LIETUVIŲ KALBOTYROS KLAUSIMAI, II

LIETUVOS TSR MOKSLŲ AKADEMIJA

NOUN INFLECTION IN THE LINKMENYS DIALECT

J. KARDELYTĖ

The area of the Linkmenys (linkmenės; hereafter Lkm) dialect covers the northern part of Švenčionėliai district. This dialect includes 50 villages. Its largest center is Linkmenys. The dialect area extends approximately 12 km north of Lkm, 8 km south, and 7 km each to the east and west. An attempt was made to determine the size of the dialect area on the basis of two main phonetic criteria: 1. *tj, *dj > c, dž, e.g.: mažai, svėčas¹, džaukšmas, medžei; 2. the old long Baltic (and Indo-European) a has been preserved when unstressed, only shortened to half-long, while under stress ā > o, e.g.: na.rėjau, but nūru, sta.vėjau, but stóvju (the dialect's o is much more open than standard Lithuanian o).

§ 1. Gender of nouns.

In the Linkmenys dialect, nouns are masculine, feminine, or common gender. Gender is usually defined morphologically, although at times a morphological feature (stem, ending, declension) indicates the opposite gender. The modifier usually agrees in gender with the word it modifies as well. E.g.: pamergi·s (tóks jaunas pamergi·s, but also — nū, ir graži pamergi·s); darbin·kas (tóks ti iš jos ir darbini·kas; baizd darbin·kas tó ju. mergą; but also — anā tai darbini·ke., nė sedi runku. sudėjus).

Some masculine surnames have, by their form, an ending like that of standard Lithuanian feminine nouns, e.g.: daili·de., dru.teikà, maceikà, mažèikà.

§ 2. Other nouns are also used in parallel in both masculine and feminine gender, without a difference in meaning, e.g.: gi.slõnas || gi.slõnė. “Plantago,” paũkšti.s || paũkštė., pũ.srubli.s || pũ.srubla., pilnatis || pilnatė. || pilnati.s “full moon,” varnalėša || varnalėšas. Likewise, some nouns with the prefixes ažũ-, api-, api-, pa-, e.g.: ažũ.lunkė. || ažũ.lunki.s “detour,” ažũ.stala. || ažũ.stali.s, ažũ.peče. || ažũ.peči.s, ažũ.ve.ja || ažũ.ve.ji.s, ažũ.kumpe. || ažũ.kumpi.s, api'tumsa. || api'tumsi.s || apitumsi·s “twilight,” api'jausra. || api'jausri.s || apijausri·s; pastalė || pastali·s, pasiola. || pasioli.s, pamiškė || pamiški·s, pabałė || pabałi·s, but only panõsa., paaki·s, paausi·s.

§ 3. Common gender

is quite common in the dialect. Most nouns of this gender have an o-stem, e.g.: api.kula “a kind of head covering,” dilba, “a tall and awkward person,” drimbaila, džusna, i.šjuoka “one who makes fun of everyone,” kerešpla, kėrpla.ša,

¹ In addition to the three accent marks used in standard Lithuanian, the dialect description also uses a mark for the circumflex accent (ˇ), which indicates either a half-long sound or a stressed syllable in a word, e.g.: bu.va, vi.sas, du'mai, šuolas.

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kevėša, kevėrža, klėiva, klipsà “disheveled,” kramūila, kramėžà “one who often coughs,” kvaiša, lepsà, lėrva, liūpauka “loser,” meletà “one who talks a lot and quickly,” meketà, mikšà, naktipóva “night owl,” pakaràila “reckless person,” pakusà “one who tempts and urges others,” pašàipa “one who makes fun of others,” pešėna “a disheveled person,” pečėlinda “soiled, covered in soot,” rógla, sanatà “one who is interested in everything, curious, serious; used of young people,” sti.pena “a dried-up person,” šū.kata “a dried-up, sickly person,” šaukola “one who speaks loudly, shouts,” šepetà “a disheveled person,” škabálda “clumsy,” tepsà, vepsà, ža.pli.nà.

o-stems: muklà, šuplà “toothless,” truklà “stout, clumsy.”

a-stems: lūšas, taiškalas.

ė-stems: mėme. “quiet, taciturn,” kėve. “a poor horse,” klabáte. “a disheveled person,” žiuobra. ~ žiuobrė “black, filthy.”

§ 4. Number.

In addition to the singular and plural, the masculine dual is also used with the numeral du ‘two’ and the pronoun abu ‘both.’ It occurs only in the accusative case, for example: dù baišoni “very large” klūonu jau iškū.la.; dù kupstelìu supì.la, ir ganà; abù laukù šū.ves “brought together”; abù bernokù išlaide., tai šì.ka kai pirštas. The following expression in the feminine was heard: abì akì išdū.ra., ir ganà.

Singular and plural nouns are as in standard Lithuanian. However, when referring to the quantity or abundance of a substance, singular nouns are often also used in the plural in the dialect, for example: kėturaz duonas iškèpiau; žėri kaip devìna. saula.s; tri saulalàs pralàisi ir grìšk namò; par jùos tai baisu. sme.lė; tokì plòtai ažùsėta, kadù jùos apkùokna.sma “we will go around them, get the work done.” Plural nouns in expressions where a portion of a substance is meant are sometimes used in the singular, for example: š.šeigai ir márškina. netù.ri; kruòpu. iñmetei pūòdan, tai vǐs tirščài; raìka mìlta. acinėšt; màlka sausà, tai nàta “very” dèga; nei táuka., nei làšina. vì.su. žiēm nemàtė.

§ 5. Case.

In addition to the seven cases of standard Lithuanian, the dialect also uses the illative (found throughout eastern Lithuania), for example: miškan, pieva.n, laukùosna, -an, -nan, dirva.sna, -an, -nan.

The dialect has nouns with stems and accentuation patterns that differ from those in standard Lithuanian. Such forms are listed after the paradigms.

§ 6. a-, ia-stem

Singular

V. krū̀mas, mi̇̀škas, piršlìs, mèdis, kė̀las, vagìs

K. krū̀ma., mi̇̀ška., piršlà.

N. krū̀mui, mi̇̀škui, piršlìui

G. krū̀mu., mi̇̀šku., piršlì., kė̀lu.

Įn. krū̀mu, miškù, piršlù

Vt. krū̀mi, miškì, mèdi., kė̀li.

Š. bernè, apùoke, piršlì, piršlì', vagìe

Il. krū̀man, miškàn, mèdin, kė̀lan

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Plural

V. krū'mai, miškai, piršlėi, medžei

K. krū'mų, miškų, piršlų, medžų.

N. krū'mam, miškám, piršlám, medžam

G. krū'mus, miškùs, piršlùs

Įn. krū'mais, miškais, piršlėis, medžeis

Vt. krū'muos(u), miškuos(ū), medžuos(u), keliuos(ū)

Š. krū'muosna, -san, -snam; medžuosna, -san, -snam

miškuosna, -san, -snam; keliuosna, -san, -snam

a-, ai-stem. characteristics of noun case endings

§ 7. The singular nominative ending of a-stem nouns never loses its mobile a. The ia-stem has two endings: -i’s (stressed), -i.s (unstressed), and -(i)as. -i.s is an unstressed contraction of the old ending; compare Prussian rikijs and the Baltic borrowing in Estonian, tagijas. Such an ending is also found in all ia-stem personal names. Those eastern Lithuanian dialects that do not shorten endings (Kupiškis, Svėdasai, Dusetos, Rokiškis, Zarasai, Tauragnai, all eastern Dzūkians) also have this ending. Only one word has the ending is—vagis, which is declined like piršl’is, but its singular vocative alone belongs to the i-stem.

Alongside mėdi.s, the dialect also has medžas. The latter gender form is used in the sense of a felled tree (e.g.: there’s plenty of such beautiful medža.; such medžas grow well; beautiful medža grow near it—here building timber is meant). medžas is used in this sense only in the singular; in the plural it means not felled trees but growing ones. This form is used in this sense by all eastern Dzūkians as well as by the žalininkai and žadininkai. In the Gervėčiai and Pelesa areas it is used in the sense of ‘forest’ (e.g.: the cow wandered into the medžas; a beautiful medžas is growing). The form medžas is probably older than medis.

§ 8. The singular locative of ia-stem nouns has no ending -je: -i. (baritones) and -i’ (oxyt ones). This ending also occurs with i-stems and consonant stems (see §§ 34, 37, 41, 44).

§ 9. Singular illative: -a-stem. is -an (<-*ama); ia-stem. -in (<-*ina). Such an illative with the corresponding stem-final vowels is also found in all other stems.

§ 10. The singular vocative of many a-stem nouns is used both with the stem-final vowel -e- and with the ending -ai, e.g.: apušoke || -ai, baravì.ke || -ai, baròne || -ai, kàtine || -ai, kèrpla.še || -ai, kelmè || -ai, pirmìni.ke || -ai, pašè || -ai, ragè || -ai, tèvai || -e.

Some a-stem nouns occur only with the stem-final vowel -e, e.g.: diẽve, vaikė, vargè, vĩ.re; others only with -ai, e.g., krūmai.

Proper names and words used in their place have the ending -ai, in the singular vocative; polysyllabic forms may also occur without this ending, e.g.: adòmai || àda.m, jarūonimai || jarūonim, juòzupai || juòzup, mĩ.kai, pėtrai, untā.nai || unta.n, ta.tū.kai || tātuk, sanèlū.kai || sànèluk, de.dūlù.kai || de.dùluk.

For surnames and names with the suffixes -(i)okas, -(i)u.kas, the vocative form consists only of the bare stem, e.g.: àlekna.k, blàiša.k, kàrdela.k, kàza.k, unā.tana.k, mažèikuk, bìn-da.ruk, pėtruk, stàsuk. For forms with the suffixes -ojas, -ėjas, the singular vocative ending is that of the iu-stem, e.g.: artòjau, pja.vėjau. The singular vocative of bròlis is bròli and bra.lū. This form is also used in a shortened form and has only a particle-like meaning—brò and brà (where were you, brà || brò; that was a fine life).

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§ 11. The dative plural forms have no final s.

§ 12. The locative plural forms are of two kinds: those with the ending -su and a phonologically shortened form (without -u). The fuller form, i.e. the one with -su, is used more often. This ending also occurs in other stems. The feminine gender is used only with -su; the masculine gender is already tending toward shortening. This ending is found in old writings and in other Indo-European languages (cf. Sanskrit ášveṣu, Old Church Slavonic dušexo); forms with this ending are also still used by all dialect speakers in the Švenčionėliai and Švenčionys areas.

§ 13. The illative plural has three types of ending.² -uosna, -uosan, -uosnan.

§ 14. In the dialect, the following words also belong to the a- and ia-stems: atósta.gai, balãnas, brūnduolas, kùlnas “heel,” nũ.maras, pėdas “foot”; ave.ti’s, jurgi.mi.s “dahlia,” dugni’s, ludakaĩti.s “pike,” pagãlvi.s “pillow,” pažašti’s, pažãuni.s, ramū.ni.s, skrì.beli.s, ungli.s (see also § 2).

§ 15. Disyllabic words of accentuation class IV may have stress on either the stem or the ending in the singular vocative, e.g.: maišė || -ė, vargė || -ė, vaikė || -ė. Only the word dievė always has stress on the stem.

Shortened singular vocative forms of proper names and words used in their place have stress on the stem, e.g.: kažuk, pėtruk, unt.a.n, tãuk, sãneluk. Only when these words are pronounced with a particular intonation (calling from a distance) is the word-final syllable sometimes stressed as well, e.g.: kažù.k, untãn, saneliũ.k.

In all other cases, the stress location coincides with that of the standard language.

§ 16. The following a- and ia-stem words are stressed differently in the dialect than in the standard language:

Accentuation class I. a-stems: amãtin.kas, dvarìni.kas, gi.slõnas, kálnas, kùodas, skùndas, težas (the older stress location is retained in all singular and plural cases); nouns with the suffix -unas: bastũnas “one who wanders,” keikũnas “one who curses,” raudũnas “one who weeps,” sailũnas “spitty person,” snibždũnas “mumbler, sorcerer.” ia-stems: gi.vaplaukis, giõli.s, gurũli.s “a hard clod of earth,” cf.: dirva.j vienì gurvòlei, šì.vis neìšakėta, stiobri.s.

Accentuation class II. a-stems: kūolas, kmĩnas, lauštùvas, plėntas. ia-stems: aple.paiši.s, gra.blãdu.ni.s “rake-toothed,” vürži.s, žvagũ.li.s “little bell.”

Accentuation class III. a-stems: grãbe.stas, ágrastas, akūotas (singular I), ìnkstas, ìntapas, jãžminas, kãimas (singular I), kūodas, pãvi.das, pu.dìmas, šãutùvas (singular I). ia-stems: api.-vakarì.s, rũ.pesti.s, terpežì.s, ve.škelì.s, va.ke.ti’s; nouns with the suffixes: -ėjas³, e.g.: a.rėjas, pja.vėjas, kirtejas, rišėjas, ša.kėjas; -ìnas, e.g.: alksmì.nas, berã.nas, kimsmì.nas, u.žuolì.nas.

§ 17. o-, io-stems

Singular

Nom. pieva, šakà, gĩrà, martì; Gen. pievà.s, šakõs, gĩ.ra.s, marcõs; Dat. pievài, gi.rei; Acc. pievù., gi.rù.; Instr. pievù, šakù, gĩrù; Loc. pievà.j, šakõj, gi.ra.j, vilnõj; Voc. šãka, mũ.sa; Illat. pievà.n, šakõn, gi.ra.n, vilnõn

²See A. Laigonaitė, Locatives in Contemporary Lithuanian, Candidate of Philological Sciences dissertation, manuscript, 31–35, Vilnius, 1956.

³Forms with the suffix -ėjas in the singular have accent paradigm I.

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Plural

Nom. pieva,s, gi.fa,s

Gen. pievu., šakū., gi.fu., marcū.

Dat. pieva.m, šakōm, gi.fa.m, marcōm

Acc. pievās, šakās, gi.fās

Instr. pieva.m, šakōm, gi.fa.m, marcōm

Loc. pieva.su, šakōsū, gi.fa.su, ailōsū

Voc. gālva.s, gi.fa.s

Illat. pieva.sna, -san, -snan; gi.fa.sna, -san, -snan; šakōsna, -san, -snan; ailōsna, -san, -snan

Features of the case endings of o- and io-stem nouns

§ 18. The singular locative has no final -e; -e.j (barytones), -oi (oxytone forms).

§ 19. The plural dative and instrumental endings are dual forms: -a.m (barytones) and -om (oxytone forms). For the singular illative and the plural locative and illative, see §§ 9, 12, 13.

§ 20. In the dialect, the following words are also o- and io-stems: api.va.ra, akī.zara, bailà “fear,” bùlba, gáilista “regret,” gírsa “bentgrass,” lirdà, mãsala, nagà “nail,” pãgra.psta.s “scrapings,” pôva “peacock,” strėlà “arrow,” sù.plaukas “swing,” šli.na, tirštuma.s, vėžà, u.škunda “snack”; ailà, bruknà, dalà “1. fate 2. part,” ladaunà “ice cream parlour,” meškerà, mušà, stãlaka.ja “table leg,” salà “hall,” špulà, tarpū.ka.ja, u.žėnà “shelter.”

§ 21. In the dialect, women’s e-stem names have shifted to ia-stems (perhaps under the influence of Belarusian), e.g.: genà, janà, marà, stašà, vilà. These forms always have stress on the ending.

§ 22. Unlike in the lk. dialect, the following o- and io-stem words are stressed as indicated: Accent paradigm I. o-stems: išrù.ga.s, pãma.ka, vãlunda, šãrna (also III), žãuna (also III); nouns with the suffixes: -i.kla, e.g.: gan'i.kla, gird'i.kla, mu.k'i.kla, skerd'i.kla; -i.na⁴, e.g.: ba.bi'na, bulbi'na, karvi'na, višti'na.

io-stems: atãsaja “part of a harness,” ažū.ve.ja, and also nouns with the suffix -i'ča, e.g.: alekni'ča “Aleknios’s daughter,” dru.teik'i'ča “Drūteika’s daughter,” kardel'i'ča.

Accent paradigm II. a-stems: lū.ba.s, meškà; ia-stems: eidã.s.

Accent paradigm III. o-stems: kãmana.s (also I), su.sparà; nouns with the suffix -iena, e.g.: avižienà “an oat field after the oats have been cut,” me.žienà “the same,” rugienà; io-stems: akėča.s (also I).

Accent paradigm IV. a-stems: du dà, ošrà, valkšnà “one sweep of a net.” ia-stems: pirkà, and also nouns with the suffix -ėjā, e.g.: pja.vējā, rišējā, siuvējā.

§ 23. é-stem

In the dialect, nearly all e-stem nouns are feminine. Only dėdė., tėtė. (new), dail.dė. (surname) are masculine; there are also a couple of examples of common gender (see § 3).

⁴ The suffix -i'na has an augmentative and pejorative meaning.

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Singular

Plural

Nom. ū.pæ., katė ū.pæ.s

Gen. ū.pæ.s, katės ū.pju., kačių

Dat. ū.pei ū.pæ.m, katėm

Acc. ū.pi. upės

Instr. upi ū.pæ.m, katėm

Loc. ū.pæ.j, duobėj ū.pæ.su, duobėsu

Voc. lāpe lāpe.s

Ill. ū.pæ.n, duobėn ū.pæ.sna, -san, -sman

into the pits, -san, -sman

ė-stem. Characteristics of noun case endings.

§ 24. The singular locative has no final -e., -ėj (barytones), -ėj (oxytone words). The plural dative and instrumental endings are dual: -æ.m (barytones), -ėm (oxytone words). For the singular accusative, plural locative and accusative, see §§ 9, 12, 13.

The word ž.e.vė ~ žievė has two singular instrumental endings: -i (< -en) —žievį and -u — žievju. The second ending has been generalized from the io-stem pattern.

§ 25. The vocative singular forms of nouns with the suffixes -otæ., -u.tæ., -ėlu.tæ. are mostly just the bare stem, e.g.: galva.t (į) “little head,” mergā.t (į), aušca.t (į), māru(t) “Marytė,” stāsu(t), sānėlu(t), runėkelu(t). The final consonant is usually hard, more rarely soft. These forms always bear stress on the root. Forms ending in -e are used very rarely, e.g.: mergōte, danū.te, skaralū.te. Such forms always bear stress on the suffix.

Nouns with the suffix -ėlote. are more often used in the vocative singular with -e, and more rarely as a bare stem, e.g.: avelėte, galvelėte, ka.jelote. These forms bear stress on the suffix.

§ 26. All ė-stem nouns whose stem-final consonants are l, r, s (more rarely, n, t), e.g.: sāula., kepū.ra., pū.sa. are declined according to the paradigm given above, but their ending vowels have undergone qualitative changes in accordance with the dialect’s phonetic laws.

§ 27. The dialect also has the following ė-stem words: atvirū.tæ., aukšlė “aukšlys (a fish),” dālgæ., darbīmetæ., kasāpine. “ribbon,” krikštāšuola. “the place of honor at the table,” kū.late. “threshing,” lāive. “boat,” mālate. “grinding,” mušōmira. “fly agaric,” saldaine., tarpū.kalna., tōšæ., ug nākura., ver pate. “spinning,” žibinkšte. (see also § 2).

For words of the type pū.snis, ū.snis, see § 42.

§ 28. Unlike in the lk. dialect, the following ė-stem nouns are stressed as follows:

Accentuation class I: gārbe. “honor,” me.li.ne. (berry), žū.kla.~žūklė; nouns with the suffixes -eli.tæ., -elu.tæ., -u.tæ., e.g.: galve.l'tæ., mergeli.tæ., ba.be.lū.tæ., sukne.lū.tæ., kašū.tæ., runkū.tæ..

Accentuation class II: kāla.~kalė, lėla.~lėlė, mī.sla., rupū.že., skrāgždæ.~skregždė, žvaigždæ.

Accentuation class III: buožė, duobė, indrė “reed,” ri.kštė, sailė, starblė; nouns with the suffix -i.kle, e.g.: baidi.kle, šaudi.kle, ve.ti.kle..

Accentuation class IV: blizgė, gnū.štė, gri.štė, ke.lė~kielė, žlu.gė.

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§ 29. u-, iu- stems

All u-, iu--stem nouns in the dialect are masculine.

Singular

Nom. turgus, medùs, pūodžus

Gen. turgaus, medaũs, pūodžiaus

Dat. turgui, pūodžiui

Acc. turgų, pūodžų;

Instr. turgum || turgù, medum, pūodžum || pūodžiu

Loc. turgùj, medùj, pakraũšu || pakraũši.

All. su.nau, pūodžau

Ill. turgun, medun, pakraũšun || pakraũšin

Plural

V. turgai, pūodžei

K. turgų, pūodžių

N. turgam, pūodžam

G. turgūs, pūodžūs

Instr. with markets, with pots

Loc. at the market, at the roadside

Š. su.nai, pūodžei

Il. turg(u)osna, -san, -snan; pakraũšuosna, -san, -snan.

§ 30. Two-syllable u-, iu-stem nouns in the dative singular retain the endings of their stems in all cases; only in the instrumental there is a tendency to shift to a-, ia-stems (not with all words; for example, with honey is used only with the u-stem gender), although the endings of u-, iu-stems are used more often.

§ 31. Daugiaskiemeniai daiktavardžiai šalia savo kamienų galūnių turi ir ia-kam. galūnes, pvz.: vasarõjus || vasarõjas, vasarõjaus || vasarõja, vasarõjum || vasarõjan || vasarõjin.

§ 32. In the plural, both two-syllable and polysyllabic nouns have a-, ia-stem endings in all cases. Only the word midday meal (meaning a meal eaten at noon) retains u-stem endings in all cases, except in the instrumental, where it has an a-stem:

V. pietus

K. pe.tū

N. pe.tūm

G. pietūs

Ill. pe.tūm || pe.tais

The dative and instrumental forms are dual:

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Cases of stem mixing

§ 33. In the Lkm. dialect, i- and consonant stems are mixed (in the same words, some endings belong to the i-stem, others to the consonant stem). The same forms are also often used with endings of other stems (a-, ia-, o-, io-, ē-). Words whose stems are mixed in various cases are divided into 5 groups according to more or less uniform case endings (primarily, the singular genitive and plural nominative and genitive have been taken into account). The first group comprises pure i-stem nouns. Few such nouns were found in the dialect.

I

§ 34.

Singular

Plural

V.

akìs

akì.s

K.

akìes, nòses

akũ', nòšù.

N.

ákei

akìm

G.

áki.

akìs

Ill.

akù~akia

akìm

Loc.

akì', nòši.

aki'sù || aki'sù || aki'su

Š.

naktìe, nòse

áki.s

Ill.

akìn, nòsin

aki'san, -sna, -snan

§ 35. Akìs is declined like dalìs, márštis, naktìs, nòsis, páltis, šàlis. Most case forms of these words have retained the endings of the i-stem, but they are most often affected by the dialect’s phonetic laws.

§ 36. The singular locative is as in the standard language, but without the ending -je. For the singular and plural illative, see §§ 9, 13. The singular instrumental of all these words has the io-stem ending: akù, nòšu, nakù, dalù. The word makštìs in the singular instrumental, in addition to the io-stem ending, also has the i-stem ending: makščiu || makš-tìm; the word šàlis in the singular instrumental has only the i-stem ending: šalìm (this word is recent in the dialect). The plural dative and instrumental forms are dual forms (baritones do not differ in intonation either, e.g., nòšim). Three forms are used in the plural locative. The form aki'sù has the old ending (cf. § 12) and is used more often. The forms with the endings -i'sù and -i'su are contaminated forms (cf. standard-language akyše). It would be difficult to say whether the stress of forms such as aki'su, naktì'su, etc. is an old accentuation or has been retracted from the ending, since the dialect does not distinguish whether the stressed syllable in these forms has a falling or a rising accent.

II

§ 37.

Vienaskaita

Daugiskaita

V.

pìrtis

pìrtes || pìrtì.s

K.

pìrtès

pìrcù.

N.

pìrtei || pìrtei

pìrtìm

G.

pìrtì.

pìrtìs, svìrtis

Įn.

pìrcù || pìrtì

pìrtìm

Vt.

pìrtì', svìrtì.

pìrtìsù || pìrtì'sù || pìrtì'su

Š.

širdìe, svìrte

žvèras || žvèri.s

Il.

pìrtìn

pìrtì'san, -sna, -snan

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§ 38. Like pirtìs, širdìs and šùtis (IV accent) are declined: “an area covered by one sweep of a scythe or sickle,” a.belės, akalūnės, ašìs, atajūnės, atlikūnės, ausìs, blužnìs, dū.ras, gelazìs, geluonìs, grūndìs, ligōnìs, lū.tìs, me.scōnìs, mōterìs, perajūnìs, prāpultìs, ru.šìs, ru.kštìs, skauturìs, svìrtìs, šaknìs, šerdìs, tūlzìs, votìs, žvėrìs, žuvìs.

§ 39. The genitive singular of all the words in this group has retained the consonant-stem ending -es. Under the influence of standard Lithuanian, some younger dialect speakers are already beginning (rarely) to use forms with an i-stem ending as well: ausìes, pirtìes, žuvìes. Some words whose stems end in the consonants z, d have, in the nominative singular, both an ē-stem ending (used more often) and an io-stem ending, e.g.: prāpultei || prāpulcei, ru.kšteì || ru.kšcei, svìrtei || svìrcei, vōtei || vōcei, although the words grūndìs, kūndìs, lū.tìs, šerdìs are used only with the ē-stem ending: grūndei, kūndei, lū.tei, šērei. Nouns with the suffixes -uonis, -onis have only an ia-stem ending in the dative singular, e.g.: atajūniui, atlikūniui, ligōniui, me.scōniui, although gēluoniu || gēluonei. Instrumental singular forms are used with two different endings: io-stem and ē-stem, e.g.: gēlažu || gēlaži, svìrcu || svìrti, tūlžu || tūlži. Sometimes (and only with individual words), forms with an i-stem ending are also used, e.g.: širdìm, tūlžìm. Forms with the io-stem ending are used most often. The nominative plural has retained the consonant-stem ending -es: gēlažes, me.scōnes, žū.ves. Forms with an i-stem ending are sometimes used only by younger dialect speakers. In the genitive plural, some words in this group have only the consonant-stem ending, e.g.: dū.ru, mōteru, žuvì; other words are used interchangeably with both the consonant-stem and i-stem endings, e.g.: a.belū || a.belū, ausū || ausū, gelazū || gelazū, skauturū || skauturū, žu.sū || žu.sū, žve.rū || žve.rū, šaknū || šaknū. The words ašìs, grūndìs, kūndìs, pirtìs, prāpultìs, ru.kštìs, šu.tìs, svìrtìs, širdìs, tūlzìs and nouns with the suffixes -uonis, -onis have only an i-stem ending in the genitive plural.

§ 40. The vocative singular forms of oxytones are as in standard Lithuanian; barytones have an ē-stem ending. Nouns with the suffixes -uonis, -onis have an ia-stem ending in the vocative singular: atajūni, ligōni.

III

§ 41.

Singular Plural

Nom. ū.gnis ū.gnes || ū.gne.s || ū.gni.s Gen. ū.gnes || ū.gne.s ū.gnū. Dat. ū.gnei ū.gnim || ū.gne.m Acc. ū.gni. ū.gnis Instr. ū.gnū || ūgnì ū.gnim, ū.gne.m Loc. ū.gne.i || ū.gni. || ūgnì ū.gni.su, ū.gne.su Voc. kārte || va.verìe vōveras Ill. ū.gne.n || ūgnin ū.gni.sna, -san, -snan ū.gne.sna, -san, -snan

§ 42. Like ū.gnis, ìltis, kārtis, kì.birštìs, krōsnìs, krū.snis, kūlšìs, pìntìs, pū.snis, skìltìs, svìrtìs, šū.snis, ūnkštìs, va.verìs, vērpstìs are declined. The genitive singular of words in this group is used with the consonant-stem and ē-stem endings. Very rarely, only younger speakers also use the i-stem ending: ugniès. The instrumental singular is usually—

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The ending of the io-stem is used more often; the ė-stem ending is rarer. The i-stem ending is used even more rarely: ū.gnim, pūntim (as in 1k., but without the ending -i); the singular locative forms have two possible endings: ė-stem and i-stem. Both endings are used in parallel. The singular vocative has an ė-stem ending, although words with an ending-stressed accentuation are sometimes also used with an i-stem ending. In the singular illative, alongside the i-stem ending, there is also an ė-stem ending.

§ 43. In the plural nominative, the form with the consonant-stem ending -es is used more often, although there is already a tendency to use the ė-stem ending as well. Forms with the i-stem ending are used very rarely. In the plural dative, instrumental, locative, and illative, alongside the i-stem ending there is also an ė-stem ending. The examples show that the dialect still preserves disyllabic barytones with a lengthened root syllable: ū.gnis, pū.snis, ūnkštis, etc. Such barytones occur among the Eastern Dzūkians, and a couple of examples are also found around Dusetos, Kupiškis, and Panevėžys. Other dialects no longer have examples of this old accentuation.

IV

§ 44.

Singular

Plural

Nom. duntis duntes || dunčei

Gen. duntės || dunča. duntų || dunčų

Dat. dunčui duntim || dunčam

Acc. duntį. duntis || dunčūs

Ins. dunču duntim || dunčęis

Loc. duntį. duntisū || dunti·sū || dunčuosū

Voc. dūnti, dunti. dūntes || dunčei

Ill. duntīn dunti·sna, -sam, -snan

in the *dunčuos*, -san, -snan

§ 45. Like dunti’s, ave.ti’s, debesī’s, de.veris, are also declined.

§ 46. The singular nominative ending is ia-stem, only de.veris is i-stem. In the singular genitive, forms with both consonant-stem (-es) and ia-stem endings are used side by side. All the other singular cases of words in this group have already shifted to the ia-stem. The endings are like those of 1k., or exhibit phonetic changes.

§ 47. The plural nominative, genitive, and vocative forms have both consonant-stem and ia-stem endings. Consonant-stem forms are used more often. The plural dative, accusative, instrumental, locative, and illative forms occur with both i-stem and io-stem endings. The i-stem forms are used more often.

§ 48. The dative and instrumental forms of the i-stem in the plural are dual forms.

§ 49. The words rięšutas || re.šuti’s, ąšutas || ašuti’s are also assigned to this group. In addition to ia-stem and consonant-stem endings, these words also have a-stem endings in all singular and plural cases, e.g.: gen. sg. rięšuta., ąšuta.; dat. sg. rięšutui, ąšutui; acc. sg. rięšutu., ąšutu.; instr. sg. rięšuta || rięšucu, ąšutu; loc. sg. rięšuti, ašuti; ill. sg. re.šutan, ašutan; nom. pl. re.šutai, ašutai; dat. pl. re.šutam, ašutam, etc.

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§ 50.

V

Singular

V. pe.muo, sasū, duk­tė

K. pe.menės, piemenė., sasarās, dukterās, duktes

N. piemeniui, sā­sarai, dū.kterai, sāsarei, dū.kterei

G. piemenį, sāsarb.(-i.), dū.kterb.(-i.)

Įn. piemenų, sāsarų || sasarim, dū.kterų || dukterim

Vt. akmenī

Š. pe.menī, sāse, dū.kte

Il. akmeninī

Plural

V. shepherds, shepherds, shepherds, shepherds, sisters, daughters

K. of shepherds, of shepherds, of sisters, of daughters

N. to shepherds, to shepherds, to shepherds, to sisters, to daughters

G. shepherds, (shepherds, rare), sisters, daughters

Įn. with shepherds, with shepherds, with shepherds, with sisters, with daughters

Vt. in the stones, in the stones, in the stones

Š. shepherds, -s, -s, daughters, -s

Il. into the stone, -s, -s, into the stones, -s, -s, into the stones, -s, -s

§ 51. The word for ‘shepherd’ is declined like autumn, water, stone, (dialectal nouns) “minority,” (dialectal noun forms).

§ 52. The stems of the nouns in this group are alike in all singular and plural cases. The singular and plural nominative, genitive, and vocative forms are used somewhat more consistently.

In the singular genitive, the consonant-stem ending is more common, while the form sasarās is used by all dialect speakers only with a consonant ending. The form dukterās is more common than duktės.

In the singular dative, accusative, and instrumental, the masculine forms have ia- stems; the feminine dative has io- and ė- stems. Both forms are used equally. The instrumental has io- and i- stems. The -io-kam ending is more frequent.

§ 53. The singular vocative of the noun duktė is only dū.kte. This form is also found in old writings (Daukša’s Postil 2₄₆, 368₁₀). Most likely, sāse has also been generalized by analogy with sāse (the form sėšė does not occur in the dialect). Alongside sāse, only diminutive forms are said: sasēla, sasarāla. The form seseriet does not occur in the dialect.

§ 54. The masculine plural nominative has consonant-stem, i-, a-, and ia- stems. The consonant-stem ending is more common. The feminine has a consonant stem (more common) and an i- stem. In the plural genitive, the consonant-stem ending is more common for masculine nouns; feminine nouns are used only with a consonant ending. The masculine plural dative has i-, a- and ia- stems. The i- form is more common. Feminine nouns have the i- stem. The masculine plural accusative has ia- and i- forms, used side by side; feminine nouns have the i- form. The masculine plural instrumental has i-, a-, ia- stems. All three forms are used alongside one another. Feminine nouns have the i- stem. The plural locative has i-, a-, ia- stems. The more common plural vocative

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the consonant-stem gender. In the plural illative of i-, a-, and ia-stems, all three genders are used equally.

Note. The center of the dialect described is called by the local people liṅk-menes, that is, with a consonant-stem ending; other place names as well, which in standard Lithuanian have an i-stem ending in the plural nominative, are consonant-stems in the dialect, e.g., krati̇́ones–krėtuones. Only rarely (under the influence of standard Lithuanian) do younger dialect speakers also use the i-stem ending (liṅkmeni.s, krati̇́omi.s).

Reflexive nouns

§ 55. Unlike in standard Lithuanian, in the dialect reflexive nouns are formed by adding the particle -ei to ordinary nouns, e.g.: bȧṙi̇.masei, drȧṡki̇-masei, mu̇ši̇.masei, šukȧ́vimaṡei. The particle -ei in reflexive nouns is shared with the particle of definite masculine adjectives (e.g.: bȧltasei, grȧžusei; compare also: ašėi, tū.jėi, ȧtėina.s ‘to go’). The nominative is the most commonly used case of reflexive nouns; the genitive and dative occur sometimes. For example: bȧisus ba-ṙi̇.masei tu.bōbu.; ta.kō mu̇ši̇.ma.s tai sȧva. gi.vėnimi da. negirdėjau; ar būz gālas tam tūva. šukȧ́vimais. The other cases are used very rarely or not at all. The examples show that the particle -ei occurs only in the nominative case.

INFLECTION OF NOUNS IN THE LINKMENYS DIALECT

Я. И. КАРДЕЛИТЕ

S u m m a r y

The article examines noun inflection in one of the dialects of northeastern Lithuania: it characterizes gender, number, and case; presents paradigms of individual stems; identifies inflectional endings that differ from those of the literary language; and determines stress placement. It then presents stem forms and indicates stress placement where these diverge from literary norms.

In addition to masculine and feminine nouns, common-gender nouns are also widely used in the dialect described. As throughout eastern Lithuania, the illative occurs in both singular and plural in this dialect. The forms of all stems in the plural prepositional case are used with the archaic ending -su, found in old Lithuanian written texts and in other Indo-European languages. Consonant stems have been preserved in the genitive singular and in the nominative and genitive plural in the Linkmenys dialect. Nouns formed from reflexive verbs are created with the particle -еи.