, vol. 1, p. 625.

³¹ See LKG, vol. 1, pp. 626–627.

13°

195

2. Numeral aštuntas, -a has three forms. The form with the dialects’ monophthongized -uo- aštont, aštonta is used most often; less often, a form shared with standard Lithuanian, aštunc, aštunta, is used; and the form that preserves -uo-—aštuonc, aštuonta—is encountered least often.

Compound numerals from “11” to “19,” like the corresponding cardinal numerals, have two variant forms each, e.g.: dvi’likc, dvi’likta || dvi’lekc dvi’lekta.

The compound numeral pirms, pirma can be inflected for degree.

Compound numerals are declined like the dialect’s a- and o-stem adjectives, with the sole exception of trè’čes, trèčė. This numeral is declined like the dialects’ ia- and io-stem adjectives (e.g., ža’ls, ža’le³²).

In compound numerals from 11th to 19th and in the names of all compound tens, the masculine singular dative has two forms: one with a pronominal ending, as in standard Lithuanian, and one with the nominal ending -ui, e.g.: dvi’likta’m || dvi’liktui, trizdešimta’m || trizdešimtui.

Accentuation. Compound numerals from pirmo to dvidešimto, and the numeral trisdešimtas, are accented in the same way as the corresponding standard Lithuanian compound numerals³³.

Compound numerals formed from the names of tens, from keturiasdešimto to devyniasdešimto, are accented in different ways:

1. The accent on the first component is retained in all cases, e.g.: pėnkezdešimc, pėnkezdešimta, devi’nezdešimc, devi’nezdešimta.

2. The accent shifts from the penultimate syllable to the ending, and these numerals are accented like words of accent paradigm IV, e.g.: keturezdešimc, keturezdešimta, dative plural keturezdešimtem(s), feminine keturezdešimtum(s), accusative plural keturezdešimtus, keturezdešimtas, and so on.

Pronominal compound numerals. Pronominal compound numerals are quite common in the dialects. The non-pronominal forms of the compound numerals šimtàsis, šimtó’ji; tu’kstan-tàsis, tu’kstan tó’ji have never even been heard.

Pronominal compound numerals are declined and accented like the dialects’ pronominal adjectives.

Various numeral formations

Numeral adjectives are formed from collective numerals with the suffix -ópas, -ópa, e.g.: dvejó’ps, dvejó’pa; trejó’ps, -a; ketveró’ps, -a… dešimteró’ps, -a, and they are inflected like adjectives in dialects with the corresponding stem types. They are accented and used as in standard Lithuanian.

Numeral formations with the element -gubas, -guba: viengups, vienguba; dvigups, -a; trigups, -a; keturgups, -a, are inflected like adjectives in dialects with those same stem types. They are accented as in standard Lithuanian. In the dialects, they are sometimes also used instead of formations with the element -linkas, -linka, e.g.: kló’kis su vienguba skara, su dviguba būs par šiltai; par vienguba skara’le vė’jes ein kai par sieta Škn.

Numeral formations with the element -linkas, -linka, e.g.: vienlinks, vienlinka, dvilinks, -a, devi’nlinks, -a, are inflected like adjectives in dialects with those same stem types. They are accented and used as in standard Lithuanian.

³² For the Žemaitian masculine singular nominative and accusative variant forms of the numeral trè’čes (and trečàsis), see LKMSR, p. 168.

³³ Žr. A. Laigonaitė, Lietuvių literatūrinės kalbos kirčiavimas, Vilnius, 1959, p. 64—65.

196

Instead of the formations viengups,… dvigups…, viembulc ~ vienbultas, viembulta ~ vienbulta; dibulc, -a; tribulc, -a are sometimes used. The Germanism dibulc³⁴ entered the dialects first, probably via Latvian. Later, viembulc and tribulc arose by analogy with it, and sometimes even keturbulc.

From the first two formations of this type, further adjectives are formed in turn with the suffix -inis, -inė: viembultinis, viembultinė; dubultinis, dubultinė, e.g.: šėndie reikš sudė·t dubultinus lá·ngus; a to·s pirštines būs dubultines, a viembultines? Škn.

Of the numeral formations with the element -lypis, -lypė, only one word was encountered in the dialects: the name of a hill with two peaks in Daukšiai village, in the vicinity of Žagarė, dvili·pis (~ Dvilypis).

Numeral adjectives dvėgi·s, dvėgė·… ketvėrgis, ketvė·rge… devi·nė·rgis, devi·nė·rge are formed from collective numerals with the suffix -gis || -gys, -gė. They are declined like nouns in dialects with those same stem types.

PRONOUN

1. General remarks

Pronoun classes.³⁵ Some pronouns in the dialects, depending on the meaning of the sentence, can belong to one class on one occasion and to another on another, e.g.: āns, āna — personal (āns mā· žadė·je še·klas pasko·li·t Škn) and demonstrative (paduok daba āna· krėpši Škn); pāc, pāti — determinative (pāc miš, pāc blā·un Škn) and personal — intermediate between tu and tamsta (sā·ka, pā·o·s tė·vuks ār turė·jes é·itvara Kyb); kó·ks || kó·ks || kō·ks, kō·ki || kō·ki || kō·ki — interrogative and relative (sakī·k, kó·ks tas naujėsis pirmininks Kyb) and indefinite (cė kó·kem smó·te ėsa·s cigō·mu· so·džuks “there is supposedly some Gypsy village somewhere here” Žg); kātras, -a — interrogative and relative (parsinėšu, kātrie negā·l ēīt, pasidalī·sme “I’ll bring it back; we’ll share it with those who can’t walk” Kyb) and determinative (po· tris gėktarus katrā·m (each) primete (land) Dam); kās — interrogative and relative (kās čė būva Škn) and indefinite (i vėl kās su pō·ru ārkļu· ilek “and again someone drives in with a pair of horses…” Žg); kūris, -i — determinative (kūris jau lāiks, o· dā· pūsri·cė neduod “it’s already so late…”, Škn), indefinite (apsižiė·ni·s i lai gi·vė·s kūra· diena “at some point he’ll get married and let him live”, Sk), and sometimes interrogative and relative (kūru· vėlnu· če dauž·is? Škn); kēlint, kēlinta — interrogative (kēlinta vālonda? Škn) and indefinite (antro·ji vėl kēlinta vā·kara rūoždamā·si·s pažū·rė·s, a nēgaus matī·f, kó·ks āns i· “the second one, too, one evening, as she was getting ready, thought she’d have a look to see whether she could see what he looked like” Dilb); tō·ks || tō·ks || tō·ks, tō·ki || tō·ki || tō·ki — demonstrative (ta sūkne būs va tō·ke ilgūma Škn), determinative (tō·ke aš tāvē·s niekur nelē·isu Škn), and indefinite (važiuodami sutiko·m tō·ke žmo·nė·le Škn).

Gender. The pronouns of the dialects are gendered and non-gendered, just as in standard Lithuanian.³⁶

Gendered pronouns have only two genders: masculine (āns, pāc, tās…) and feminine (āna, pāti, tā…).

³⁴ Latvian dubulc < German Low German dubbelt, see K. Mühlenbach, Latviešu valodas vārdnīca, vol. 1, Rīgā, 1923—1925, p. 509.

³⁵ The article follows the school grammar classification of pronouns in Lithuanian; see J. Žiugžda, Lietuvių kalbos gramatika, 1, Kaunas, 1966, p. 123.

³⁶ See LKG, vol. 1, p. 638—639.

197

The only neuter pronoun is kas kita ‘something else’, e.g.: va dāba tai jau kas kita Škn; dāba tai kas kita gavė:f: žė:me atl̇jus, minkšta Darg. That these are neuter forms is evident from the meaning of the sentences, but the old neuter form in the dialects should have undergone phonetic shortening: kas kit. Therefore, this pronoun form either entered the dialects being described from other dialects, or was adapted to the feminine singular nominative, which retains final -a.

Everywhere else, the following is generally used instead of the neuter:

a) The masculine singular nominative, e.g.: tās jau nė: didele laime Žg;

b) The masculine singular accusative, e.g.: a pādarei tā*, kā* āš tā'u šakau Škn.

Number. Apart from the personal pronouns aš ‘I’, tu ‘you’, the non-gendered pronouns do not inflect for number.

The personal pronouns aš ‘I’, tu ‘you’, āns, āna, jis ‘he’, ji ‘she’ have three numbers: singular, plural, and dual. Indeed, alongside their dual forms, plural forms are now just as frequently used.

Dual forms of individual cases also occur in the paradigm of the demonstrative pronouns šis ‘this’ and tas ‘that’, e.g.: nom. tuodu, to'dvi (fem.), šiodu || šiedu; gen. tuodviejų. Perhaps the dual forms have survived here under the influence of the pronoun āns, āna, used over a larger part of the dialect area both as a personal and as a demonstrative pronoun. As a personal pronoun, it regularly has dual forms, which it sometimes retains when used as a demonstrative.

All the other dialect pronouns have only singular and plural forms.

Case. The personal pronouns aš ‘I’ and tu ‘you’ no longer have a singular or plural locative. The non-gendered pronouns nieks ‘no one’, viskas ‘everything’, kas ‘what’, and all compounds formed with them (except le kąs, kas nōns || nōnt...) also lack a locative. Adverbs replace the locative of these pronouns.

There are also other differences between the declension of pronouns in these dialects and that of Standard Lithuanian. For example:

a) In the masculine pronouns āns, jis, kās, kātras, šis, tās, tātras and the non-gendered pronouns nieks, viskas, the singular instrumental has, in addition to the basic forms ānuo, juō, kuō, kātruo, nieku, šūo, tūo, viskuo, also somewhat less frequent variant forms in -m: ānuom || ānum, juōm, kūom || kūm, kātruom || kātrum (rare), niekuom || niekum, šūom || šūm, tūom || tūm, tātruom || tātrum (rare), viskuom || viskum.

b) The singular locative of the pronouns āns, kic, tās, alongside the forms ānam(e), kitam(e), tām(e), also has occasional variant forms ānem(i), kitem(i), tēm(i) in the western part of the dialect area³⁷.

c) Near the Samogitian boundary (Aukščiai, Kruopiai, and partly Šakyna), the plural dative of masculine pronouns, alongside forms ending in -iem(s), e.g. āniem(s), kitiem(s), also has Samogitian forms ending in -im(s), e.g. tīms³⁸.

d) The plural accusative of the pronouns āns, kātras, šis, tās, tātras, alongside the forms anuōs, kātruōs, šuōs, tuōs, tātruōs, also has Samogitian forms ānus, kātrus, šūs, tūs, tātrus in the western part of the dialect area³⁹.

e) The singular nominative of the feminine pronouns jokia, kokia, tokia, šiokia, kitokia, vienokia, visokia has the ending -i, e.g.: jō·ki || jō·ki || jō·ki ~ jōki || joki, kō·ki || kō·ki || kō·ki ~ kōki || koki. These pronouns have the same ending in some neighboring Central Aukštaitian dialects (e.g. Rudiškiai, Daunorava kōki, tōki) and in the Samogitian dounininkai dialects (e.g. Papilė tuokė ~ toki).

³⁷ For their origin, see LKMSR, p. 169.

³⁸ Cf. LKMSR, p. 168.

³⁹ For more detail, see LKMSR, p. 169.

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f) The singular instrumental of the pronouns àna, ji, kàtra, ši, tà, tàtra most often has only pronominalized forms throughout the dialect area: anà'je, já'je, katrà'je, šà'je, tà'je, tatrà'je. In addition, around Aukštučiai and Kruopiai, and sometimes also in Dilbinai and Šakyna, shortened pronominalized forms are also found: anà'i, katrà'i, šè'i, tà'i. Such shortened forms are also used in some neighboring Samogitian dialects, e.g., in Kuršėnai anà'i ~ aną́ja, katrà'i, šè'i, tà'i. Non-pronominalized forms occur somewhat more frequently near the boundary of the Central Aukštaitian dialects, around Kyburis and, sometimes, Skaistgirys, etc., e.g.: sù_ja~su ją, tà Kyb, tà Sk. Pronominalized singular instrumental forms occur in place of non-pronominalized forms in neighboring Central Aukštaitian dialects as well, e.g., in Rudiškiai tà and já'je, tà'je.

g) In the singular locative, the pronoun tà very often has, alongside the feminine form tõ˙, the masculine singular locative form tàm(e)⁴⁰.

h) In the plural accusative, the pronouns àna, ji, kàtra, tàtra, ši, tà have a long final a: anà's, já's, katrà's, šà's, tà's, tatrà's.

However, forms with a short a—tàs, ànas—are sometimes found, especially closer to the Samogitian boundary.

i) In the accusative, the pronouns kas ‘who/what’ and tas ‘that’ sometimes also have forms of unclear origin, kũo, tũo (Šakyna, Kruopiai)⁴¹.

Accentuation. Pronouns do not have a unified accentuation system. According to their accentuation, they fall into several groups, which differ from one another to a greater or lesser extent.

2. Inflection

Personal pronouns

The dialects use the personal pronouns: àš, tù, àns, àna, jis, ji⁴², tà'mista, pàc, pàti.

The pronouns àš, tù. An enclitic particle -ai is quite often added to the singular nominative àš, tù: àšai, tùjei.

The singular genitive forms manè's, tàvè's were probably formed on the model of singular genitives of ē-stem nouns with ending stress, cf. kàtè's, vàršketøy's. Their different origin cannot be explained by the phonetic features of the dialects. Such singular genitive forms are absent in the neighboring Samogitian and Central Aukštaitian dialects.

The singular dative forms are mà'n, tà'u. Alongside mà'n, the shortened form mà'. is also widely used.

The singular accusative forms màni ~ mani, tàvi ~ tavi coincide with the corresponding forms in the neighboring Central Aukštaitian and Samogitian dialects.

Around Kruopiai, Dilbinai, and Šakyna, tàvi is sometimes replaced by tèvi instead of the usual singular accusative form. This form probably came from the Akmenė Samogitian dialect, though in individual cases it may also be used under the influence of Latvian.

The singular instrumental forms mànim, tàvim differ from standard Lithuanian only in their shortened endings.

The plural nominative forms are mè's, jù's. However, alongside mè's, mà's is also used across nearly the entire dialect area. Cf. mà's in the neighboring Samogitian dialects of Kuršėnai and Papilė.

⁴⁰ For more details, see LKMSR, p. 169 and LKGS, p. 178.

⁴¹ For these, see LKMSR, p. 169 and LKGS, p. 177.

⁴² For the distribution of the forms àns, àna and jis, ji, see LKMSR, pp. 169–170.

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In the plural genitive, alongside mūsų, jūsų⁴³, forms characteristic of neighboring Samogitian dialects, mūsa ~ mūso, jūsa ~ jūsą., are also very widely used. The ending -o most likely entered the plural genitive of personal pronouns through possessive pronouns māna ~ māno, tāva ~ tāvo⁴⁴.

The plural dative forms are mūm(s), jūm(s). The final s is retained only in the southernmost subdialect, and even there irregularly.

The plural accusative forms in the dialects described are highly varied: alongside forms transferred from the plural dative mūm(s), jūm(s), present-day plural instrumental forms mūm(s), jūm(s). are also used. Closer to the Samogitian boundary, the old plural instrumental forms mūmis, jūmis, are used to express the plural accusative, while around Šakyna and Aukščiūčiai, their more distant remodelings are occasionally found—mūmes, jūmes⁴⁵.

The plural instrumental forms mūm(s), jūm(s) are shortened: they lack the final -i-, and -s is also found more often only in the southernmost subdialect.

The following dual forms are used for these pronouns:

Masculine gender

Nom. mūdu, jūdu Gen. mūdvieju·, jūdvieju· Dat. mūdviem, jūdviem mūdum, jūdum (Škn, Auks, Krp, Dilb)⁴⁶ Acc. mūdu, jūdu Instr. mūdviem, jūdviem mūdum, jūdum (Škn, Auks, Krp, Dilb) Loc. — —

Feminine gender Nom. mūdvi, jūdvi mūdes, jūdes (Škn, Auks)⁴⁷ Gen. mūdviejų, jūdvieju· Dat. mūdviem, jūdviem Acc. mūdvi, jūdvi mūdes, jūdes (Škn, Auks) Instr. mūdviem, jūdviem Loc. — —

Third-person pronouns ans, ana, jis, ji are declined as follows:

Masculine gender

Singular N. ans, jis G. ano·, jo· D. anám, já·m Acc. ana·, ji· Instr. ánuo, júo ánuom, júom ánum Loc. ànam(e)

Plural N. ànie, jìe G. ànu·, jù· D. àniem(s), jìem(s) aním(s) Acc. ànuos, júos ànus Instr. ànais, jé̇is Loc. ànuos(e), júos(e)

⁴³ The unstressed plural genitive ending is always long, except in Pažemaitė proper; only the following pronouns are exceptions.

⁴⁴ Cf. J. Jablonskis, Raštai, vol. 1, Vilnius, 1957, p. 266.

⁴⁵ For the origin, see LKMSR, p. 170.

⁴⁶ For the relationship of these dative and instrumental forms to the Samogitian dialects, see LKMSR, p. 170.

⁴⁷ For the relationship of these forms to the Samogitian dialects, see ibid.

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Feminine

Singular Plural Nom. àna, jì Nom. àno·s, jō·s Gen. àno·s, jō·s Gen. ànų, jū· Dat. aná·i, jé·i Dat. anúm(s), G. àna·, jā· anó·m(s), jó·ms Instr. anáje, jé·je Acc. aná·s, jā·s ànai, ànas, àna, jā anúm(s), Loc. àno·, jō· àno·m(s), jō·m(s) Instr. àno·s(e), jā·s(e) ànuos(e), jūos(e)

Dual Masculine Feminine Nom.-Acc. anūdu, jiedu Nom.-Acc. anūdvi, jiedvi aniódu, júodu aniódvi, júodvi Gen. anūdvieju·, anūdves, aniódvieju·, júodvieju· aniódves Dat. Instr. anūdviem, jiedviem Gen. anūdvieju·, aniódviem, júodviem aniódvieju·, júodvieju· anū dum, Dat.-Instr. anūdviem, jiedviem aniódum, aniódviem, júodviem Loc. anūdviejuos(e), Loc. anūdviejo·s(e), aniódviejuos(e) anūdviejuos(e), aniódviejo·s(e), aniódviejuos(e)

In addition to the points made about the individual cases of these pronouns in the section “General Remarks,” it should also be noted that alongside the third-person pronoun’s feminine singular nominative form il, the form jn is also quite frequently found nearer the boundary of the central highland dialects. It arose from jinai through the loss of the enclitic particle -ai. The dual forms of third-person pronouns are formed only from the stem of masculine pronouns; the ending indicates the gender of these forms. In addition, in the dual paradigm of the pronouns àns, àna, forms in which the old masculine dual nominative-accusative ending -uo of the first component has been shortened to -u are widely established, probably by analogy with the numeral abù, abùdu, e.g.: anūdu, anūdvieju·. The dual case endings of the pronouns àns, àna, jìs, jì are the same as those of the pronouns àš, tù. The dual of the pronoun jìs, jì is less common than that of àns, àna. Since jìs, jì is not used near the Samogitian boundary, its paradigm contains no Samogitian forms.

Reflexive pronoun

The reflexive pronoun šavè·s is declined like the singular of the personal pronouns àš, tù. It differs only in having a locative case—sàvi·. In the part of the dialect area where the singular accusative form tèvi is used, the form sèvi, of the same origin as tèvi, is also sometimes said alongside sàvi.

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Possessive pronouns

The dialects described have the following invariable possessive pronouns: mana, tava, sāva, mū’su || mū’sa, jū’su || jū’sa.

Moreover, around Skaistgirys and Gruzdžiai, my (“my”) is also found, e.g.: that my child is in the barn Grz; my child, let it stay (the cow) by the bathhouse; go on, my child, who will give you five little boys Sk.

Inflected possessive pronouns: a) manā­sis, manō·ji; savā­sis, savō·ji; tavā­sis, tavō·ji; ju’sāsis, ju’sō·ji; mu’sāsis, mu’sō·ji;

b) mine (masculine), mine (feminine); yours (masculine), yours (feminine); one’s own (masculine), one’s own (feminine); yours (masculine), yours (feminine); ours (masculine), ours (feminine).

The pronouns maniškis, maniškė… are declined and accented like adjectives with the suffix -iškis, -ė. Their masculine singular dative and locative usually have nominal endings, e.g.: mu’siškui, mu’siški.

The pronouns manā­sis, manō·ji; tavā­sis, tavō·ji… are declined and accented like pronominal adjectives (baltā­sis, baltō·ji).

Inflected possessive pronouns, like those in the standard language, already show a tendency toward substantivization, e.g.: mu’sāsis (i.e. father or son) kai vā·kar išē·je, tai dā·r i nesirō·da; maniškis (i.e. husband) i miška išvažā·va Škn.

Inflected possessive pronouns differ from invariable ones also in that invariable forms can be used in all contexts, whereas inflected forms are used only when speaking about people or (sometimes) animals, and only when the pronoun stands alone, i.e. without a noun—for example, not manā­sis vī·rs, tavō·ji pati, but only manā­sis, tavō·ji.

Among possessive pronouns, one may also mention the derivative of the pronoun tava, tavinis, -e, meaning “yours, your own,” e.g.: jau tavine gē·roje grē·blūka nebē·; kūr ta tavine šā·ke Škn. Admittedly, this derivative is rare and probably not old. Even rarer is tamstinis, -e, meaning “yours (polite), your (polite),” e.g.: to·s tamstines bülbes grēičau pū·n Škn.

Demonstrative pronouns

The dialects described have the following demonstrative pronouns: āns, āna; šō·ks ~ šiōks || šō·ks || šō·ks ~ šiōks, šō·ki ~ šiōki || šō·ki || šō·ki ~ šioki; šis, ši; tās, tā; tō·ks ~ tōks || tō·ks || tō·ks ~ tōks, tō·ki ~ tōki || tō·ki || tō·ki ~ to·ki. The pronoun šitas, šita is used rarely. As a correlative word for the interrogative-relative pronoun kātras, kātra, alongside the demonstrative pronoun tās, tā, the pronoun tātras, tātra is also used, e.g.: kātras važuoste i žagā·re? – kātras važuosme, tātras, a tā·u ne vis tiek; kātra šā·ke mā·n īm? kātra nō·ri, tātra Škn.

Demonstrative pronouns are inflected differently: šō·ks || šō·ks || šō·ks, šō·ki || šō·ki || šō·ki, tō·ks || tō·ks || tō·ks, tō·ki || tō·ki || tō·ki are inflected like the interrogative pronoun kō·ks || kō·ks || kō·ks, kō·ki || kō·ki || kō·ki; tātras, tātra like the interrogative kātras, kātra; āns, āna like the personal pronoun āns, āna; the pronouns šis, ši, tās, tā are inflected differently again; cf.:

Masculine

Singular

Plural

N. šis, tās

N. šie, tie

G. šō·, tō·

G. šių, tų

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N. šã'm, tã'm G. šĩ˙, tã˙ In. šĩo, tũo šũom, tũom šũm, tũm Loc. šãm(e), tãm(e)

N. šiem(s), tiem(s) šīm(s), tīm(s) G. šũos, tũos šũs, tũs Instr. šẽis || šẽis, tãis || tãis Loc. šũos(e), tũos(e)

Feminine gender

Singular

Plural

Nom. šĩ, tã Gen. šõ˙s, tõ˙s Dat. šẽ˙i, tã˙i Acc. šũ˙, tã˙ Instr. šẽ˙je, tã˙je šẽ˙i, tã˙i šũ, tã Loc. šõ˙, tõ˙ tãm(e)

Nom. šõ˙s, tõ˙s Gen. šũ˙, tũ˙ Dat. šũm(s), tũm(s) šõ˙m(s), tõ˙m(s) Acc. šã˙s, tã˙s Instr. šũm(s), tũm(s) šõ˙m(s), tõ˙m(s) Loc. šõ˙s(e), tõ˙s(e) šũos(e), tũos(e)

In addition to the points concerning the separate cases of these pronouns discussed in the “General remarks” section, it should also be added that the pronoun tãs in the singular genitive sometimes also has the interrogative form tãno˙, used alongside the ordinary singular genitive forms tõ˙, tõ˙s. The form tãno˙ is used only as a responsive word to the possessive interrogative pronoun kãno˙ || kẽno˙ “whose,” for example: kãno˙ tas pẽilis? kãno˙ tas pẽilis? kãno˙ ī˙ tãno˙, tũ savõ nãgu˙ nẽkišk; kãno˙ rũnkelus pĩrma atva-gõ˙f? kãno˙ nô˙ri, tãno˙; tik vagõ˙k greičiau Škn.

The feminine singular accusative in the dialects occasionally also has the form šĩ˙; for example: šĩ˙ nãkti “this night” Auks, šĩ˙ vã˙sara “this summer” Škn⁴⁸.

Interrogative and relative pronouns

The dialects described have the following interrogative and relative pronouns: kàs; kãtras, kãtra; kẽli, kẽ˙les; kẽlint, kẽlinta; kẽleri, kẽ˙leres; kelerõ˙ps, kelerõ˙pa; kõ˙ks || kõ˙ks || kõ˙ks, kõ˙ki || kõ˙ki || kõ˙ki. The pronoun kuris, kuri is very rare. Usually kãtras, kãtra is used in its place, and sometimes kàs or kõ˙ks || kõ˙ks || kõ˙ks, kõ˙ki || kõ˙ki || kõ˙ki, e.g.: kãtrie nô˙ri, tie viskà padã˙ra Škn; tàs klã˙us, kàs (who is standing) lãuka pùsẽ: “ar ilindai?”; kai rẽ˙žuos (the land) bù˙dã˙va, tai pirmieji, kàs (who) nupjã˙udã˙va (their rye), pẽ˙dus mẽ˙t į aukštą: “rùduo, rùduo, rùduo”, sakìdã˙va Žg; às ẽsu (the one) kàs duona dúodu Dam; ka kõ˙ke senẽ˙la gãuce, kàs pàded (who would help) gĩ˙vẽ˙ti; iš kõ˙ko˙s (which) nô˙ri pùses, iš tõ˙s gali mešt Kyb.

Interrogative and relative pronouns are declined differently.

Kàs is declined like the masculine singular of the demonstrative pronoun tàs, except that it has no locative case; the adverb kùr is used instead. Lo-

⁴⁸ For its origin, see LKMSR, p. 170.

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The locative has survived only in old rhymed sayings, e.g.: vaikai, vanagai, kame tė·va pinigai? Škn. In addition, alongside the genitive singular form kǭ· there is also the possessive form kàno· || kàeno “whose”.

The pronouns kėli, kė·les, kėling, kėlinta, keleró·ps, keleró·pa are declined like adjectives of the corresponding stem.

The pronoun kėleri, kė·leres is declined like collective numerals.

The pronouns kàtras, kàtra, kó·ks || kó·ks || kó·ks, kó·ki || kó·ki || kó·ki are declined as follows:

Masculine gender

Singular Nom. kàtras, kó·ks || kó·ks || kó·ks Gen. kàtro·, kó·ke Dat. kàtrá·m, ko·ká·m Acc. kàtra·, kó·ki ~ kóki || kó·ki· ~ kóki Instr. kàtruo, kó·ku kàtrum kàtrum (rare) Loc. kàtram(e), kó·kem(e) Plural Nom. kàtrie, kó·kie || kó·kie Gen. kàtru·, kó·ku· Dat. kàtriem(s), ko·kiem(s) kàtrim(s), ko·kim(s) (Škn, Auks, Krp) Acc. kàtrios, kàtrus, kó·kus Instr. kàtrais, kó·keis Loc. kàtruos(e), kó·kuos(e)

Feminine gender

Singular Nom. kàtra, kó·ki || kó·ki || kó·ki Gen. kàtro·s, kó·ko·s Dat. kàtrá·i, ko·ké·i Acc. kàtra·, kó·ke Instr. kàtrá·je, kó·ke kàtrá·i kàtra Loc. kàtro·, kó·ko· Plural Nom. kàtro·s, kó·kes Gen. kàtru·, kó·ku· Dat. kàtrum(s), ko·kum(s) kàtro·m(s), ko·ko·m(s) Acc. kàtrá·s, kó·kes Instr. kàtrum(s), kó·kum(s) kàtro·m(s), kó·ko·m(s) Loc. kàtro·s(e), kó·ko·s(e) kàtruos(e), kó·kuos(e)

To what is said about the declension of these pronouns in the section “General remarks,” only this may be added: the differing accentuation of the pronoun koks, koki most likely arose when the East Aukštaitian form kokis came into contact in the dialects with the West Aukštaitian form kóks.

Demonstrative pronouns

The dialects have a comparatively large number of demonstrative pronouns, e.g.: jó·ks || jó·ks || jó·ks, jó·ki ~ jóki || jó·ki || jó·ki ~ jóki; kàtras, kàtra “each”; kàtras viens, kàtra viena “each”; kitó·ks || kitó·ks || kitó·ks, kitó·ki || kitó·ki || kitó·ki || kitóki; nebėkó·ks || …⁴⁹, nebėkó·ki || nebėko·ki || nebėko·ki || nebėko·ki; nèkó·ks || nèkó·ks || nèkó·ks (nèkó·ks), nèkó·ki || nèkó·ki || nèkó·ki || nèkó·ki; nèjó·ks || nèjó·ks || nè·jó·ks (nè·jo·ks), nè·jó·ki || nè·jó·ki || nè·jó·ki || nè·jó·ki; nè-

⁴⁹ All pronouns with the suffixes -oks, -oki also have singular nominative forms with three different accentuation patterns, as do koks, koki, joks, joki.

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such…, no such…; nothing; self (masculine), self (feminine); such… such…; that same (masculine), that same (feminine); such… same || same, such… same || same; all (masculine), all (feminine); everything; one kind… one kind…, every kind || every kind…, every kind || every kind… etc.

The pronouns joks, joki, toks, toki, šioks, šioki, kitoks, kitoki, vienoks, vienoki, visoks, visoki, nejoks, nejoki, nekoks, nekoki and other similar forms are declined like the interrogative-relative pronoun koks, koki.

Only the accentuation of some cases of the pronouns kitoks, -i, nebekoks, -i, nejoks, -i, nekoks, -i, nėkoks, -i, visoks, -i varies; therefore, the paradigm of the pronoun visoks, -i is given.

Masculine gender Singular Plural Feminine gender Singular Plural N. visó·ks || …, visó·ks visó·kie || viso·kie, viso·kie N. visó·ki || …, visó·ki visó·kes G. visó·ke visó·ku·, viso·ku· G. visó·ko·s, viso·ko·s visó·ku·, viso·ku· D. viso·ká·m viso·kiem(s) D. viso·ké·i viso·kúm(s), viso·kó·m(s) A. visó·ki || visó·ki·, visó·kus A. visó·ke visó·kes viso·ki I. visó·ke visó·kum(s) I. visó·ku visó·keis, viso·keis visó·kum(s), viso·ko·m(s), viso·ko·m(s) L. visó·kem(e), viso·kem(e) visó·kuos(e), viso·kuos(e) L. visó·ko·, viso·ko· visó·ko·s(e), viso·ko·s(e), visó·kuos(e), viso·kuos(e)

The stress is retracted from the ending either to the penultimate or to the first syllable. The length of the ending does not affect stress retraction; therefore, it seems that the penultimate syllable probably began to be stressed by analogy with pronouns of the type joks, -i, koks, -i, toks, -i, etc. Forms with stress on the penultimate syllable are now more common in the dialects.

The pronoun nieks is declined like the masculine singular of the demonstrative pronoun tàs, except that in the instrumental it has the nominal ending nieku; however, its variant forms in that case are the same as those of the pronoun tàs. In addition, the adverb niekur. is used instead of the locative case.

The pronoun viskas is declined like tàs, except that in all the other cases it has variant forms with the linking vowel a, e.g.: gen. visako, dat. visaká·m (rare), acc. visaką, instr. visakuo…. However, the dative with the retained linking vowel is much rarer than corresponding forms of the other cases. The locative of this pronoun is replaced by the adverb visur.

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The declension of the pronoun pàč⁵⁰ is as follows:

Singular Plural N. pàč N. pà·tis G. pàties, G. pà·čių pà·če D. patiẽm(s), D. pačà·m patìm(s) A. pà·ti A. pà·čius I. pà·ču, I. pà·čiais pàtim L. pàčem(e), L. pàčiuos(e) pàtem(e) (rare)

The genitive singular of the pronoun pàts also has a less frequent variant ia-stem form, probably borrowed from nouns through the word pàč ‘husband (of a wife)’. Alongside the ia-stem form, the instrumental singular occasionally also has an i-stem form. The variant locative singular form pàtem(e) may be a Samogitian form, but it may also have arisen within the dialects themselves by analogy with those cases that have t rather than č. For the variant plural dative form, see “General Remarks”.

Indefinite pronouns

There are quite a few indefinite pronouns in the dialects. By word-formation type, they can be divided into several groups:

a) Indefinite pronouns without suffixes or prefixes, e.g.: kėli, kẽ·les; kàs ‘someone’; kic, kita ‘somebody’; kùris, kùri ‘some, whichever’; viens, viena.

b) Indefinite pronouns with suffixes or prefixes, e.g.: kėline, kėlintà ‘some one, -a’; kó·ks, kó·ki ‘some kind of, whatever’; nẽ·kuris, -i || nekùris, -i ‘someone’ (nekùris vẽzdã·vo·s (used to take along) to the cattle sheds, Žg; nakùri gėrai, ka vàika pasistuoruo-je Krp.). This pronoun is not very common. More often, it was heard only around Žagarė.

c) Compound indefinite pronouns:

1. Formed from two pronouns, e.g.: šis tàs; šó·ks tó·ks, šó·ki tó·ki…

2. The first component is the particle kaži || kažin || kažint, and the second is a pronoun. Moreover, the two components may be fully fused or remain separate, e.g.: kažikas; kaži·ko·ks, kaži·ko·ki; kažinkas; kažin(t) kàs; kažin(t) kàtras, kažin(t) kàtra; kà-žin(t) kó·ks, kažin(t) kó·ki…

3. The first component is the particle kai, and the second is a pronoun, e.g.: kai kàs; kai kó·ks, kai kó·ki…

4. The first component is a pronoun (kàs; kàtras, -a; kó·ks, -i; kùris, -i), and the second is the particle nóns || nônt || nórs, nô·renì || nô·rentais (cf. Papilė nũorintã·s), e.g.: kàs nóns; kàtras, -a nónt; kó·ks…, -i nô·renì.

5. The first component is a particle of foreign origin, bil(e) || bèle⁵¹, and the second is a pronoun (kàs; kàtras, -a; kó·ks…, -i; kùris, -i…), e.g.: bil(e) kàs || bel(e) kàs; bil(e) kàtras, -a || bel(e) kàtras, -a.

⁵⁰ The feminine gender (pàti) is declined like io-stem adjectives (grãži).

⁵¹ Cf. Lietuvių kalbos žodynas, vol. 1, Vilnius, 1941, p. 671.

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6. The first component is the particle jeb, and the second is a pronoun (kàs; kàtras,-a; kó·ks…; kùris, etc.), for example: jèpkàs; jèpkàtras, -a; jèpkó·ks…

7. Sometimes the indefinite pronoun kas nebūt(u) ‘someone, something’ is found in the dialect, formed with a particle of obscure origin, nebūt(u), and, very rarely, bū·⁵²

Declension of indefinite pronouns

Simple indefinite pronouns are declined like the corresponding definite or interrogative pronouns (kàs; kó·ks…, -i; kìc, kita, etc.). The pronoun kėli, kė·les is declined like the plural of two-syllable adjectives with ia- and io- stems. The pronoun kėlinc, kėlinta is declined like adjectives with a- and o- stems.

Both components of the pronouns šis tàs, šó·ks… tó·ks…, šó·ki… tó·ki are declined separately.

In all other indefinite compound pronouns, only the component consisting of a pronoun is declined.

ADJECTIVE, NUMERAL AND PRONOUN IN THE WESTERN AUKŠTAITIAN DIALECTS OF THE BORDERLAND OF THE LATVIAN SSR

А. ИОНАЙТИТЕ

Summary

The article examines adjectives, numerals, and pronouns in the western Aukštaitian dialects of the far north, indicating their relationship to corresponding features of the Lithuanian literary language and of the neighboring Samogitian and central Aukštaitian dialects (in some cases, also to features of Latvian).

The following most characteristic features of these parts of speech are noted:

Adjectives. In the dialects under study, neuter adjectives are gradually disappearing. The case endings of feminine adjectives are identical to the corresponding case endings of feminine nouns with the same stems. In most cases, the case endings of masculine adjectives correspond to the respective case endings in the literary language, but undergo various kinds of shortening. More striking deviations from the literary language include: a) the intrusion of the noun ending into the dative singular of polysyllabic adjectives with stems in a, ia (alkaná·m ‖ á·Ikanui “hungry,” vakari·kščiui “yesterday’s”) and into the inessive singular of polysyllabic adjectives with stems in ia (vakari·kšti-); b) the frequent replacement of genitive singular forms of adjectives with stems in u by genitive singular forms of adjectives with stems in ia (li·gaus ‖ li·ge “smooth, even”). In addition, along the Samogitian border, masculine adjectives

⁵² For details, see LKGS, pp. 175–176.

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in the dative plural occasionally may also have Samogitian forms ending in -ims (gražiems || gražims “beautiful”).

Some cases of feminine comparative adjectives also have forms with a stem in io, e.g., genitive singular báltėsńo·s || báltęsńe·s “whiter,” inessive singular báltėsńo· || báltęsńe·, dative plural baltėsńo·m(s) || baltesńe·m(s), instrumental plural báltėsńo·m(s) || báltęsńe·m(s), and inessive plural báltėsńo·s(e) || báltęsńe·s(e). The nominative singular of masculine superlative adjectives has the ending -is (bálčá·usis), and the accusative singular has the ending -i (bálčá·usi).

Pronominal adjectives are used in these dialects just as widely as in the literary language. When the declensional forms of pronominal adjectives diverge from those of the literary language, they most often coincide with the corresponding forms in neighboring Samogitian dialects.

Numeral.

Cardinal numerals from „4“ to „9“ have the ending -us (šėšus „six“) in the accusative case. In the western part of the area of the dialects under investigation, the numeral dì „two“, dvi „two“ also has, in some cases, frequently used Samogitian forms with root i (dviju· „of two“, dvìm(s), „to two“). Numerals from „11“ to „19“ are formed with the formatives -lika and -leka (dvì·lika || dvì·leka „twelve“). Sometimes numerals in this group are indeclinable (àna bùva dvì·leka māt·tu „she was twelve years old“). Instead of the plural numeral vieneri, vieneres, the simple numeral vieni, vienas (vieni márškinėi „one shirt“) is used very frequently. Collective-distributive numerals (trẽ·jec „three people“, kẽ·tverc „four people“) are not very common. In other cases, the declension and use of numerals most often coincide with the literary language.

Pronoun.

Personal pronouns have preserved the dual number. Demonstrative pronouns āns „that“, šis „this“, tàs „that“ have also preserved traces of the dual number. Individual dual-case forms, alongside Aukštaitian ones, also have Samogitian forms. Personal pronouns of the first and second person and the reflexive pronoun in the genitive singular end in -ė·s (mànė·s, tāvė·s, sāvė·s), and in the accusative in -i (màni, tāvi, sāvi). In the plural accusative, these personal pronouns have the forms: mùm(s) || mūm(s) || mùmis || mùmes „us“, jùm(s) || jūm(s) || jùmis || jùmes „you“. The pronouns āns, jis „he“, kàs „who, what“, kàtras „which“, nieks „nobody, nothing“ also have forms ending in -m (ānuo || ānuom…) in the singular instrumental. The pronouns āns, kìc „other“, tàs sometimes also have the forms ànem(i), kìtem(i), tėm(i) in the singular locative, characteristic of neighboring Samogitian dialects. Masculine pronouns along the Samogitian boundary occasionally also have Samogitian forms ending in -im(s): kìtiem(s) || kìtim(s) „to others“ in the plural dative. Samogitian forms ending in -us are found in the plural accusative of the pronouns āns, kàtras, šis, tàs, tàtras „that“ in the same part of the dialect area: ānuos || ānus, tūos || tūs. Those feminine pronouns that have the ending -ia (jokia „no“, tokia „such“…) in the nominative singular in the literary language have the ending i (jō·ki, tō·ki…) in the dialects. The pronouns āna, ji „she“, kàtra, ši, tà, tàtra most often have only the full or

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reduced pronominal form (anā́:je || anā́:i, tá:je || tá:i) in the singular instrumental. The pronouns tà, and in the western part of the dialect area often also šì, ā́pa, vièna, as in neighboring Samogitian dialects, also have masculine forms in the singular locative, e.g., tàm(e), dúobė́ „in that pit“, šėm(e) pùsė „on this side“. The pronouns āna, jì, tātra, šì, tà, kātra have preserved long a in the plural accusative (anā́s, tá:s), although forms with short a are already found near the Samogitian boundary (ānas).

14. Lietuvių kalbos gramatikos tyrinėjimai