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ALMA RAGAUSKAITĖ
Institute of the Lithuanian Language
Research areas: historical anthroponymy, historical toponymy.
PERSONAL NAMES OF JONIŠKIS WOMEN IN THE OLDEST BAPTISMAL REGISTER OF JONIŠKIS IN LITHUANIA, 1599–1621, IN THE CONTEXT OF LITHUANIAN HISTORICAL ANTHROPONYMY
Personal Names of Women from Joniškis in the Oldest Lithuanian Baptismal Register of Joniškis, 1599–1621, in the Context of Lithuanian Historical Anthroponymy
ABSTRACT
Church registers are among the most important sources for Lithuanian historical anthroponymy. Particularly distinctive among them chronologically is the baptismal register of Joniškis from 1599–1621, which is currently known to be the oldest in Lithuania. From the perspective of name formation, the article examines primarily 122 anthroponyms of women from Joniškis (the second members of a two-part naming model), selected from this register. In addition, it attempts to discuss the name-formation patterns of the personal names of Joniškis residents (women) in the broader context of research into Lithuanian historical anthroponymy in the 16th–17th centuries.
KEYWORDS: Joniškis, woman from Joniškis, baptismal register, historical anthroponymy, historical personal name, word formation.
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ANNOTATION
Parish registers are among the most important sources of Lithuanian historical anthroponymy. A chronologically unique baptismal register of Joniškis dating to 1599–1621, which is currently the oldest known Lithuanian parish register in Lithuania, stands out in the context of such registers. The article focuses on 122 anthroponyms of Joniškis women from this register in terms of their formation (second components of the binary naming model). What is more, it attempts to discuss the situation of the formation of personal names of Joniškis female residents in the general context of Lithuanian research of historical anthroponymy of the 16th–17th century.
KEYWORDS: Joniškis, Joniškis woman, baptismal register, historical anthroponymy, historical personal name, word formation.
0. INTRODUCTION
The early sixteenth- and seventeenth-century layer of Joniškis historical anthroponymy is still little known. Research first began on the entries in the oldest Joniškis baptismal register, dating from 1599–1621, which contains numerous Lithuanian anthroponym forms. Only a small proportion of these forms was published in a study of Lithuanian forms of settlement names in non-Lithuanian sources from the sixteenth to nineteenth centuries (Gar liauskas 1998: 152–153).
Individual designations of Joniškis men bearing Lithuanian-origin bynames from the same register were cited by the author of this article (Ragauskaitė 1999: 155). After she conducted a more detailed analysis of the origins of the personal names in this source, it became clear that among the reconstructed Lithuanian-origin Joniškis anthroponyms, nicknames were widespread, while among the reconstructed personal names of non-Lithuanian origin, most were formed from various forms of Christian given names (long and short). A comparison of the names used in Joniškis and the surrounding parish settlements established that, in terms of origin, the personal names of Joniškis residents differed from those of village inhabitants. The latter’s name stock more often included old Lithuanian dithematic personal names, dominated by Lithuanian patronymic suffixes (Ragauskaitė 2004: 16–17).
A subsequent review of the Slavicization of the anthroponyms in the same church register led to the conclusion that most surnames of Joniškis men were written with Lithuanian patronymic suffixes –aitis, –ūnas, diminutive suffixes –ytis, –uilis, –uitis and the suffix –iškis, which could also have had a patronymic meaning. Only a few surnames have Slavic suffixes –ovič, –evič and Polish-type –sk- suffixes.
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Seniausios Lietuvoje 1599–1621 metų Joniškio krikšto metrikų knygos joniškiečių moterų asmenvardžiai lietuvių istorinės antroponimijos kontekste
Among other things, attention was also drawn to the functioning of Lithuanian suffixes in women’s personal names (Ragauskaitė 2005: 66–67).
Having noted the aforementioned features of the origins, Slavicization, and other aspects of Joniškis anthroponyms, this publication continues the study of Joniškis historical onomastics.
The aim of this article is to discuss in detail, from the perspective of word formation, the personal names of 122 women from Joniškis recorded in 1599–1621 (the second members of two-element naming models), to reconstruct the forms of these anthroponyms with Lithuanian suffixes, and to compare them with present-day Lithuanian surnames. To characterize the situation of Joniškis personal-name formation in the context of research on Lithuanian historical anthroponymy of that period, the article will also seek to establish the prevalence of women’s anthroponyms with Lithuanian derivational formants in the historical name stocks of other towns granted Magdeburg rights (Vilnius, Kaunas, Kėdainiai) and of at least several old parishes¹ (Krakės, Merkinė, Plungė, Seda, Šiluva, Švenčionys, Tytuvėnai, Žagarė).
The material for this article was collected mainly from the oldest baptismal register of the Joniškis parish², dating from 1599–1621³. Benediktas Sviechovskis was the parish priest of the Church of the Assumption of the Blessed Virgin Mary in Joniškis from 1594 to 1621. Joniškis burned down in 1594 and gradually recovered afterward (Vasiliauskas 2005: 111). It is believed that this ecclesiastical source⁴ began to be written in Latin in 1599 on his initiative, and that in 1601–1606, with the assistance of Radvila Našlaitėlis, he built a brick church in Joniškis and adorned it (LKD 79). Joniškis formally became a town only on July 4, 1616, when it was granted Magdeburg rights.
1 The author of the article thanks Vidas Garliauskas for his advice on the name stock of Lithuania’s oldest church registers.
2 It is known that in 1523 Bishop Jonas of Vilnius visited the outlying areas of the Šiauliai district, which he governed at the time. At his direction, parishes were established in several settlements, and one such settlement was named Joniškis. A church was built in Joniškis in 1526 (Vasiliauskas 2005: 111).
3 The oldest surviving book of a comparable age is from the Berlin area (Greb eno, from 1578); Latvia’s oldest book is that of the Catholic Church of St. James in Riga (from 1588) (see also Mickienė, Venislovaitė 2011: 155). It is believed that the earliest church registers began to be written in Italy (from approximately the beginning of the fourteenth century), while the oldest register known today is in France, in Givry (Givry, Saône-et-Loire Department). It dates from 1334. Registers also appeared in German-speaking lands in the fourteenth century. The Basel archives, for example, hold death and marriage registers from 1380–1751, as well as a surviving portion of a Basel baptismal register (1390–1407). Poland’s oldest registers are those of the parish of St. Mary in Gdańsk (from 1530) and Bochnia (from 1559) (Garliauskas 2010: 3–4). Apparently, the earliest surviving baptismal register in Italy dates from 1396, and the earliest in France from 1467 (Žilys 2012: 131).
4 The author of the article is preparing an edition of this old ecclesiastical source (together with Vidas Garliauskas).
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privilege5 (Kryževičius 1981: 133). Perhaps after this great fire of 1594, steps were taken to ensure that the register books were kept properly.
The source title is “Liber Baptisatoru[m] ‖ Ecc[lesi]æ Parochialis Jani=‖scensis ab Anno 1599. – ‖ usq[ue] ad An[n]um ‖ 1621. –”. Another title is written on the front leaf: “CATA: ‖ LOGVS. ‖ BAPTISATO: ‖ RVM. EC: ‖ CLESIÆ. ‖ IANI: ‖ SCEN: ‖ SIS.” The manuscript book was written in Latin and Polish. Pages 1–79 (1599–1606) and 195v–222 (1617–1618) are in Latin, while pages 80–195 (1606–1616) and 222v–272 (1618–1621) are in Polish. On page 2, there is an entry in Polish from 1599, part of which has been crossed out by the scribe. Latin register entries also occur on pages 236, 269, and 271. The names of years and months are consistently written in Latin throughout the book. A comparison of the handwriting suggests that the book may have been written by several different people. The date of baptism is given according to feast days. The formulas used in Joniškis baptismal entries from 1599 to 1621 were not fixed; their order changed and varied over the years. It is evident that the text of entries was often abbreviated. In part of the book, only the names of individuals (men and women) were written, with no second naming elements (from page 50 to 188v, specifically during 1604–1616)6.
Texts for baptism and other church ceremonies (for example, the Catholic agenda of 1616—the rituals recorded in it may have been older still), as well as examples of register forms that each priest could consult when conducting ceremonies and writing church registers, were already known at the time (Garliauskas 2001: 214–215). Most church-register scribes of the period (parish priests, vicars, monks) were probably familiar with these ritual forms. However, it seems that the form of church-register entries depended above all on the writer’s competence, general erudition, place of origin, nationality, linguistic training, and attitude toward the work being performed.
5 Under it, the ruler retained the right to appoint a vogt for the town of Joniškis. The vogt could appoint a deputy vogt from among the townspeople, while the townspeople themselves could elect lay judges, a burgomaster, and councillors. The town was permitted to build a town hall and hold court proceedings there; it was also allowed to hold a weekly Thursday market, two annual fairs were approved, and the town was granted a seal, among other things (Vasiliauskas 2005: 111). This Magdeburg Law was modified and adapted to the conditions of Lithuania. Towns could supplement it themselves by issuing regulations for urban life, known as wilkierze (Kiaupa 1998: 170). On the basis of documents concerning self-governing towns in Samogitia preserved in the Lithuanian Metrica and other historical sources, it has been established that these rights of self-government were confirmed again at later dates: in 1635, 1650, 1679, 1718, and 1736 (Tyla 1988: 5, 10, 15, 21). In 1776, the Magdeburg rights of the town of Joniškis, like those of many other Lithuanian towns, were abolished, and Joniškis came under the jurisdiction of the manor. Later, municipal self-government was restored briefly in 1791 and 1794, and was not restored for a longer period until 1840 (Tyla, Miškinis 1981: 86, 87, 91).
6 Dar žr. Garliauskas 1998: 139; Žilys 2012: 126–127.
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Seniausios Lietuvoje 1599–1621 metų Joniškio krikšto metrikų knygos joniškiečių moterų asmenvardžiai lietuvių istorinės antroponimijos kontekste
Various references helped identify actual residents of Joniškis. These include Polish Janiszki ‘Joniškis’, Polish Z miafta ‘From the town’, Polish Z miafta Ianiskiego ‘From the town of Joniškis’, Latin de Ciuitate Ianibek ‘From the town of Joniškis’, Latin de Janiszek ‘From Joniškis’, for example: 1617 Zophia Macieio{wa}⁷ de C[iui]tate⁸ Ianiszek JNŠ 204⁹; 1618 Pat[rini] <...> Dorota Mikołoiowna de Ciuitate Ianibek JNŠ 217; 1601 Janiszki <...> Paluła Mixiene JNŠ 29v; 1617 Zophia Paginayciowa de Ciuitate Ianiszek JNŠ 198v; 1621 K[uma] Dorota Palułaiciowna Z miafta Ianiskiego z ulicy Szawelskiej JNŠ 261; 1617 Giendruta Paruyciowa de C[iui]tate Ianiszek JNŠ 202; 1618 Pat[rini] <...> Zofia Pietrayciowa de ciuitate Ianibek JNŠ 221; 1621 K[uma] 3 miafta Vlici βawelskiei Pelania Rudiβkaiciowna JNŠ 263; 1620 M[atka] Gęndruta Sowdiowa <...> Z miafta JNŠ 253v; 1599 Barbara Szymkowna <...> omnes de Janisʒki{e} JNŠ 1, and so on.
Women of Joniškis can also be identified by the streets (Dvaro, Šiaulių, Upytės, Vokiečių)¹⁰ in which they lived, for example: 1619 Kuma Marina z dworskiej ulici. JNŠ 233; 1617 K[uma] Dorota Gabriciowna Z miafta z Vlicy Niemieckiej JNŠ 258; 1621 Niemieckiei Vlici <...> K[uma] Zofia Golminowa JNŠ 270v; 1621 Z miafta Vlici βawelskiei Elena Kalwiβiowa JNŠ 266; 1621 Z miasta Vlici βawelskiei M[atka] Ańna Kowalowa JNŠ 268; 1621 Z miafta Vlici Vpickiei M[atka] Gendra Powiłłaciowna JNŠ 265v; 1618 Orβula Purgiowa Vboga de Ianifek JNŠ 218. In some cases, the place of residence is not named, but it is clear that the woman is from Joniškis from the expression s teýze Vlicý ‘From the same street’, for example: 1620 <...> K[uma] Gedwiga Quederai-ciowna s teýze Vlicý wβýśći JNŠ 254v – 1620 K[uma] Z miafta Z ulicy Niemieckiey Jadziuła Kwadarrowna JNŠ 258v.
The system of naming women varied. Most often, especially at the beginning of the book, mothers, daughters, wives, or godmothers are identified only by a Christian name, for example: 1603 Pat[rini] Agnesca <...> ex ciuitate JNŠ 39v; 1603 Pat[ri-ni] <...> cum Anastafia Ciues JNŠ 39v; 1603 Pat[rini] <...> cum Anna Ciues JNŠ 39v; 1603 Pat[rini] <...> e[t] Barbara Ciues JNŠ 39v; 1607 3 miasta R[odzice] <...> Catharina JNŠ 95; 1605 Janiszki. <...> Pat[rini] <...> Dasłute JNŠ 60; 1609 3 miasta Corka Dorota JNŠ 113v; 1603 Pat[rini] <...> e[t] Dorotea é ciuitate JNŠ 39v; 1603 Pat[rini] <...> cum Elizabeta é ciuitate JNŠ 39v; 1608 Z miasta R[odzice] <...>
⁷ Fragments of entries that are unclear in historical sources are indicated in curly brackets.
⁸ Abbreviations recorded in historical documents are expanded. An addition is indicated in square brackets. When rendering personal names, an effort is made to preserve the original grammatical genders found in the manuscripts.
⁹ All anthroponyms presented in the article are dated. For each, the year in which the personal name was recorded, the abbreviation of the historical source, and the folio (page) number are given.
¹⁰ Interestingly, the streets mentioned in the 1599–1621 Joniškis baptismal register book (Šiaulių, Vokiečių, Dvaro, Upytės) can also be seen on the oldest 1703 plan (depiction) of the town of Joniškis (Vasiliauskas 2010: 95–98).
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Enule kum <...> Gendruta JNŠ 102v; 1604 Janiszki. <...> Pat[rini] Giendre e[t] Lucia JNŠ 52; 1603 Pat[rini] <...> Cum Heduige é ciuitate JNŠ 39v; 1602 Janiszki Filia Helena JNŠ 32; 1601 Janiszki Fil[ia] Jedwiga JNŠ 25; 1607 From the town, parents <...> Jedziule kum <...> Nostę Giendruta Corka Elżb ietha JNŠ 98; 1601 Ciuis Janiszki Filia Krif tina JNŠ 25; 1603 Patr[ini] <...> e[t] Lucia Aduo[cati] ex urbe Janiscensis JNŠ 47; 1603 Pat[rini] <...> cum Magdalena. e ciuitate JNŠ 39; 1602 Janiszki Filia Margoreta JNŠ 34v; 1606 3 from the town, parents <...> Onela <...> Corka Erfiule JNŠ 86; 1607 From the town, parents <...> Palule kum <...> by tule JNŠ 97v; 1606 From the town. <...> Pat[rini] <...> cum Połonia JNŠ 75v; 1606 From the town <...> Pat[rini] <...> Cum Zophia JNŠ 79v.
When these women are recorded by name, their kinship relationship is sometimes indicated (through a husband or father identified by two personal names), for example: 1604 Janifzki Fil[ia] Dorotea Annusa Diczkaus JNŠ 48; 1600 Janisce[n]ses. Filia Dorothea. Nicolai Memejbaicia JNŠ 10; 1600 Ciues. Filia Gertrudis Simonis Sidaugonia JNŠ 10v; 1600 Ciues Filia Helena Jacobi Czepaitis JNŠ 13v; 1600 Janiszki Filia Helena Gaspari Męckis JNŠ 14; 1599 Opidi Janiszki <...> Jadwiga Gaspari Szapnagis uxor JNŠ 2.
When a resident of Joniškis is identified by a Christian name, their affiliation is sometimes expressed by a male personal name in the genitive case, for example: 1618 Pat[rini] <...> e[t] Barbara Stankuna de Ciuitate Janibek JNŠ 215v; 1599 cum Dorotheâ Vrbani de Janis[c]ie[ns]e[f]. JNŠ 2; 1602 Gendruta Stephani ex ciuitate Janiszki JNŠ 38v–39; 1601 Janiszki <...> Pat[rini] <...> Jedwiga Thomæ JNŠ 29; 1601 Zophia Stephani e[x] ciuitate Janifzki. JNŠ 19v.
A few instances stand out in which Joniškis women are recorded by a Christian name followed by a family affiliation expressed with the husband’s (spouse’s or father’s) anthroponym in the nominative case (1600 Ciues <...> Cum Lucia drobuitis JNŠ 13v; 1600 cum Magdalенâ Petrikas. Janiscenses. JNŠ 10v), as well as other noteworthy cases of reference to them—by a given name and a collective family (kin-group) surname form (1621 Ku[m] <...> y Elena Martinaiciow 3 miafta JNŠ 263; 1600 <...> Ciuis Cum Margarethâ Balčiunow. JNŠ 9).
Besides these, a fairly common model for naming women (especially in the later entries of the book) uses two personal names, for example: 1621 K[uma] 3 miafta Vlici Niemieckiei Magdalena Iurgaiciowa JNŠ 262; 1621 Zofia lebkoiowa <...> 3 miafta Vlici Niemieckiei JNŠ 267v; 1620 Kuma Catharina Morzczinowa <...> Z miasta Z rinku JNŠ 253v; 1621 3 Miasta Vlici Niemieckiei M[atka] Catarina ftubui ciowuna JNŠ 267v.
Again, the practice of identifying them by three personal names is seen mostly at the end of the manuscript, for example: 1617 Pat[rini] <...> et dosiula Barzdzowa macieiowa de C[ivi]tate Janibek JNŠ 204; 1617 Patr[ini] Giendruta Bordzel{o}wa Macieiowna de Ciuitate Ianiszek JNŠ 201v; 1617 Patr[ini] <...> e[t] Iadwiga S3epanowna Remieykowna, de Ciuit[ate] Ianiszek JNŠ 199; 1617 Patr[ini] <...> e[t] Hanna Stasiowa
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Sెనiausios Lietuvos 1599–1621 metų Joniškio krikšto metrikų knygos joniškiečių moterų asmenvardžiai lietuvių istorinės antroponimijos kontekste
Syrukciowa, from the town of Janiszki. JNŠ 198v; 1618 Pat[rini] <…> et Hanna Sta- nifławowna Stypinakaýciowna de C[iui]tate Ianiβek JNŠ 210v.
From this variety of recording types, 122 two-element designations of Joniškis women were selected. The second elements of these designations (suffixal anthroponyms) are precisely the main object of analysis.
The names written in the first position in these two-element designations are of Christian origin, for example: 1618 Hanna Andrzeiowna JNŠ 212v, 1617 Orβula Iurgowa JNŠ 199, 1617 Iadwiga Macieiowna JNŠ 196v, 1617 Gendruta Mazunowna JNŠ 197v, 1618 Zofia Pawłowna JNŠ 216, 1621 Anna powiłaiiciowa JNŠ 270, 1621 Gendria Smatiβkiowa JNŠ 266, 1617 Lucya Stanisławowna JNŠ 197v, 1617 Barbara Sży- mowna JNŠ 208v, 1618 Dorota Tomaβowna JNŠ 214.
As can be seen, in 1599–1621 the usual traditional forms of these Christian names are most often used, for example: 1621 Anna JNŠ 27011; 1600 Annâ JNŠ 8v; 1621 Ánna JNŠ 268; 1618 Hanna JNŠ 209v – cf. modern name Onà (LVKŽ 294–295); 1617 Barbara JNŠ 208v – cf. modern name Barborà (LVKŽ 90); 1621 Catarina JNŠ 267v; 1601 Catharina JNŠ 25; 1620 Catharyna JNŠ 253; 1620 Katrina JNŠ 255v – cf. modern name Kotryna (LVKŽ 235); 1602 Dorotea JNŠ 35 – cf. modern name Do- rotėja (LVKŽ 127); 1621 Elena JNŠ 267v; 1617 Helena JNŠ 200 – cf. modern name Elenà (LVKŽ 146); 1599 Elisabetha gen. sg. JNŠ 1; 1621 Elzβieta JNŠ 264v; 1618 Helzβietà JNŠ 221 – cf. modern name Elžbietà (LVKŽ 148); 1621 Erβula JNŠ 261v; 1618 Orβula JNŠ 219; 1621 Vrβula JNŠ 266v – cf. modern name Uršùle (LVKŽ 354); 1620 Gedwiga JNŠ 254v; 1618 Iadwiga JNŠ 216v; 1620 Iedwiga JNŠ 242; 1617 Ja- duig{ą} JNŠ 195v; 1601 Jedwiga JNŠ 23 – cf. modern names Jadvyga, Jadvýga (LVKŽ 201); 1617 Gendruta JNŠ 197v; 1620 Gęndruta JNŠ 255v; 1621 Giendruta JNŠ 269v – cf. modern name Gendrùtė, and also the old name variant Gendrùtà (LVKŽ 174); 1621 Krij- tina JNŠ 265 – cf. modern name Kristinà (LVKŽ 237); 1621 Lucia JNŠ 260v; 1617 Lu- cya JNŠ 197v; 1618 Lucýa JNŠ 221v – cf. modern name Liùcija (LVKŽ 252); 1617 Mag- dal[ena] JNŠ 208; 1621 Magdalena JNŠ 266v – cf. modern name Magdalenà (LVKŽ 255–256); 1620 Magreta JNŠ 242; 1621 Magrieta JNŠ 262v; 1621 Margareta JNŠ 268 – cf. modern name Margarità (LVKŽ 263); 1600 Marta JNŠ 14v – cf. modern name Mortà (LVKŽ 279); 1617 Vlianà JNŠ 200 – cf. modern name Uljonà (LVKŽ 353); 1621 Zofia JNŠ 270v; 1617 Zofia JNŠ 195v; 1617 Zophia JNŠ 204; 1600 Zophiâ JNŠ 10, 10v; 1602 Zophia JNŠ 35 – cf. modern name Žòfia (LVKŽ 385); 1606 ʒuzana JNŠ 86 – cf. modern name Zuzanà (LVKŽ 385).
There are far fewer hypocoristic forms derived from canonical baptismal names, for example: 1619 Darota JNŠ 233; 1618 Dorota JNŠ 214 – cf. modern names Daratà < Dorotėja (LVKŽ 112, 127); 1621 Gendra JNŠ 265v; 1621 Gendria JNŠ 266; 1617 Giendra
11 For brevity, this register of Joniškis women’s names from 1599–1621 gives only the given names (the first elements in the two-element designation model).
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JNŠ 200v – cf. the modern form Geñdrė < Gendrūtė; also cf. the old variant form Gendrùtà (LVKŽ 174).
Very rare diminutive forms of names, developed from shortened Christian names, e.g.: 1618 Iadžiulà JNŠ 217v; 1620 Iadžiulà JNŠ 258v – cf. the modern form Jãdžė < Jadvýgà, Jadvýga (LVKŽ 201); 1601 Palulà JNŠ 29v – cf. the modern form Pòlė < Apolonìja (LVKŽ 77); 1621 Zaniùta JNŠ 265v – cf. the modern form Zanà < Zuzanà (LVKŽ 385).
The second elements of women’s binomial designations are surnames with suffixes, which are examined in detail below from the perspective of word formation.
1. WORD-FORMATION TENDENCIES IN THE PERSONAL NAMES OF WOMEN FROM JONIŠKIS
1.1. As noted, 122 anthroponyms of women from Joniškis (the second elements in the binomial naming model) were extracted from the 1599–1621 Joniškis baptismal register. They are formed from men’s personal names with Slavic and Lithuanian suffixes. Anthroponyms with these suffixes are listed in order of derivational frequency:
alphabetically. Next, the personal names recorded in the source, on the basis of which the feminine forms of the anthroponyms were reconstructed, are presented. These forms are compared with the present-day surnames in Lietuvių pavardžių žodyno 1–2 (hereafter LPŽ₁ and LPŽ₂), and in some cases also with the present-day given names in Lietuvių vardų kilmės žodyno (LVKŽ). Where no precisely attested equivalent is found in the modern name repertory, several surnames with the corresponding root or stem are cited.
Among the personal names of Joniškis residents from the 16th–17th centuries under study, 32 anthroponymic forms with Lithuanian suffixes can be reconstructed. These are: *Adomaičia: 1620 Adomaycia JNŠ 255v. Cf. modern given name Adõmas¹² (LVKŽ 61), surname Adõmas (LPŽ₁ 65); *Adomyčia: 1620 Adomyczia JNŠ 255v. Cf. modern given name Adõmas (LVKŽ 61), surname Adõmas (LPŽ₁ 65); *Bačkiūčia: 1621 Baczkiucia JNŠ 265. Cf. modern surname Bãčkius (LPŽ₁ 151); *Baskutaičia: 1620 Baskutaczia JNŠ 254v. Cf. modern surname Baskùtis (LPŽ₁ 209); *Dabraičia: 1621 Dabraycia JNŠ 260. Cf. modern surname Dabrỹs (LPŽ₁ 442); *Dūdzienė: 1617 dudienie JNŠ 201v. Cf. modern surnames Dūdà, Dūdỹs (LPŽ₁ 535–536, 537); *Elekniškienė: 1621 Elekni̇pkienie JNŠ 266. For elekn-, cf. modern surname Eleknà (LPŽ₁ 571); *Jaunaičia: 1617 Iawnaicia JNŠ 207. Cf. modern surname Jaunàs (LPŽ₁ 824); *Jereminaičia: 1620 gereminaiczia¹³ JNŠ 254v. Cf. modern surname Jereminas (LPŽ₁ 830); *Jonaičia: 1601 Jonaycia JNŠ 23. Cf. modern given name Jõnas (LVKŽ 208), surname Jõnas (LPŽ₁ 841); *Jonelienė: 1606 Jonelene 86. Cf. modern given name Jonėlis, and further cf. modern given name Jõnas (LVKŽ 208), surnames Jõnelis, Jonėlis, Jonelis (LPŽ₁ 842); *Jonušienė: 1617 Ianuβenia JNŠ 208. Cf. modern surnames Jõnušas, Jonùšis, Jonùšys (LPŽ₁ 844); *Jurgaičia: 1602 Jurgąicia JNŠ 36v. Cf. modern given name Jùrgis (LVKŽ 215), surname Jùrga (LPŽ₁ 866); *Kizyčia: 1600 Kizycia JNŠ 14. Cf. modern surnames Kizis, Kizỹs (LPŽ₁ 1010); *Luknaičia: 1601 Łuknaycia JNŠ 25. Surnames with this root are not found in the present-day name repertory; *Mažeikienė: 1600 Maz{iek}iene JNŠ 14v. Cf. modern surnames Mažeika, Mažeikà, Mažeika, Mažeĩkis (LPŽ₂ 191); *Medginyčia: 1599 Medginicia JNŠ 13v. Cf. modern given name Mėdginas (LVKŽ 267); *Mikšienė: 1601 Mixiene JNŠ 29v. Cf. modern surnames Mikšà, Mikšas, Mikšė, Mikšis, Mikšỹs (LPŽ₂ 233); *Mižutaitienė: 1620 Miβutaitienia JNŠ 242. Cf. modern surname Mižutaitis (LPŽ₂ 261); *Oželienė: 1621 Ożelenie 264v. Cf. modern surname Oželis (LPŽ₂ 356); *Paruitienė: 1617 Paruytenie JNŠ 207v – for par-, cf. modern surname Parutis (LPŽ₂ 398); *Paulienė: 1617 Paulenie JNŠ 200. Cf. modern given name Paũlius (LVKŽ 298), surnames Paũlis, Paũlỹs, Paũlius (LPŽ₂
12 Research into Lithuanian historical anthroponymy shows that the second members of women’s two-part names (suffixed personal names) were formed from the name of the father or husband (including baptismal-name forms, their shortenings, or diminutive derivatives) and from a masculine surname (or a personal name performing its function) (Maciejauskienė 1991: 266–267, 269–271).
13 It may be assumed that the form 1620 gereminaiczia JNŠ 254v derives from *Jereminaičia; cf. 1621 Ieremin Iożewic3 S[iola] Iordaiciow JNŠ 265v. There are also other graphic variants of similar personal names; cf. 1620 Gedwiga JNŠ 254v and 1601 Jedwiga JNŠ 23; cf. modern given names Jadvyga, Jadvýga (LVKŽ 201), etc.
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410–411); *Pečiulaičia: 1602 Peczulaýcia JNŠ 34v. Cf. modern surname Pečiulis (LPŽ₂ 420–421); *Petraičia: 1620 Petraýcia JNŠ 255v. Cf. modern given name Pėtras (LVKŽ 299); *Petryčia: 1621 Petrycia JNŠ 263v. Cf. modern given name Pėtras (LVKŽ 299); *Siklyčia: 1620 Siklicia JNŠ 255v. A surname of this origin is not currently in use; *Staliorienė: 1601 Sta{}oriene JNŠ 28. Cf. modern surname Staliōrius (LPŽ₂ 797); *Stangačia: 1602 Stangaícia JNŠ 35. Cf. modern surnames Stangė, Stangỹs (LPŽ₂ 800); *Stasaičia: 1619 ftafaicia JNŠ 233. Cf. modern given name Stasỹs (LVKŽ 335), surname Stasỹs (LPŽ₂ 808); *Stasiūčia: 1618 ftasiucia JNŠ 235v. Cf. modern given name Stāsius (LVKŽ 335), surname Stāsius (LPŽ₂ 810); *Velikienė: 1604 Welikene JNŠ 48. Cf. modern surnames Velikà, Velikis (LPŽ₂ 1184); *Žirnyčia: 1600 Žyrníčia JNŠ 10v. Cf. modern surname Žirnis (LPŽ₂ 1338).
Having reconstructed 32 16th–17th-century personal names from the second members of Joniškis residents’ two-part names and compared them with present-day male surnames (and, where necessary, given names), it was observed that 28 (87.5%) remain in use today. Some, namely 2 (6.25% of all those reconstructed), have present-day male surname equivalents of the same origin but different formation. These are *Elekniškienė, *Paruitienė. The remaining 2 (6.25%) (*Luknaičia, *Siklyčia) were formed from male personal names that are no longer found in today’s name repertory. It is likely that the anthroponyms of unmarried women most often could have been formed with the suffix –yčia from masculine personal names ending in –is or –ys (see also Maciejauskienė 1991: 268–271). The examples given (*Adomyčia < Adomas, *Petryčia < Petras), however, show that the source also exhibits variation and inconsistency in this respect.
1.2. As noted, as many as 32 reconstructed forms of personal names of Joniškis residents (accounting for 26% of all second anthroponyms in two-part names) have specifically Lithuanian suffixes: –aičia, –yčia, –ienė, –(i)ūčia. By contrast, previous research into the historical anthroponymy of Lithuanian women in the 16th century (among the nobility and, mostly, peasants) has documented only isolated cases of personal names with Lithuanian suffixes. In Vitalija Maciejauskienė’s monograph Lietuvių pavardžių susidarymas XIII–XVIII a., it is noted that in the 16th century, overall, “only a few personal names with the suffix –aitė were found: Юлия Билашта <...> Ева Чербанашта <...> Касюла Петрашта <...> Дорота Шляхташта <...> and the sole example with the suffix –ienė: wdowa Strupieni <...>. These anthroponyms show that Lithuanian suffixes were indeed used in the 16th century; although they made their way only with difficulty, they nevertheless found their way into official documents written in non-Lithuanian languages” (Maciejauskienė 1991: 256). It is further stated that very few Lithuanian women’s personal names with the suffix –aitė (–aičia) were found in 17th-century administrative and legal documents as well. The suffix –ienė was also rare. It is conjectured that “for scribes of other nationalities, the Lithuanian suffix –ienė was apparently difficult to pronounce and write. It was sometimes not easy to form personal names designating women with it” (ibid., 262). It is acknowledged that most women
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Examples of such appellations are found in church marriage and baptismal registers, which mention brides, mothers of newborns, and godmothers. It is thought, however, that “these registers began to be written relatively late, so their data can only supplement and broaden the picture of women’s naming that can be formed from material collected from various other sources” (op. cit., 249–250).
To supplement the data from studies of sixteenth- and seventeenth-century Lithuanian historical anthroponymy (chiefly concerning the peasant and noble estates), personal names of women living in the villages of Joniškis parish were first selected that bore the particularly rare suffix -ienė in documents of that period (written in the source as: -ene, -ie-ne) and the longer variant of this suffix, -(i)uvienė¹⁴ (rendered in the manuscript as: -iuwene, -iuwiene, -uwiene), for example: *Augustinienė: 1602 Aduo[cati] Szapnag¹⁵ Dorotea Auguftiniene JNŠ 34v. Cf. present-day personal name Augustinas (LVKŽ 85), surname Augustī-nas (LPŽ₁ 137); *Bagdonienė: 1599 uillæ Alexnaičiu Agnes Bogdoniene JNŠ 2. Cf. present-day surname Bagdōnas, Bagdōnas, Bagdonas (LPŽ₁ 153–154); *Balčiuvienė: 1601 Pagi Kiwilow Zaniula Balciuwiene JNŠ 20v. Cf. present-day surname Balčius (LPŽ₁ 170); *Banienė: 1599 die Villæ Sznuravčiu Gendrutam Baniene JNŠ 3. Cf. present-day surname Bãnis, Banys (LPŽ₁ 187); *Čebatorienė: 1599 Nobil{e}s <...> Gertrude Cobota-rene JNŠ 10v. Cf. present-day surname Čebatōrius (LPŽ₁ 403); *Degutaitienė: 1600 Ger-truda Degutaytien{e} Pagi Deguciow JNŠ 10v. For degut- cf. present-day surnames Degutas, Degūtis (LPŽ₁ 479); *Dikčiuvienė: 1601 Pagi Gimbuciu Magdalena Digciuwene JNŠ 23. Cf. present-day surname Dikčius (LPŽ₁ 496); *Gotautienė: 1621 S[iota] Iakis3-kiow 3ofia Gatautiene JNŠ 262. Cf. present-day personal name Gōtautas (LVKŽ 185), surname Gōtautas (LPŽ₁ 695); *Gricienė: 1559 die villæ Puknionu A{nn}iuta Griciene JNŠ 4v. Cf. present-day surnames Grīcas, Gricys (LPŽ₁ 708, 709); *Griciuvienė: 1601 Aduo[cati] Jonuf-zaic Lucia Griciuwiene JNŠ 28v. Cf. present-day surname Gricius (LPŽ₁ 709); *Jonelienė: 1600 Lucia Joneliene Pagi Melayčiu JNŠ 15v. Cf. present-day personal name Jonēlis, and further cf. present-day personal name Jōnas (LVKŽ 208), surnames Jōnelis, Jonēlis, Jonelis (LPŽ₁ 842); *Judienė: 1600 Lucià Judene Pagi Dagiečiow JNŠ 8v. Cf. present-day surnames Jūdas, Jūdis, Judy̆s (LPŽ₁ 850, 851); *Juodienė: 1602 Aduo:[cati] Jurdas Gendruta Juodene JNŠ 31. Cf. present-day surnames Jūoda, Jūodis, Juodys (LPŽ₁ 856, 858); *Lauciuvienė: 1602 Aduo[cati] Mantiurgia.
14 “This suffix is now used in the standard language to form the surnames of married women from masculine surnames of two syllables ending in -us <...>” (Maciejauskienė 1991: 268). It is noted that “For the same purpose—usually to refer to wives—in literary language and in some Aukštaitian dialects, when the base noun is of the (i)u stem and usually has no more than two syllables, the longer variant of this suffix, -(i)uvienė, rather than -ienė, is used, for example: dē-džiuvienė ‘wife of one’s father’s brother, aunt’ (from dėdžius ‘uncle’), ker̃džiuvienė, kūrpiuvienė, puōdžiuvienė” (LKG I 417).
15 In some cases, this church register identifies the vaitas (district elder) of Šiauliai district (the Šiauliai estate, in operation in practice from 1616), whose administrative jurisdiction included the village (see also Žilys 2012: 127).
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Women’s personal names in Joniškis in the oldest Lithuanian baptismal register, from 1599–1621, in the context of Lithuanian historical anthroponymy
Hedvige Laucūviene JNŠ 33v. Cf. present-day surname Laūcius (LPŽ₂ 30); *Laumakienė: 1602 Aduo[cati] Łukoszaỳc Dorota Laumokene JNŠ 32. Cf. present-day surname Laūmakis (LPŽ₂ 33); *Martynienė: 1600 Helena Martiniene pagi Eziekia JNŠ 13v. Cf. present-day personal name Martýnas (LVKŽ 264), surname Mártynas (LPŽ₂ 167); *Mekienė: 1601 Pagi Linkayciu Agneſca Mekiene JNŠ 23. Cf. present-day surnames Mekà, Mėkas, Meky̆s (LPŽ₂ 202, 203); *Mikutienė: 1602 Aduo[cati] Balciun Jedwiga Mikutene JNŠ 33, 1601 Nobilis. Eigierda subditi. Gendruta Mikutiene Pagi Niemeyxiu JNŠ 12v. Cf. present-day surnames Mikutà, Mikutȧs, Mikutis (LPŽ₂ 235, 236); *Pagai̇kštienė: 1601 Aduo[cati] Beynoraicia Jedwiga Pagajxtiene JNŠ 27. At present, a surname of this origin is not in use; cf. Lithuanian pagaikštis, pãgaikštis (LKŽ IX 67); *Petrašienė: 1600 Pagi Waluni Helena Petraſziene JNŠ 7v. Cf. present-day surname Petrašius (LPŽ₂ 438); *Staliorienė: 1601 Aduo[cati] Szapnag Dorothaea Staloriene JNŠ 28. Cf. present-day surname Staliōrius (LPŽ₂ 797); *Tamošienė: 1617 de uilla Witnarý Dosiula TomaḂenie Jucowa JNŠ 202v. Cf. present-day personal name Tamošius (LVKŽ 341), surname Tamošius (LPŽ₂ 1016); *Vilvienė: 1600 Agnieſzka Wilwene Pagi Łekaỳciu JNŠ 17. For vilž- perhaps compare present-day surname Vėlvėkis (LPŽ₂ 1186); *Vorienė: 1601 Aduo[cati] Jurdas Magdalena Worene JNŠ 25v. Cf. present-day surname Võras (LPŽ₂ 1254); *Žaudienė: 1601 Dorothea Zaudiene Pagi Dwiluỳciow JNŠ 19. For žaud- cf. only the present-day surname Žaudžėvičius (LPŽ₂ 1316); *Želienė: 1601 Pagi Jauneikayciu Jedwiga Zelene 20v. Cf. present-day surname Žėlys (LPŽ₂ 1321); *Žiaukienė: 1599 Dorothea Ziaukiene JNŠ 3v. Cf. present-day surnames Žiauka, Žiaūkas (LPŽ₂ 1327); *Žudienė: 1602 Lucia Žudene. Pagi Dageciow JNŠ 48v. Cf. present-day surname Žudys (LPŽ₂ 1346).
The cases presented are in themselves valuable, unique data for historical anthroponymy, since they not only illustrate specific claims but also substantiate them. These examples clearly show that, compared with previous studies of the historical anthroponymy of Lithuanian women (from noble and peasant estates) in the 16th–17th centuries, mostly conducted by Vitalija Maciejauskienė (1991: 250–278), the 1599–1621 Joniškis church register contains far more female anthroponyms formed according to Lithuanian patterns. This was apparently due to the ethnic composition of the inhabitants of Joniškis and the surrounding parish villages (Lithuanians predominated), as well as to the specific nature of the church register and the way it was kept.
1.3. It can only be surmised that in Lithuania there may have been other church registers written in a similar way in the late 16th and early 17th centuries. These books apparently simply did not survive to the present day. According to the 1579 visitation of the Diocese of Samogitia, church registers were already being kept in some churches (Ariogala, Krakės, Kražiai, Medininkai, Vilkija, Veliuona), “though they were recorded and stored with little care <...>, but the earliest surviving baptismal
16 Given the limited length of the article, only a small selection of representative examples has been presented. A more detailed subsequent analysis of the personal names (their formation, origin, etc.) of women living in the villages of Joniškis parish could be undertaken in an article devoted specifically to this topic (or in a longer study).
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Seniausios Lietuvoje 1599–1621 metų Joniškio krikšto metrikų knygos joniškiečių moterų asmenvardžiai lietuvių istorinės antroponimijos kontekste
baptismal register is that of Joniškis Church (Joniškis district), dating from 1599; the marriage register is that of Vilnius Church of St John, dating from 1602. Death registers were introduced in Lithuania much later. At the Wroblewski Library of the Lithuanian Academy of Sciences Manuscript Department17 there survives18 a copy of such a register of the Vilnius Missionary Church, kept from 1696” (Žilys 2012: 131). Besides these, other oldest registers in Lithuania are known: Merkinė (from 1604), Paberžė (from 1609; only fragments survive), Lankeliškiai (from 1612; the surviving portion of the book now begins in 1617), Plungė (from 1615), Tytuvėnai (from 1616), Krakės (from 1619), Dusetos (from 1619; lost during the Second World War), Šiluva (from 1622), Žagarė (from 1622), Vabalninkas (from 1623; whether it survives is unknown), Salantai (from 1631), Šiaulėnai (from 1637), Kamajai (from 1637), Švenčionys (from 1638), Seda (from 1640), Kupiškis (from 1641), Tauragnai (from 1644; burned during the Second World War), Prienai (from 1644), Šiauliai (from 1647), and others. Most of these registers listed above are from western or northern Lithuania (for more details, see Garliauskas 2009: 7–10; 2010: 8).
Female forms of personal names with Lithuanian suffixes have also been found in some of the early church registers mentioned above. These include the 1619–1635 baptismal and 1631–1635 marriage registers of Krakės; the 1604–1618 baptismal register and the 1615–1636 baptismal and marriage registers of Merkinė; the 1615–1659 marriage and 1616–1660 baptismal registers of Plungė; the 1641–1707 baptismal and marriage registers of Seda; the 1622–1728 baptismal and marriage registers of Šiluva; the 1638–1648 baptismal register of Švenčionys; the 1616–1635 baptismal and marriage registers of Tytuvėnai; and the 1622–1655 marriage register of Žagarė.
First to be noted are the few personal names of married women bearing the suffix -ienė (written in the sources as: -ene, -eni, -enia, -enie, -iene, -ieni, -ienie, -ini), e.g.: 1624 cum Elizabetha Alxminieni ŠlvK 122v, 1641 Dorothea Bernotenie SdK 19v, 1646 Barbara Buywidenie SdK 2v, 1646 Dorothea Drobenie SdK 3, 1646 zufan- na Garuzaytiene SdK 3v, 1645 Magdalena Grayčižiene SdK 1, 1617 Cum Barbara Ionųbaitene TytK 8v, 1646 HElizabeth Jurgelienie SdK 3, 1620 cu[m] Gertrudi juželeni PlnK 14, 1622 cum Dorothea Karlenia KrkK 31, 1646 Anna Kolenie SdK 3, 1646 Anna Konderaytenie SdK 2v, 1638 Vrsula kułdonene ŠvnčK 5, 1641 Anna Lifikiene SdK 20v, 1617 cum Anna Luzinieni PlnK 4v, 1646 Anna Normontienie SdK 3, 1646 Vliana ortienie SdK 3, 1638 Eua Petrene ŠvnčK 5, 1606 Iagnief- ka puniene MrkKl 16v, 1606 Dorotey Sapikiene MrkKl 19v, 1617 cum Catarina
17 Manuscripts Department of the Wroblewski Library of the Lithuanian Academy of Sciences.
Many more unmarried women's personal names with Lithuanian derivational formants, for example: 1625 cu[m] Elizabeta Anskinaitčia ŽgS 7v, 1617 Gertrudis Bartusiaiycie TytS 41, 1628 cum Marina benußbayčia ŽgS 15, 1620 Elena Bo-rybaycža MrkKII 13v, 1623 cum Catherina Gasparaičie ŽgS 5v, 1623 cum agneta Ianulaičia ŽgS 6, 1621 cum Magdalena Luknayčia KrkK 17, 1627 cum Gedrude Martinajčia ŽgS 13v, 1617 Dorothea Pasalityčia TytK 7, 1631 Hetrudie Powilaj-cia KrkS¹⁹, 1623 cum Ragina Stungajcie ŽgS 3v; 1641 Anna Abromayte SdK 20v, 1646 Cæcilia Bernotayte SdK 1, 1624 Elisabeth Darwanayte TytK 1v, 1616 cum Barbara Gotzayte TytS 39v, 1616 Anna Iurgielayte TytK 3v, 1631 cu[m] Magdalena klapßtayti PlnK 71, 1624 Gendruta Martinaite TytK 2, 1616 Cum Anna Matutay-te TytS 39v, 1628 Marina Miz yukaite PlnK 46, 1641 Marina Nartkayte SdK 19, 1624 Catharina Normuntaite TytK 1, 1624 Heduigis Noruel aite TytK 1v, 1624 Dorotha Palawaite TytK 1v, 1624 HEduigis Staniułayte TytK 2, 1617 cum Agnete Stasiułayte TytS 40v, 1646 Magdalena Stugaÿte SdK 2v, 1624 Annae Szyrwayte TytK 1v, 1632 Cu[m] Helizabetha Tomafzaytie TytS 73v, 1641 Cristina Wilkragāyte SdK 19, 1632 Agnetis Zemgulayte PlnK 80; 1620 Magdalena baltuliczia MrkKII 12, 1628 cum Anastasia ciapicia ŽgS 15v, 1625 Elena Dabrijkicia ŽgS 11v, 1625 Chriftina Daugelicia ŽgS 10, 1625 Agnetis Dowil ticia ŽgS 10, 1638 Catharina Jakßtycia ŠvnčK 1, 1638 Margareta Jonußkicia ŠvnčK 1, 1625 Cu[m] Vrsula Kibildičia ŽgS 7v, 1628 cum Sophia knetkicia ŽgS 15v, 1638 Anna Mikalicia ŠvnčK 1, 1606 Catharina Mikalicza MrkKII 16v, 1624 cum Barbara Misycia ŽgS 6v, 1623 cum Agnießka Pakßtycia ŽgS 6, 1623 cu[m] Elizabetha Pauliczia KrkK 45, 1625 Polonia Piragicia ŽgS 11, 1623 Catherina Ramoßkicia ŽgS 4v, 1624 cum Marina Rymkicia ŽgS 6v, 1622 Eduigis Staniulicza MrkKII 31v, 1628 cum Cristina Stanułicia ŽgS 15v, 1627 Agnetis Tautwajßicia ŽgS 13v, 1625 Dorothea Wien-rakicia ŽgS 7v, 1624 Barbara 3mirklicia ŽgS 6v; 1617 Cum Magdalena Ambrozeiu cza TytK 8, 1625 Eua Andreiu cia ŠlvK 125, 1624 Zophia Dagelucia TytK 2, 1625 Cum Elizabetha Dawniucia ŠlvK 125, 1625 Chriftina Krišiucia ŠlvK 128, 1616 ex matre Anna Lukofzucie TytK 4v, 1625 cum Dorothea Lukßucia ŠlvK 125v, 1620 Anna Milkucia MrkKII 12v, 1625 Barbare Piragucia ŠlvK 128, 1624 Mag-dalenam Stasiucia ŠlvS 130v, 1617 cum Feliciana Vr baniucze TytS 41, 1624 Cum Margareta Wayciulucia ŠlvK 122v, 1617 m[a]tre Anna zedelu{c}że TytK 7v, and others.
It was noted above that all ceremonies performed in church were recorded in certain liturgical books, which until 1633 were called agendas (Lat. Agenda), and later rituals (Lat. Rituale Sacramentorum). It is precisely there that liturgical texts in several languages are found (in order of presentation: Latin, Polish, Lithuanian,
19 Illegible page number (because of the poor condition of this church register).
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German, Latvian). In these liturgical books, instructions for those attending church were written in Lithuanian: the priest's words, questions, answers to the priest, formulas, the profession of faith, and so on. Participants in baptism and marriage ceremonies, as well as the priest, could communicate in Lithuanian, since “seventeenth- and eighteenth-century Latin Catholic liturgical books authorized the oral use of local languages in certain religious ceremonies” (Garliauskas 2001: 214). The 1616 Catholic agenda discussed above contained no regulations concerning the spelling of personal names and place names (ibid., 217). The Lithuanian texts in the liturgical books and the living spoken Lithuanian20, the practices of keeping church registers, the early chronology, and the general writing culture of the period may have influenced the emergence of Lithuanian forms of women's anthroponyms. Indeed, the earlier the period, the more often personal names were recorded in authentic forms, that is, the forms used by Lithuanians themselves (see Ragauskaitė 2005: 58–60). This was evidently characteristic of the old Lithuanian name stock as a whole.
1.4. In the context of research on Lithuanian historical anthroponymy, it also seems important to describe the prevalence of women's anthroponyms with Lithuanian suffixes in the historical name stocks of at least a few cities (Vilnius, Kaunas, and Kėdainiai).
The use of foreign languages in early seventeenth-century Vilnius had a major influence on the overall picture of the origins of personal names (Zinkevičius 1976: 125–130). “The book discusses more extensively than may at first seem necessary the historical circumstances of the period and the linguistic situation of the city of Vilnius—that is, the factors which in fact determined the use of personal names and shaped the names themselves” (Zinkevičius 1977: 4). One of the most important reasons was that the personal names of Vilnius residents of the period were heavily Slavicized: scribes replaced Lithuanian patronymic suffixes with Slavic ones. Therefore, “for personal names written in Polish <...>, the context in which they were recorded is important: the influence of the Polish language was growing in Lithuania, and from 1697 it became the official language of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, in which, by resolution of the Lithuanian Sejm, all documents were to be written” (Sinkevičiūtė, Račickaja 2014: 309). In the seventeenth-century baptismal records of Vilnius's Church of St. John, a single rather unclear instance was found of a woman's anthroponym written with a Lithuanian suffix: Barbara Bazukaitė, probably in place of eastern Bazukaitčia or Bazukaitica ‘Baziukaitė, daughter of Baziukas
20 Although the 1599–1621 Joniškis baptism register was written in Latin and Polish, echoes of the living Lithuanian language can be observed right at the beginning. These are several Lithuanian phrases: 1599 Gertrudis or, in Lithuanian, Gendr{uta}]JŃŠ 1 = Gendruta in Lithuanian; 1599 Kuisayčiu Kuniga Kle-bona gen. sg. JNŠ 4 = the parish priest of Kuisaičiai, 1599 From the old Konarzewskiene gen. sg. JNŠ 3 = From the old Konarževskienė; 1599 From Onušaičiai, from the district of Upytė JNŠ 3v = from Onušaičiai, from the district of Upytė (see also Garliauskas 1998: 138). In several baptism entries, a person's occupation, trade, activity, etc. is rendered with a Lithuanian lexeme: 1599 Caspari Mefinika, all from the small town of Janißki gen. sg. JNŠ 1 = butcher; 1601 Grigas bell-ringer <...> citizen of Janißki JNŠ 18 = bell-ringer. Similar entries can also be found in other historical sources (see Zinkevičius 1977: 60; Garliauskas 2001: 213; 2012: 73–74; Ragauskaitė 2005: 60).
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duktė’ (Zinkevičius 1977: 77). Tačiau kiti to meto rankraščiai parodė, kad Vilniuje bei jo apylinkėse tada buvo vartojamos moterų asmenvardžių formos su lietuviškais darybos elementais (min. veik., 77). Tai liudija, kad tarsi „vyko intensyvi kova tarp senosios lietuviškos asmenų nomenklatūros ir naujosios svetimos, kuri, palaikoma oficialiųjų dokumentų, ėmė vis labiau įsigalėti“ (min. veik., 111–112).
According to Edvardas Gudavičius, “as Kaunas lost its German character, it was not the Polish but the Lithuanian element that arose, finally gaining dominance in the first half of the sixteenth century” (Gudavičius 1999: 359). At the beginning of the sixteenth century, people of Lithuanian ethnicity made up the majority of Kaunas’s inhabitants (Kiaupa 1977: 15). The Lithuanian population—both Kaunas residents and newcomers from other parts of Lithuania—also brought most cases before the vogt’s court, which was the cheapest and therefore the most accessible (Kiaupa 1988: 28). It is stated that “there is no need to doubt Kaunas’s Lithuanian character in the seventeenth century—it does not differ, or differs very little, from other localities: it has a great many Lithuanians” (Lebedys 1976: 58). Thus, at the end of the seventeenth century, one of the mayors of Kaunas sang Pilypas Ruigys the song “O apynėli, žaliukėli” [Oh, little hop plant, little green one]. The magistrate members’ wives also spoke Lithuanian. This shows that not only the lower strata of the city but also its ruling elite knew Lithuanian (ibid., 54, 56–60). In the sixteenth century, the milieu of Kaunas’s chanceries was still Lithuanian. For the reasons mentioned, female anthroponyms with Lithuanian suffixes –aičia, –yčia, –ienė, –ikė, –iškė, –(i)ūčia were widespread in the sixteenth-century Kaunas name stock. Zigmantas Kiaupa also drew attention to this. First, he published women’s personal names formed with Lithuanian derivational morphology, drawn from the four earliest Kaunas vogt’s books (1542–1544, 1544, 1545, and 1550–1555) (Kiaupa 2000: 87–88). Most of these were anthroponyms formed with the Lithuanian suffix –ienė (81, i.e. 50.62%) (Ragauskaitė 2005: 107–108). The use of the suffix –iškė in the anthroponymy of women from Kaunas during this period is likewise a phenomenon observed in Kaunas record books. Later, as the milieu of the city’s chanceries changed, the situation became fundamentally different. Seventeenth-century Kaunas women’s personal names were most commonly formed with the Slavic suffixes –ova and –ovna (ibid., 113, 146).
Female anthroponyms from Kėdainiai have been found in seventeenth-century historical sources from Kėdainiai. The early city inventories of 1604, 1624, and 1666 that were examined are written in Polish, while the record books from 1623–1806 and 1690–1775 are in Polish and Latin. The inventories examined record not only the names of townspeople but also list their houses and the streets on which those houses stood²¹. Slavic suffixes are more common in these names: –owa (typically in the surnames of married women) and –owna (in the surnames of unmarried women): 1666 Dom P[ani] Buzewiczowey gen. sg. Kl₃₁, 1604 Miafto Kíęýdáný Rýnek prawa ftrona od moftú Hanny Gielezowey gen. sg. Kl₄, 1624 Vlica Kowienfka Abramowa Gięndrelowa Kl₂
21 These sources are truly unique not only for research into the history of personal names but also for the history of street names.
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8, 1690 <...> Ia Ewa Jankowska Małzonkowie Mieszczanie Miasta Kieydan[skiego] KAK₁ 24v, 1691 <...> Ia Barbara Adamowna Bartłomieiowa Jufsewiczowa Małzonkowie Mieβczanie Miasta Kieydan[skiego] KAK₁ 36v, 1624 Druga Strona Jakubowa Kramnikowa KI₂ 3, 1604 Ulica nad eÿfnilga prawa strona do dworu ÿdąc od rzęki niewiąży Hanna Kunigielowna KI₁ 9, 1624 Vlica Kowienska Adamowa Lelawβowa KI₂ 8, 1624 Janowa Łukaszewiczowa KI₂ 3v, 1691 <...> Ia Zophia Kurklinska Stanisławowa Staginska Małzonkowie Mieszczanie Miasta Kieydan[skiego] KAK₁ 26, 1624 Ogrodÿ nad Eÿsmilgą ÿ Gumna Adamowa Miκβewiczowa KI₂ 3, 1690 <...> Ia Ewa Butkiewiczowna Janowa Pawłowiczowa Małzonkowie Mieβczanie Miaſta Kieydan[skiego] KAK₁ 21, 1691 Ia Anna Jerzyna Marcinkiewiczowna Pronowska Obywatelka Miaſta Kieydan[skiego] KAK₁ 46, 1624 Kamienica Mikołaiowa Stagiełowa KI₂ 81, 1624 Vlica Szątska Mikołaiowa Tykniowa KI₂ 6, 1604 ulica nad niewiązą jasiuły wergielowej gen. sg. KI₁ 15v, 1604 ulicÿ od rynku lewa strona Giendru{t}ą Wiprikowna KI₁ 11v, 1690 Ia Katharyna Michniewiczowna Andrzeiowna Janowa Wysocka Mieszczanka Miasta Kieidan[skiego] KAK₁ 7v, 1604 Ulica ftara 3 rÿnku lewa strona Magdalena {Ż}eÿkniowa KI₁ 7v and others.
However, seventeenth-century records still occasionally contain individual personal names of townspeople with Lithuanian suffixes –aičia (spelled in two ways: –aycia, –ayčia), –yčia (spelled –ica): 1604 Miaſta Kieÿdany 3a ręka niewiązą Paliula Budrayčia KI₁ 14v, 1690 Zofia Jafaycia KAK₂ 4, 1690 Ia Anna Jeywaycia Macieiowa Garnelowa Mieszczka Miaſta Kieydan[skiego] KAK₂ 16, 1690–1775 Ia Zofia Mazaycia Zwilgowa KAK₂ 74, 1690 Pani Zofia Plawfzkaycia Piotrowa Mordafzewiczowa KAK₂ 13, 1624 Vlica Stara Barbara Sabulica KI₂ 2; 1604 Miaſta Kieÿdany 3a ręka niewiązą jęva Wataÿcia KI₁ 13v.
In the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, the Calvinist Reformers of Kėdainiai took great care to foster the Lithuanian language (KNK 22). In the seventeenth century, this city was a prominent center of Reformed Lithuanian culture in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania. Worship services in Lithuanian were held in Kėdainiai from the third decade of the seventeenth century onward, with only a five-year interruption (1682–1687) (Lukšaitė 1970: 23). The city’s own mayor, Steponas Jaugelis Telega, took part in a session of the city’s Reformed community, where it was decided to prepare books needed for Lithuanian-language services. The well-known city mayor Juozapas Lipskis and others also actively participated in the activities of the Reformed community (Lukšaitė 2001: 12). Given that Lithuanian was still heard in Kėdainiai’s public life in the seventeenth century, these manifestations of Lithuanian culture were presumably reflected to some extent in the manuscripts examined as well. Without this social and cultural context discussed above, the entries in old manuscripts would be silent (Параускайте 2012: 218).
A comparative analysis of the word-formation tendencies in the name stocks of different Lithuanian cities (Vilnius, Kaunas, Kėdainiai) has shown that the inventory of Lithuanian suffixes in the female personal names from Joniškis discussed above is not exceptional; it is simply a fact documented in the 1599–1621 Joniškis baptismal register. Therefore, research into the historical personal names of the Lithuanian townspeople
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(women) should be continued. It is likely that still more authentic anthroponyms, by which Lithuanian townswomen were known in the living language of their communities at the time, may be found in other sixteenth- and seventeenth-century historical documents.
2. CONCLUSIONS
2.1. The article discussed, primarily from the perspective of word formation, 122 anthroponyms of women from Joniškis (the latter members of a two-part naming model) extracted from the 1599–1621 Joniškis baptismal register.
2.2. Their analysis revealed that the formation of personal names among the inhabitants of Joniškis at that time was indeed distinctive. The personal names of 32 (26% of all second anthroponyms in two-part names) were recorded with Lithuanian suffixes -aičia, -yčia, -ienė, -(i)ūčia, while the rest had Slavic suffixes -ova, -ovna. Three personal names (2.46%) with Polish-type suffixes -sk- were classified as derivatives with the ending -a.
2.3. In total, 32 forms of women’s anthroponyms from 1599–1621 with Lithuanian suffixes were reconstructed and compared with present-day Lithuanian surnames. Most—28 (87.5% of all reconstructed forms)—have clear counterparts in today’s name stock. Some—2 (6.25%)—have counterparts of the same origin but formed differently among present-day Lithuanian men’s surnames. The remaining 2 (6.25%) were derived from men’s personal names that are not attested in today’s name stock.
2.4. The nomenclature of Lithuanian suffixes in the anthroponyms of Joniškis residents discussed here is not the only phenomenon identified in the 1599–1621 Joniškis baptismal register. Lithuanian suffixes in women’s personal names have also been found in the name stocks of other old parishes (Krakės, Merkinė, Plungė, Seda, Šiluva, Švenčionys, Tytuvėnai, Žagarė). This has not been characteristic of previous studies of Lithuanian women’s anthroponymy in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, which focused mainly on peasants and noblewomen.
2.5. The findings of the analysis of Joniškis residents’ anthroponyms were also compared with the conclusions of analyses of word formation in the sixteenth- and seventeenth-century Kaunas municipal court books and the seventeenth-century name stocks of Vilnius and Kėdainiai. This comparison revealed that women’s personal names containing Lithuanian word-formation elements were still in use in the name stocks of these cities at that time.
2.6. Historical anthroponyms of the inhabitants of Lithuanian cities require further study. Such future research could supplement and refine the claims presented here.
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APPENDICES
FIG. 1. A 1599 fragment in Latin from the 1599–1621 Joniškis baptismal register (leaf 1)
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FIG. 2. A 1607 fragment in Polish from the 1599–1621 Joniškis baptismal register (fol. 88)
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ŠALTINIAI
Joniškio 1599–1621 metų krikšto metrikų knyga [„Liber Baptisatoru[m] Ecc[lesi]æ Parochialis Janiscensis ab Anno 1599. – usq[ue] ad An[n]um 1621. –“]. LVIA. F. 1196. Ap. 1. B. 76. (JNŠ)
Kėdainių 1604 metų inventorius. VUBRS. F. 4. A1723. B. 34308a. (KI1)
Kėdainių 1623–1806 metų aktų knyga. LVIA. F. SA. B. 15360. (KAK1)
Kėdainių 1624 metų inventorius [„Inwentarz spíłany ẏmíenia Kíeydanſkiego wíelmoznego pana ye°[go] m[o]ści pana Stanisława Ki[ż]ki Woiewodzica Witebſkie°[go] <...>“]. VUBRS. F. 4. A1724. B. 34308b. (KI2)
Kėdainių 1666 metų inventorius [„Inwentarz miasta Kieydanskiego 1666“]. VUBRS. F. 4. A215. B. 16891. (KI3)
Kėdainių 1690–1775 metų aktų knyga [„Księga Aktowych Dokumentow Roku 1690 do Roku 1775“]. LVIA. F. SA. B. 15357. (KAK2)
Krakių 1619–1635 metų krikšto ir 1631–1635 metų santuokų metrikų knyga. LVIA. F. 1122. Ap. 1. B. 1. (KrkK)
Merkinės 1604–1618 metų krikšto metrikų knyga. LVIA. F. 1541. Ap. 1. B. 1. (MrkKI)
Merkinės 1615–1636 metų krikšto ir santuokų metrikų knyga. LVIA. F. 1541. Ap. 1. B. 2. (MrkKII)
Plungės 1615–1659 metų santuokų ir 1616–1660 metų krikšto metrikų knyga. F. 1827. Ap. 1. B. 1. (PlnK)
Sedos 1641–1707 metų krikšto ir santuokų metrikų knyga. F. 1455. Ap. 1. B. 13 (SdK)
Šiluvos 1622–1728 metų krikšto ir santuokų metrikų knyga. LVIA. F. 1575. Ap. 1. B. 2. (ŠlvK)
Švenčionių 1638–1648 metų krikšto metrikų knyga. Švenčionių bažnyčios archyvas. (ŠvnčK)
Tytuvėnų 1616–1635 metų krikšto ir santuokų metrikų knyga. LVIA. F. 1522. Ap. 1. B. 7. (TytK, TytS)
Žagarės 1622–1655 metų santuokų metrikų knyga. LVIA. F. 1191. Ap. 1. B. 1. (ŽgS)
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LITERATŪRA
Garliauskas Vidas 1998: Lietuviškos oikonimų lytys nelietuviškuose XVI–XIX a. šaltiniuose. – Lietuvių kalbotyros klausimai 40, 123–204.
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Lebedys Jurgis 1976: Lietuvių kalba XVII–XVIII a. viešajame gyvenime. Vilnius: Mokslas.
LKA III – Lietuvių kalbos atlasas. Morfologija 3. Vilnius: Mokslas, 1991.
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LKD – Lietuvos katalikų dvasininkai XIV–XVI a. Bažnyčios istorijos studijos 2, aut. Vytautas Ališauskas, Tomasz Jaszczolt, Liudas Jovaiša, Mindaugas Paknys. Vilnius: Aidai, 2009.
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Personal Names of Joniškis Women from the Oldest Lithuanian Baptismal Register of Joniškis of 1599–1621 in the Context of Lithuanian Historical Anthroponymy
SUMMARY
The author of the article continues the research of historical proper names from the oldest known Lithuanian baptismal register of Joniškis dating to 1599–1621. This time the article presents an in-depth analysis of 122 personal names of Joniškis women in terms of their formation (second components of the binary naming model). The analysis revealed that 32 (i.e. 26 per cent of all second anthroponyms in binary names) recorded female personal names bear Lithuanian suffixes -aičia, -yčia, -ienė, -(i)ūčia, whereas the remaining ones contain Slavic suffixes -ova, -ovna. 3 personal names (2.46%) bearing Polish -šk- type suffixes were attributed to ending -a derivatives. 32 forms of personal names of Joniškis women in total, dating to 1599–1621, which contain Lithuanian suffixes, were restored and compared to contemporary Lithuanian surnames. The majority, i.e. 28 (87.5%)
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of the restored forms have clear equivalents among modern-day personal names. Only 2 (6.25%) of them have the equivalents of the same origin but different formation among contemporary Lithuanian male surnames. The remaining 2 (6.25%) were formed from male personal names which are no longer apparent among contemporary personal names. Lithuanian suffixes of female anthroponyms may not only be traced among the historical proper names of Joniškis but also Krakiai, Merkinė, Plungė, Seda, Šiluva, Švenčionys, Tytuvėnai, Žagarė parishes. The results of the analysis of anthroponyms of Joniškis women were also compared to the conclusions of the analysis of formation of personal names from Kaunas registers of the 16th–17th centuries and 17th century Vilnius and Kėdainiai manuscript registers. It leads to the conclusion that female personal names bearing Lithuanian suffixes were also recorded in the manuscript registers of these cities.
In the future the research will focus on the historical anthroponyms of female residents from other Lithuanian cities. Only further studies can supplement the statements presented in the article.
