LIETUVIŲ KALBOS GRAMATIKOS TYRINĖJIMAI

LIETUVOS TSR MOKSLŲ AKADEMIJA

MORPHOLOGY OF THE SOUTHERN EASTERN AUKŠTAITIAN DIALECT

(Noun, adjective, numeral, pronoun, verb)

K. MORKŪNAS

Šis darbas yra prieš keletą metų (1961) apie Pabaisko, Pašilės (Ukmergės r.), Čiobiškio, Gėlvonų, Musninkų, Viesų (Širvintų r.) apylinkių tarmę (tiksliau – šnektą) parašytos monografijos dalis. Pirmoji monografijos dalis, kurioje aprašyta tarmės fonetinė sistema, taip pat detaliau nurodytas tarmės plotas ir ribos, yra paskelbta anksčiau¹. Pora mažesnių straipsnių paskelbta ir iš morfologijos. Šiame darbe jau skelbti dalykai nekartojami, būtinais atvejais tiktai nurodoma ankstesnės publikacijos.

Primary attention is devoted to the system of the dialect’s morphology and the presentation of dialectal data, while broader explanations of their origins are generally omitted. This approach is taken both to save space and because the origins of morphological phenomena in many Lithuanian dialects (including those characteristic of the southern Eastern Aukštaitian dialect) have already been discussed fairly extensively in some major works published in recent years².

NOUN

1. General remarks

Gender. § 1. a) Masculine nouns are predominantly the so-called (i)a-stem nouns, e.g.: dūgnas, guolis, svėčis ~ svėčius, žvirblis ~ žvirblỹs. Some or all of the few masculine nouns with i-, (i)u-, and consonant stems have also shifted to the (i)a-stem class, e.g.: unglis ~ anglis, vagis, dungùs ~ dangùs, sūnas ~ sūnus, sūkčis ~ sūkčius; akmuo, pemuo ~ piemuõ, tešmuõ (see also §§ 13–16).

Masculine persons may also be denoted by individual nouns with (i)o- and ē-stems. These are predominantly personal names, e.g.: (given names) ãleksa “Aleksas,” vínca “Vincas,” žigma “Zigmas”; (surnames) avižà ~ Avižà, dúda ~ Dū̃da (|| dúdas ~ Dū̃das, cf. dudai ~ Dūdai “name of a village”), gineikà ~ Gineikà, vėgelė ~ Vėgelė. Common masculine nouns with these stems are rare, e.g.: barzáila ~ barzdylà, dėdė ~ dėdė.

¹ See “Questions in Lithuanian Linguistics,” vol. 3, Vilnius, 1960, pp. 5–59. In addition, phonetic transcription, in which the dialect’s phonetics is presented, is explained there (pp. 5–6). In this work, the dialect’s morphological data are essentially presented in the same transcription.

² Institute of the Lithuanian Language and Literature of the Lithuanian SSR Academy of Sciences, Lithuanian Grammar, vol. 1, Phonetics and Morphology (noun, adjective, numeral, pronoun), Vilnius, 1965; Z. Zinkevičius, Lithuanian Dialectology (Comparative Dialect Phonetics and Morphology), Vilnius, 1966; Chr. S. Stang, Vergleichende Grammatik der baltischen Sprachen, Oslo – Bergen – Tromsö, 1966, and others.

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b) Feminine nouns have (i)a-, ė-, and i-stems, e.g.: galvà, sáuje ~ sáuja, katė. Words formerly belonging to consonant stems have generally shifted to these stems as well, e.g.: ausis, dukte (see also §§ 11, 12, 16).

c) There are few so-called common-gender nouns. A somewhat larger group consists only of o-stem words, e.g.: dvėsna, dvòkla, džùsna ~ džiusna, gniùsa ~ gniūsa ‘one who is slow at work’, gvóša ‘fool’, kemerėkla ‘one who is clumsy and awkward’, kėrėpla, kevėrza, kìurza ‘slovenly person’, lepėiza ‘lout’, nùrna, pikčiurna, ráira ‘good-for-nothing, chatterbox’, snūda ~ snūdà ‘sleepyhead’, sùsnà (|| sùsna), švėna ‘one who chatters (talks a lot)’, vėpla, žópla.

Only isolated words belonging to other stems occur; they sometimes describe a person of either male or female sex, e.g.: galvócis ~ galvóčius ‘one who has a good head, is intelligent’ (he is a big galvócis; she is a good galvócis), gudróčis ~ gudróčius (you can’t fool such a gudróče; don’t be such a gudróčis); gerklõnas ‘one who is given to shouting and scolding’ (he is such a gerklõnas; that woman is such a gerklõnas); ackalūnas ~ atskalūnas (he made himself such an ackalūnas; she is such an ackalūnas || ackalūne—doesn’t want to be related to anyone), perėjūnas ~ perėjūnas (that child is a real perėjūnas; that girl is such a perėjūnas || perėjune); rekšnis ~ rėkšnys (the boy is a rekšnis, and the girl is even bigger, a rekšnis || rekšnė); plūške ~ plūškė ‘good-for-nothing’ (she is such a plūške; don’t listen to what that plūškė || plūškis says), skrėšne ~ skrėšnė ‘filthy person’ (she is such a skrėšne; he is such a skrėšne || skrėšnis), žnipīala ~ žnypėlė ‘one who is small and short’ (mother is such a žnipīala; what will he do, such a žnipīala).

The dialect’s common-gender nouns are mostly suffixal derivatives; only a few prefixal derivatives and compounds occur, e.g.: patérška ‘chatterbox’, naktibalda.

Common-gender nouns generally express a negative attitude toward the person being spoken about.

Number. § 2. In addition to the singular and plural, dual forms are still found in the speech of the older generation. However, even the older generation has preserved these forms only in some stems and cases. The accusative dual of (i)a-stem nouns, used together with du or abu(du), is somewhat more frequent, e.g.: du kartù atàlake (~ atàlėkė); kaũilam pa dù kùošiku umpìlau ‘I poured two baskets each for the pigs’; abì maĩšù nupìrka; pa dù pė́du dēda; až dù ròžu ženíjus ‘I got married twice’; atàveže pér dien dù vežimù; ans narė́je, kàd abùdu vaikù paįimtumem; pė́rnii dù cañtnāru gavau ‘I got two centners last year’; pa dù rublių makė́je; vežikam dàve pa dù padelù (~ puodelių). Accusative dual forms of o-stem nouns are still rarer, e.g.: dvì diẽni laũkių (~ laũkiau); pìrka dvì kapì agùrku; dvì vagì iššvàre. Dual forms of this case in other stems have not been heard at all.

A few dual nominative forms also occur in fossilized expressions (e.g., in some proverbs), e.g.: abù galù tòku; saldù kaip dù medù; sù durnù — dù turù, sù plikù nér kò pėstis.

Nevertheless, even speakers of the older generation in the dialect (let alone younger people) mostly use the plural instead of the aforementioned dual forms, e.g.: dù kartùs buvaũ; abù maĩšùs nupìrka…

The plural forms of the (i)a-stem dative and the (i)o-, ė-, i-, and u-stem dative and instrumental, which are used today without

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-s³, e.g.: (used) daržām, médžem ~ médžiam; (used, instr.) galvóm, sáujem ~ sáujom; katėm, žėmem ~ žėmėm; ausim, ugnim; pelūm. In this dialect, nouns in these cases, like other inflected parts of speech, do not use forms ending in -s.

§ 3. In the dialect, as in the literary language, there are nouns used only in the singular or only in the plural, e.g.:

a) singularia tantum: pėnas, penėlis ~ pienėlis, malis ~ molys “clay”; báila ~ báilė, kulž ~ kūlė “the time of threshing grain; grain to be threshed”; ėdelas “fodder”, pėnelas “food, feed”; snaudulis ~ snaudulys, graudulis ~ graudulys; gerùmas, kuntrumas ~ kantrumas; jaunùmė, mažumė: jaunātve ~ jaunātvė, senātve ~ senātvė; baltžemis, jedžemis ~ juodžemys “black earth”; papjūtė ~ papjūtė “harvest”; pripratīs ~ pripratys “getting used to”; šūopratis “understanding, discernment”;

b) pluralia tantum: kailinei ~ kailiniai, kailinūkai, kailinōkai; dalibas ~ dalybos, radybas ~ radybos; spaudiklas ~ spaudykles “nutcrackers”; žabōklį ~ žabōkliai; krēkenas ~ krēkenos, rietenas ~ rietenos, šēlenas ~ šēlenos, smāgenas “brains”, svaigenas ~ svaigenos “intoxicant”; muštnės ~ muštynės, žudnės ~ žudynės; pelasei ~ pelėsiai, plakesėi ~ plėkesiai “chaff”, rudesei ~ rudesiai “rust”, dūmtuves ~ dūmtuvės, karštūves ~ karštuvės “drying kilns”, skerštūves ~ skerštuvės; ataudai, iš(i)edas ~ išėdos, niūobaigas ~ niūobaigos, niūosedas ~ niūosedos, pagrėbstas ~ pagrėbstos “gathered remnants”, pākritas ~ pākritos, pražvalg as ~ pražválgos.

Case. § 4. In addition to the cases used in the literary language, the dialect also has the terminative interior locative (illative). The forms of this case correspond to the literary language’s prepositional construction į + accusative.

The case endings characteristic of words with a particular stem or a certain group of stems are discussed below. Here, only points common to all stems need be mentioned, namely:

1. The plural vocative forms always coincide with the plural nominative.

2. The locative and illative forms of nouns (and other inflected words) are formed in the same way in all stem classes.

a-stem nouns have the vowel -i (< *-ēn) ~ -e in the singular locative ending throughout (cf. § 6), whereas forms of the other stem classes are shortened (§§ 7–16). In the Musninkai and Širvintos areas, the plural locative forms of all stem classes have the vowel -e (laukiuose, šakose), while in the Gélvonys and Pabaiskas areas they have the vowel -i ~ -e (laukiuosi, šakōsi). Plural locative forms without a final vowel are very rare in the dialect, e.g.: laukios, šakos⁴.

The singular illative of all stem classes ends in -n (cf. §§ 6–16). Plural illative forms are not uniform throughout the dialect area. In the eastern and southern part—Graužiečiai, Krikštenai, Viešos, Kaimynėliai, Juknónys—forms with -na are most commonly used, e.g.: kapióšna, sáujesna ~ sáujosna. In the Čiobiškis and Musninkai areas, alongside or instead of these, there are also such plural illative forms as: kapióšnan, rátasnan, šakōšnan, širdisnan or (less often) juknanišan ~ Juknónyšan, smailūosan ~ Smailiūosan, žāšlesan ~ Žāšliuosan. In the Gélvonys and Pabaiskas areas, plural illative forms are used mostly

³ Plg. J. Endzelīns, Latviešu valodas gramatika, Rīga, 1951, p. 405.

⁴ For more on the dialect’s plural locative forms, see K. Morkūnas, Iš rytų aukštaičių tarmių daugiskaitos inesyvo formų istorijos, in: Lietuvių kalbos morfologinė sandara ir jos raida, Vilnius, 1964, p. 145 ff.

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are: kapiosin, ratasin, šakosin, širdisin (these are formed from plural locative forms by adding -n to them, following the singular illative).

The same could be said of the postpositions of the locative and illative forms of all other inflected parts of speech, and of their distribution.

Stem. § 5. In the dialect, only remnants remain of (i)u-stem and consonant-stem nouns. Words in i-stems belonging to certain groups also shift to other stems. The regular mixing of noun stems will become clearer in the “Declension” section (§§ 11—16). Here we will mention only individual words that in the dialect have a different stem-final vowel from Standard Lithuanian. For example:

a-stem: víkas, plural dative vikám, accusative vikùs (: Standard Lithuanian vikis);

ia-stem: klùmpis (: klùmpė), reikalìs ~ reikalỹs (: reikalas);

o-stem: káima (: káimas), krėklà ‘woodpecker’, plural dative krėklám ~ krėklom, accusative krėklàs ~ krėklàs (: krėklas), mótera (: moteris), riėtkas ~ riėtkos plural (: rietkas);

ė stem: abelė ~ obelė (: obelis), girė ~ girė (: giria), įlėlė ~ ylė, plural instrumental įlėlėm ~ ylėm, accusative illas ~ yles (: yla), palzė ~ palė (: palà), skalzė ~ skolė (: skola), špìrgė ~ spirgė, plural instrumental špìrgėm ~ spirgėm, accusative špìrgis ~ spirges (: širgas), užskalzė ~ užkalė, plural instrumental užskalzėm ~ užkalėm, accusative užskalàs ~ užkalės (: užkalas), vōgė ~ vōgė (: vōgis, -io).

2. Declension

a stem

§ 6. The dialectal endings of a-stem nouns differ from Standard Lithuanian mostly only phonetically: sg. nom. [piuod-, vaik-]-as ~ [piuod-, vaik-] -as, gen. -a ~ -o, dat. -ai ~ -ui, acc. -u ~ -ą, instr. -u (-ù) ~ -u (-ù), loc. -i (-ì) ~ -e (-ė), voc. -i ~ -e; pl. nom., voc. -ai (-ài) ~ -ai (-ai), gen. -u (-ų) ~ -ų (-ų), acc. -us || -as (-ùs || -às) ~ -us (-ùs), instr. -ais (-àis) ~ -ais (-aĩs). The unstressed ending of the sg. illative is always pronounced -an ~ -an (piuodan), while the stressed ending has two forms: -añ and -ań, e.g., miškañ || miškán (the more frequent form seems to be -ań).

The sg. vocative forms of some a-stem nouns (mostly personal names) have the particle -ai, e.g.: jōnai ~ Jōnai, pētrai ~ Pētrai; augūnai ~ Augūnai, juzēnai ~ Juzēnai; bitinikai ~ bitinykai || bitiniki, tēvai || tēvi. The sg. vocative forms of polysyllabic words may also have no final vowel or diphthong at all, e.g.: dōbil, šūniuk ~ šūniuk, untan ~ Añtan (|| untānai ~ Antānai).

For the pl. dative, see § 2; for the pl. locative and illative, see § 4.

ia stem

§ 7. In the dialect, the stressed sg. nominative ending -is of ia-stem nouns has a long vowel (bràlis ~ brolỹs “brother,” kellś ~ kelỹs “road,” malis ~ molỹs “clay,” šmelis ~ smelỹs, žvìris ~ žvyrỹs “gravel”), while the unstressed ending has a short vowel (brìedis, peilis, žodis). In addition, the sg. nominative ending -is also corresponds phonetically to Standard Lithuanian -ias, e.g.: svėcis ~ svėčias, vėjis ~ vėjas. Affricates indicate that jautis “bull” and medzis (|| medis) also had this ending.

The dialectal sg. genitive ending -e corresponds phonetically to Standard Lithuanian -io (e.g., brōle ~ brōlio), the dative -iį ~ -iui, the accusative -i ~ -į (brōli ~ brōlį) and -ią (svėči ~ svėčią, vėji ~ vėją), the instrumental

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-’u⁵ (-’ū) ~ -iu (-iū), ill. -in (-īn) ~ -in (-īn); pl. nom., voc. -ij (-eī) ~ -iai (-iaī), gen. -’ų (-’ū) ~ -ių (-iū), acc. -is (-is [-’ūs]) ~ -ius (-iùs, e.g.: brólis ~ brólius, švečis || švečiùs ~ svečiùs), instr. -įs (-eis) ~ -iais (-iaīs).

The sg. locative ending is determined by stress position: forms with an unstressed ending end in -ių ~ -yj <- -yje (sūri ~ sūryj, vėji ~ vėjji), whereas those with a stressed ending end in the vowel -y (malý ~ molý “in the clay,” smėlì ~ smėlý “in the sand”). For the pl. locative and illative, see § 4.

The sg. vocative with an unstressed ending ends in -i (bróledi), while the form with a stressed ending ends in the vowel -y (arklì ~ arklý). The sg. vocative of polysyllabic ia-stems most often has the ending -ių ~ -iau, e.g.: artójiu ~ artójau, kasėjù ~ kasėjau, kreivarūnikių ~ kreivarūnikiau || kreivarūniki, vaikūpaláikiu || vaikūpaláiki. Less often, the ending -ių may also occur in disyllabic words, e.g.: jáučiu || jáuti, švẽčiu || švẽti. Alongside the more frequent sg. vocative form brolis, brali, the form braláu is also occasionally found.

For the pl. dative, see § 2.

o stem

§ 8. Most of the case endings of the dialect’s o-stem nouns are the same as in standard Lithuanian (differing only phonetically): sg. nom. [-lōv-]-a, [šak-]-à, gen. -as (-õs) ~ -os (-õs), dat. -ai ~ -ai, acc. -u ~ -ą, ill. -an (-ōn) ~ -on (-ōn); pl. nom., voc. -as ~ -os, gen. -u (-ū) ~ -ų (-ū), acc. -as (-às) ~ -as (-às).

The sg. instrumental differs from standard Lithuanian in its morphologically altered ending; cf. the dialect’s sg. instr. lóvaì, šakaì. The ending -aì is derived from -uj ~ -aį. This ending was generalized to all (i)o-stem nominal forms on the model of the sg. instrumental of feminine pronouns, e.g.: anùj ~ anąj || aną ‘that (fem.)’, šitùj ~ šitąj || šitą ‘this (fem.)’ (for these pronoun forms, see also § 42 and footnote 15). The simple endings of the sg. instrumental of all other feminine inflected words (as well as of the occasionally occurring masculine o- and ē-stem nouns) have likewise been replaced by longer (diphthongal) endings⁶; cf. §§ 9–12, 16c, 25, 26.

The sg. locative ending has been shortened: -aį (-ōi) ~ -oj (-ōj). For the pl. locative and illative, see § 4.

The sg. vocative sometimes has forms ending in -a alongside forms ending in -a. The former (e.g. gálva, mergà) are older: their final -a < -ā, whereas the latter (galvà, mergà) arose on the model of the sg. nominative.

For the pl. dative and instrumental, see § 2.

io stem

§ 9. The endings of io-stem nouns are the same as those of o-stem nouns (see § 8), except that after j or a palatalized consonant they have undergone further phonetic change in the dialect. Unstressed endings have changed especially markedly; cf.: sg. nom. [sáuj-]-e ~ [sáuj-]-a, [valdž-]-ē ~ [valdž-]-ià, gen. -es (-’õs) ~ -os (-iõs), dat. -įi ~ -ai (-iaì), acc. -i ~ -ą (-ią), instr. -ii (-ī) ~ -aj (-iãj), loc. -ij (-’ōi) ~ -oj (-iōj), ill. -in (-’ōn) ~ -on (-iōn), voc. -i ~ -a (-ia); pl. nom., voc. -es ~ -os (-ios), gen. -u (-’ū) ~ -ų (-iū), dat. and instr. -em (-’ōm) ~ -om (-iōm), acc. -is (-is) ~ -as (-iàs), loc. -esi

⁵ The acute accent mark, written to the left of the vowel, indicates that the vowel is fronted and the preceding consonant is palatalized.

⁶ For more on these dialectal sg. instrumental forms, see K. Morkūnas, Įvardžiuotinių būdvardžių įekanos rytų aukštaičių pietinėje tarmėje, „Lietuvos TSR Mokslų akademijos darbai“, serija A, t. 2(7), 1959, p. 198 tt.

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-ese (-’ōsil-’ōse) ~ -ose (-iōse), illative -esin/-esna/-esnan (-’ōsin/-’ōsna/-’ōsnan) ~ -osen /-osna|-osnan (-iōsen/-iōsna/-iōsnan).

The nominative singular of a pair of io-stem nouns ends in -i < -ī: marti, pati ‘wife’.

ē-stem

§ 10. Most of the endings of the dialect’s ē-stem nouns are of the same origin as those in standard Lithuanian: sg. nom. [kárv-]-e ~ [kárv-]-ė, [kat-]-ė ~ [kat-]-ė, gen. -es (-ės) ~ l-ės (-ės), dat. -ii ~ -ei, acc. -i ~ -ę, ill. -in (-ēn) ~ -ēn (-ēn); pl. nom., voc. -es ~ -ės, gen. -ų (-ū) ~ -ių (-iū), acc. -is (-is) ~ -es (-ės).

For the sg. instrumental ending -ii (-ī) see § 8.

The final vowel of the sg. locative has been lost. In forms with final stress, -i (~ -j) is often also lost, e.g.: pamiškė ‘in the forest’, ukmergė ‘in Ukmergė’, žėvė ‘in the bark’, but (less often) forms with -i are also used: pamiškėi, žėvėi. In forms without final stress, -i is always retained, e.g.: koši ~ košėj, ūpū ~ ūpėj, žėmiai ~ žėmėj. For the pl. locative and illative, see § 4.

The oldest form of the sg. vocative is presumably one with the final vowel -i, which developed from short -e, e.g.: kãrvi, kãti, lãpi. The form with -e (-ē), e.g.: katė, kãrvė, lãpė ~ lãpē, is newer, having arisen on the model of the sg. nominative. Alongside kãti, katė the occasionally occurring form kãte, is most likely a blend of the first two.

For the pl. dative and instrumental, see § 2. The plural nominative, dative, and instrumental forms of the noun katė are sometimes also used with i-stem endings: nom. katìs ~ kãtys, dat., instr. katim.

After l became palatalized, the endings of ē-stem nouns, especially unstressed ones, in many cases became completely identical to those of o-stem nouns, cf.: sg. nom. [sául-]-a ~ [sául-]-ė, [pel-]-ē ~ [pel-]-ė, gen. -as, -ės, dat. -ai, acc. -u, instr. -ai, -ąž, loc. -ai, -ėj || -ę, ill. -an, -ēn, voc. -a || -a, -ą || -ę; pl. nom., voc. -as, gen. -ų, -ų, dat., instr. -am,-ēm, acc. -as, -às, loc. -asil-ase, -ēsi|-ēse, ill. -asin|-asna(n), -ēsin|-ēsna(n).

i-stem

§ 11. The endings of i-stem nouns are best preserved in feminine nouns with end-stress; cf.: sg. nom. [šird-]-is, gen. -ies, acc. -i ~ -į, ill. -in, voc. -ie; pl. nom., voc. -is ~ -ys, gen. [širdž-]-ių ~ [širdž-]-ių, dat. and instr. -im (cf. § 2), acc. -is (|| širdis), loc. -isi ~ yse|-ise ~ -yse (cf. § 4), ill. -isin ~ -ysen|-isna(n) ~ -ysna(n) (cf. § 4).

The sg. dative most often has the ending of io-stem nouns: širdžiu ~ širdžiai. The old sg. dative endings of i-stem nouns, -i (< -ie < -ei), seem to survive in the less frequent form širdži, as well as in the adverbialized a-stem word iki gãli ‘to the end’. The final -i was added here on the model of the dative endings of the other stems (a, o, ė), which end in the vowel -i.

For the sg. instrumental ending -ii (širdži || širdį), see § 8.

Locative forms in the sg. that are stressed on a syllable other than the ending end in -ii, e.g.: nòsį ~ nosyj, pâlti ~ pâlty, whereas those stressed on the ending end in -i, e.g.: akì ~ akỳ, pirtì ~ pirtỳ.

§ 12. Feminine i-stem nouns with non-final stress are declined exactly like ė-stem nouns with non-final stress (§ 10); cf.: sg. nom., voc. [nós-]-e ~ [nós-]-ė, gen. -es, dat. -ii, acc. -i,

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instr. -ii, loc. -ii, ill. -in; pl. nom., voc. -es, gen. -ų, dat., instr. -em, acc. -is, loc. -esi/-ese, ill. -esin/-esna(n).

Nouns declined in this way include, for example: gaište ~ gaištė (: standard Lithuanian gaištis), iiltė ~ iltė (: iltis), kártė ~ kártė (: kártis), klútė ~ kliūtė (: kliūtis), külšė ~ külšė (: külšis), kūge ~ kūgė (: kūgis), pálė ~ páltė (: páltis), paslėpsnė ~ paslėpsnė (: paslėpsnis), pažintė ~ pažintė (: pažintis), švirtė ~ svirtė (: svirtis), ūgnė ~ ūgnė (: ugnis), únkštė ~ ankštė (: ankštis), ūnė ~ antė (: antis).

The endings of all singular cases of these nouns, except the nominative, as well as those of the plural genitive and accusative, coincided phonetically with the endings of ė-stems (e.g., kárve ~ kárvė). Later, the endings of the other cases too—the singular and plural nominative, plural dative, instrumental, locative, and illative—were replaced by the endings of the “stronger” ė-stem.

§ 13. Masculine i-stem nouns in the dialect have almost entirely shifted to ia-stems; cf.: sg. nom. [uñgl-]-is ~ [añgl-]-is, [vag-]-is, gen. [uñgl-]-e ~ [añgl-]-io, [vag-]-ies || [vāg-]-e ~ [vag-]-io, dat. -ii ~ -iui, acc. -i ~ -į, instr. -’ù ~ -iù, loc. -ii ~ -yj, -i ~ -ỹ, ill. -in, -iń, voc. [vag-]-ie || -is; pl. nom., voc. [uñgl-]-iį ~ -iai, [vāg-]-is ~ -ys || [vag-]-ei ~ -iai, gen. -’ų ~ -ių, -’ū ~ -ių, dat. -em ~ -iam, -’ām ~ -iám, acc. -’us || -is ~ -ius, instr. -iįs ~ -iais, -eis ~ -iais, loc. -esi/-’uose (-ese) ~ -iuose, -’iõsi/-’uose — -iuõse (cf. § 4), ill. -esin ~ -iuosen/-esna(n) ~ -iuosna (n), -’iõsin ~ -iuõsen/-uõsna(n) (cf. § 4).

The sg. genitive most often has the ending -e ~ -io, while the pl. nominative has -ei (unstressed -ii) ~ -iai.

The dialect also has the masculine form kirkšnīs ~ kirkšnỹs ‘groin’.

(i)u stem

§ 14. The endings of u-stem nouns have mostly been replaced by a-stem endings. Only individual cases retain the endings of the u-stem.

The singular nominative ending -us has mostly survived only when stressed, e.g.: alūs, medūs, vidūs. Unstressed -us is most often pronounced -as because of word-final reduction, e.g.: sūnas ~ sūnūs, turğas — turğus. Less commonly, -ùs > -às: alàs, vidàs.

The same applies to the plural accusative, cf.: pelùs || pelàs (less common), piêtas ~ pie-tùs.

The singular genitive of some u-stem words has only the ending -aus, e.g.: alaũs, medaũs, vidaũs. Alongside the u-stem ending, other nouns can often also have an a-stem ending, e.g.: letãus ~ lietaũs || lieta ~ lieto, viršaũs || virša ~ viršo, žmogaus ~ žmogaus || žmogų ~ žmogo.

The singular dative ending -aį is phonetically equivalent to Standard Lithuanian -ui (sūnai ~ sūnui); the singular accusative, as well as the plural genitive, has -u ~ -ų (sūnu ~ sūnų, sunū ~ sunų); the singular illative has -an (also stressed -un) ~ -un (turğan || turguń || turgań, vidun || vidan).

The singular instrumental most often has the a-stem ending -u (alù, lietu, medù, sūnu, žmogù); the shortened u-stem ending -um < -umi (alum, medum) also occurs, but less frequently.

The singular locative of certain words is used only with the ending -aį ~ -uj, e.g.: vidai, viršai. The singular locative of other u-stem nouns most often has the a-stem ending -i (< *-en), e.g.: cukri ~ cukrė, duñgi ~ dangė, tūfgi ~ turgė (less commonly tūr-gai).

8. Lietuvių kalbos gramatikos tyrinėjimai

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Vns. šauksmininkas daugiausia išlaiko u-kamienių galūnę -au (alãũ, sunãũ ~ sūnãũ, žmagãũ ~ žmogãũ), bet kartais pasitaiko ir a-kamienių galūnė (pvz., žmõgì ~ žmõgė).

The plural nominative and vocative most often have the a-stem ending -ai: letai ~ lietai, pelai, turgai, viršai. Less commonly, the ending -us (-as) ~ -ūs, e.g., pėlus (pėlas) ~ pėlūs, pietus ~ pietūs. is retained (usually by members of the older generation).

The plural dative and instrumental pelům, petům ~ pietům, sunům ~ sūnům are u-stem dual forms, cf. § 2. However, alongside them the a-stem forms are more commonly used: dative pelám, sunám ~ sūnám, turgam (turgám), viršám; instrumental pelais, sunais ~ sūnais, turgais (turgais), viršais.

Plural inessive and illative forms are mostly formed according to the a-stems, e.g.: peluõsi|peluõse, petuõsi|petuõse ~ pietuõse, viršuõsi|viršuõse; peluõsin|peluõsna(n), petuõsin|petuõsna(n). Only a few words have retained u-stem endings, e.g.: pelùsi (pelùsis), petùsi; pelùsin, petùsin. The latter forms are used very rarely and only by older dialect speakers. On the postposition of these cases, cf. also § 4.

§ 15. The endings of iu-stem nouns have mostly merged with those of ia-stem nouns; cf.: singular nominative [krìž-]is ~ [krýž-]-ius, genitive -e ~ -io, dative -iį ~ -iui, accusative -i ~ -ių, instrumental -’u ~ -iu, locative -iį ~ -iuj, illative -im ~ -iun, vocative -ių ~ -iau; plural nominative, vocative -iį ~ -iai, genitive -u ~ -ių, dative -em ~ -iam, accusative -is ~ -ius, instrumental -i̇s ~ -iais, locative -esi ~ -iuose|-ese (-uose) ~ -iuose, illative -esin ~ -iuosen|-esna(n) ~ -iuosna(n).

Consonant stems

§ 16. As already mentioned (§§ 1, 5), in the dialect nouns with consonant stems mostly have endings of other stem classes. According to their present-day inflection, these nouns can be divided into several groups.

a) The words akmuõ, raumuõ are inflected almost entirely like a-stems; cf. case endings: singular genitive [ãkmen-]-a ~ [ãkmen-]-o, dative -ai ~ -ui, accusative -u ~ -ą, instrumental -u, locative -į ~ -ę, illative -an ~ -añ, vocative -ie (alongside the nominative form, e.g., akmuõ); plural nominative, vocative -ai, genitive -ų ~ -ų, dative -ám, accusative -ãs ~ -ús, instrumental -ais, locative -iuõsi|-iuõ-se, illative -iuõsin|-iuõsna(n) (cf. § 4). The singular nominative of these words also often occurs with the ending -as ~ -as: ákmuõnas, raũmenas.

b) The singular forms of the word pemuõ ~ pietmuõ mostly have ia-stem endings, while the plural forms have i-stem noun endings; cf.: singular genitive [piemen-]-e ~ -io, dative -iį ~ -iui, accusative -i ~ -į, instrumental -’u ~ -iu, locative -i ~ -y, illative -in, vocative -ie; plural nominative, vocative -is ~ -ys, genitive -ų ~ -ų, dative, instrumental -im, accusative -is, locative -isi|-ise ~ -yse, illative -isin ~ -ysėn|-isna(n) ~ -ysna(n) (cf. § 4).

Like pemuõ, the following are inflected: jezm(u)õ ~ juozm(u)õ ‘waist’, lemuõ ~ liemuõ, ruduo, skemuõ ~ ski(em)uõ, stamuõ ~ stuomuõ, šelmuõ, šuvà (in the singular genitive only, alongside the more common form šūne ~ šūnio, it also has šūnies), tešmuõ, vanduõ (among older-generation dialect speakers: unduo); plural only: ãšmenis ~ ãšmenys, mẽtmenis ~ mẽtmenys. Separately, words in this group may also have the endings of a-stem nouns, e.g.: singular genitive stūom ena, tẽšmena, dative stūomenai, tẽšmenai…; plural nominative stamenai, tešmenai; ãšmenai, mẽtmenai, dative stamenám, tešmenám; mẽtmenám… Alongside the singular nominative form šelmuõ, šėlmenas, šėlmenis are also found.

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Except for the singular nominative, dùntis ~ dantys “tooth” pemuõ also has the same endings as debesìs || debesìs ~ debesỹs “cloud” (although, alongside the more common plural genitive debesù ~ debesų, one sometimes also says debesų ~ debesìų).

c) Former feminine-gender consonant-stem nouns now mostly have i-stem endings; compare the case endings of sesuõ (|| sesuvà): singular genitive [seser-]-ìes, dative -ìi ~ -ìai, accusative -ì ~ -į, instrumental -ìi (cf. § 8), locative -ì ~ -ỹ, illative -ìñ, vocative -ìe (alongside nominative forms); plural nominative and vocative -ìs ~ -ỹs, genitive -ũ ~ -ũ, dative and instrumental -ìm, accusative -ìs, locative -ìsi|-ìse ~ -ìse, illative -ìsin ~ -ỹsen|-ìsna(n) ~ -ỹsna(n). The following nouns are also declined this way: duktė (singular genitive dukterìs || duktės); ausis, dùris ~ dùrys (plural only), pūšis, šaknìs, žùsis ~ žàsis, žuvis. In all of them the plural genitive has a hard stem-final consonant before the ending.

3. Stress

§ 17. Without discussing the general matters of noun stress common to the dialect and Standard Lithuanian, we mention here only those that distinguish the dialect from the standard language.

1. It happens that individual nouns (disyllabic or polysyllabic) are stressed in the dialect according to a different accentual paradigm than in Standard Lithuanian. All (or almost all) derivatives of a given suffix may also differ in their stress. The suffixes in question are listed below, along with the most commonly used individual words with different stress.

a) In the dialect, stress remains fixed in:

disyllabic nouns: grìnčė ~ grìnčia (: Standard Lithuanian⁷ gryčia 2), gùoba (: guoba 4), vãlgis || valgìs 2 (: valgis 2);

polysyllabic nouns: bėpratis, -e (: beprõtis, -ė 2), bedãrbis, -e (: be-darbis, -ė 2), bekėlnis, -e (: bekėlnis, -ė 2), beširdis, -e (: beširdis, -ė 2), gìltinė (: giltìnė 3ᵃ), ketašìrdis, -e (: kietašìrdis, -ė 2), minkštašìrdis -e (: minkštašìrdis, -ė 2), pailgavėidis, -e (: pailgavėidis, -ė 2), skõlinikas, -e ~ skõlinykas, -ė (: skolininkas, -ė 2).

b) The following disyllabic nouns have the second accentual paradigm in the dialect: drùmž-las (: drumžlės 4), pùšne ~ pùšnė (: pušnis 4), smùda ~ smudà (: smūdà 4), ùšne ~ ùsnė (: usnis 4), žvaigždė (: žvaigždė 4). Polysyllabic nouns with the suffix -ìte ~ -ỹtė also belong to the second accentual paradigm, e.g. avite, šakìte, vištìte. It should be added that the singular instrumental and plural accusative of derivatives of this type mostly retain stress on the ending (instrumental avitì, šakitì, vištitì; accusative avitìs ~ avytès, šakitìs ~ šakytès, višìtis ~ višytès), although, generally, in such cases stress is retracted to the penultimate long syllable (cf. singular instrumental šìlvai “plum,” plural accusative slivas ~ slyvàs).

The second accentual paradigm is also found in one or another polysyllabic noun: garùnkštė ~ garàukštė (: garànkštis 1), pavartė (: pavartė 3ᵇ), užùntis ~ užàntis, singular genitive užùntė ~ užàntčio (: užantis 1).

c) The following disyllabic nouns in the dialect have the third accentual paradigm: brãlis ~ brolỹs (: brõlis 1), gurkšnìs ~ gurkšnỹs (: gùrkšnis 1), klanìs ~ klonỹs (: klõnis 1), kušnìs ~ kašnỹs (: kãšnis 1), malìs ~ molỹs (: mõlis 1), šáukštas (: šáukštas 1),

⁷Stress in the Standard language is taken to be that given in the Dictionary of Contemporary Lithuanian (Vilnius, 1954).

8*

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bridge (: bridge 1), jaw 3 || jaw 1 (: jaw 1), son-in-law ~ son-in-law (: son-in-law 1), sparrow ~ sparrow (: sparrow 1).

Polysyllabic nouns formed with the suffix -iena are also stressed according to the third accentuation pattern: oat meat, clover hay ~ clover hay, wheat meat ~ wheat meat, barley meat ~ barley meat, rye meat; mutton “mutton,” beef, pork ~ pork, poultry, duck meat ~ duck meat, chicken. When declining these nouns, the stress shifts from the ending to the penultimate syllable; cf.:

Singular Plural N. rye meat, chicken rye meats G. rye meat's, chicken meat's rye meats D. rye meat, chicken meat rye meats A. rye meat, chicken meat rye meats I. rye meat, chicken meat rye meats L. in rye meat, in chicken meat in rye meats|in rye meats ILL. into rye meat, into chicken meat into rye meats|into rye meats

An exception is the noun beef, which has two stress patterns, namely: beef (fixed stress) and beef (like chicken); and blakštiena, mėnesiena ~ mėnesiena. always have fixed stress on the suffix, as in standard Lithuanian.

Nouns formed with the suffix -ėjis, -ė ~ -ėjys, -ė (used alongside derivatives with fixed stress and the suffix -ėjas, -a) also belong to this accentuation pattern, e.g.: pj eve jėis ~ piovėjys, rinkėję ~ rinkėjė, gen. pjėvėje, rinkėjės; pl. nom. pj eve jėi, rinkėjės, gen. pj eve jū, rinkėjū, dat. pj eve jām, rinkėjēm, acc. pj eve jīis, rinkėjīs…

Derivatives with the suffix -iklė ~ -yklė are mostly stressed according to the third accentuation pattern, e.g.: baidiklė, ganiklė, šaudiklė, vetiklė ~ vėtyklė, gen. baidiklės, ganiklės, šaudiklės, vetiklės; pl. nom. baidiklas, ganiklas, šaudiklas, vėtyklas, gen. baidiklų, ganiklų, šaudiklų, vetiklų, dat. baidiklēm, ganiklēm, šaudiklēm, vetiklēm, acc. baidiklas, ganiklas, šaudiklas, vėtyklas. However, spaudiklas ~ spaudýklės ‘nutcrackers’ follows the second accentuation pattern; gen. spaudiklų, dat. spaudiklam, acc. spaudiklas ~ spaudykles.

The dialect also has a few other polysyllabic nouns in the third accentuation pattern, e.g.: third pattern: akėčės (: akėčios 1), grėbėstas (: grėbėstas 2); third pattern “a”: arškėtis ~ erškėtýs (: erškėtis 2), prekląmis ~ priekląmýs (: prieklomis 1), ėremėtis (: priemėtis 1), ėresvirnis ~ priesvirnys (: priesvirnis 1), pretemis || pritemis (: priėtemis 1); third pattern “b”: akatas ~ akuotas (: akuotas 1), ašaka (: ašaka 1), balana (: balana 2), balanda ~ balandą (: balanda 1), batkatis ~ botkotys (: botkotis 1), baudževà (: baudžiava 1), gabana (: gābana 1), ganėvà (: ganjava 1), lap(a)kritīs ~ lap(a)-kritýs (: lapkritīs 1), nugara (: nugara 1), paperis ~ popierýs (: popierius 1), samana (: samana 1), antakis ~ antakýs (: antakis 1), užkulnis ~ užkulnys (: užkulnis 1), užupis ~ užupýs (: užupis 1), veškėlis ~ vieškelys (: vieškelis 1).

d) In contrast to standard Lithuanian, the following disyllabic nouns in the dialect are stressed according to the fourth accentuation pattern: durys (: durys 2), gilė (: gilė 2), giṅklas (: giṅklas 2), grūntas (: grūntas 2), kråpas, (: kråpas 2), kriaušis ~ kriaušys (: kriaušis 2), kulė ~ kūlė “the grain-threshing season; grain to be threshed” (: kūlė 2), lóta (: lota 2), miestas (: miestą|2), prāsm as

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(: priešmas 2), putà (: putà 2), raístas (: raístas 2), rãktas (: rãktas 2), sklaũtas (: skliaũtas 2), sklỹpas (: sklỹpas 2), smukis ~ smukỹs (: smũkis 2), sõdas 4 ‖ sõdas 2 (: sõdas 2), srūtas ~ srūtos, sūtras ~ sūtros (: srūtos, sūtros 2), stūmbas ~ stūmbas (: stãmbas 3), šérnas (: šérnas 3), ū̃rvas (: ū̃rvas 3), žil̃ė ~ žylė (: žỹlė 1), žiñklas ~ žėñklas (: žénklas 3).

2. A few other peculiarities of accentuation in the dialect's nouns should also be mentioned.

a) The location of stress in individual forms may have shifted under the influence of other forms, owing to the tendency known as columnar accentuation.

For example, in polysyllabic nouns of the second accentual paradigm, the penultimate syllable is quite often stressed in the singular instrumental and plural accusative, as in other cases; cf.: sg. instr. bur̃bėkļu ~ bur̃bėkliu “burbėklių”, bur̃bėklai “burbėklė”, snaudãliu ~ snaudãliu “snaudalių”, snaudãlai “snaudale”, sausãtii “sausate”, ukmer̃gišku ~ ukmergiškiu “ukmergiškiu”, ukmergiškiai “ukmergiškė”; pl. acc. bur̃bėklus ~ bur̃bėklius “burbėklius”, bur̃bėklas ~ bur̃bėkles “burbėkles”, snaudãlis ~ snaudãlius “snaudalius”, snaudãlas ~ snaudãles “snaudales”, sausãtis ~ sausãtes “sausates”, ukmergiškis ~ ukmergiškius “ukmergiškius”, ukmergiškes “ukmergiškes”.

For the same reason, alongside ašvijė ~ uošvijà⁸, mušėikà⁹, the forms ašvijė, mušėika are more often stressed incorrectly.

b) Singular vocative forms of nouns with diminutive or endearing meaning, when they have lost a final vowel or diphthong, very often have stress shifted from the suffix to the first syllable, e.g.: dabiluk (: dabilùkas ~ dobiliùkas), katiñuk (: katiñùkas ~ katiñiukas), katinė́l (: katinė́lis), stasùl (: stasùlis ~ Stasiùlis), šùnel (: šùnelis), vaĩkuk (: vaĩkùkas ~ vaikiùkas), vaikelùk (: vaikelùkas ~ vaikelìukas); gėgutìt (: gegutìtė ~ gegutýtė), ląputìt (: lapùtė ~ lapùtė), marčiùt (: marčiùtė ~ marčiūtė), moterel (: moterėlė ~ moterėlė), seserìt (: seserìtė ~ seserytė). Individual ordinary (non-diminutive) proper names are also stressed this way, e.g.: aũgustin (: aũgustinas ~ Augustinas), uñtan (: untãnas ~ Antãnas).

The shift of stress to the first syllable of these forms is sometimes also associated with a particular difference in meaning. When calling to someone from a distance, loudly, singular vocative forms retaining stress on the suffix are more often used (katiñuk, katiñėl(i); gegutìt, lapùt); in ordinary speech, when addressing someone nearby, forms with stress on the first syllable are used.

3. In the dialect, individual words or forms also occur that differ from the standard language not in the location of stress but in intonation. E.g.:

a) The standard-language words kaũkaspenis (1), lakštingala (1) are pronounced in the dialect as: kãukaspėnis (1), lakštingėla (1).

b) The stressed ending of the instrumental plural of i-stem nouns has an acute accent, e.g.: akim, ausim, pirtim, vitim ~ vytim. Thus, these forms have completely merged with the plural dative forms. The merger was probably influenced by (i)o- and ė-stem words, in which the accent contours of the stressed endings in the plural dative and instrumental forms regularly became similar:

dat. galvóm, katė̃m instr. galvóm, katė̃m 〉 dat., instr. galvòm, katė̃m¹⁰.

⁸ In the dialect this word is stressed in two ways: according to the second and fourth accentual paradigms; cf.: sg. gen. ašvijės and ašvijos, loc. ašvijìjì and ašvijòj.

⁹ Common nouns and proper names with the suffix -eika are stressed according to the second accentual paradigm in the dialect.

¹⁰ Here, as throughout the work, the symbol for the circumflex accent denotes the dialect's merged acute and circumflex accents on stressed long vowels and the diphthongs ie and uo.

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ADJECTIVE

1. General remarks

Gender. § 18. The dialect’s adjectives have three genders: masculine, feminine, and neuter.

Masculine adjectives have (i)a- and u-stems, while feminine adjectives have (i)o- and ė-stems.

With common-gender nouns, adjectives of either feminine or masculine gender may be used. In such cases, one generally takes into account who is being discussed: persons of masculine or feminine gender, e.g.: jisai geras žopla “he is a big fool,” jisai gėras pliuške (~ pliuškė) “he is a big blabbermouth,” anà (= ji) gerà žopla, anà gerà pliuške.

The neuter forms of adjectives are the same as those of k., i.e. a fossilized singular nominative or accusative, e.g.: visur bálta; par mumis ii rudenį saùsa “it is white everywhere; it is dry at our place even in autumn”; lauki žãli ~ laukė žãlia; šitoi vietai gìlu “the field is green ~ the field was green; it is deep in this place”; anamì miški labai tūnku. Neuter forms do not have derivatives with the suffixes -(ut)inis, -ikščias ~ -ykščias, -ivas ~ -yvas, nor certain other adjectives, e.g.: bėras, -a, dvìlas, -a ~ dvýlas, -à, kalbùs, -i, kniùpščis, -e ~ kniùpščius, -ià, landùs, -i ~ landus, -i, pėsčis, -e ~ pėsčias, -ià, šlìbas, -à, valgùs, -i.

Number. § 19. Adjectives have singular and plural forms. Alongside the dual forms of nouns, adjective forms of the same number also occur, e.g.: dù gerù vežimù atavėžiu (~ atavėžiau); dù mažù vaikù būva (~ būvo). Dual forms of adjectives alone are very rare—considerably rarer than the remnants of the nominal dual (see § 2 for these).

Case. § 20. The vocative case of adjectives is used relatively less often than that of nouns. Usually, forms of this case coincide with nominative forms, e.g.: singular vocative brúngus (-as) švėteli (: nominative brúngus švėtėlis ~ brángus svėtelis), gėras vaikì (: gėras vaikas), laukinė katė (: laukinė katė ~ laukinė katė), miẽla matinėlė ~ miẽla motinėlė; plural vocative brúngus švėtėlii (:nominative brúngus švėtėlii ~ brángus švėtėliai), gerì vaikài (: geri vaikai), laukinės kãtes (: laukinės kãtes ~ laukinės kãtės), miẽlas matinėlas (: miẽlas matinėlas ~ mielos motinėlės).

Among polysyllabic ia-stem adjectives, several singular vocative forms occur, e.g.: pirmutinis (like the nominative), pirmùtini, pirmutiniu ~ pirmutiniau; šveikėšnis, šveikėšniu ~ sveikėšniau; šveikáusis ~ sveikiausias, šveikáusiu ~ sveikiausiau.

Stem. § 21. The stems of adjectives in the dialect are the same as in the standard language. However, certain adjectives may have two sets of case endings—the older ones as well as newer ones borrowed from other stems. Thus, adjective stems, like noun stems, become mixed.

First of all, certain a--stem adjectives (fem. o-) shift to u- (fem. io-) stems. This phenomenon is characteristic of other dialects as well. For example, in many dialects, and also in the present-day literary language, u--stem adjectives (fem. io-), such as ašt-rùs, -i, biaurùs, -i, pigùs, -i, stiprùs, -i, švelnùs, -i, etc., in some dialects and in the old—

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In these written sources, the a- (fem. o-) stems are still found¹¹. In the southern Eastern Aukštaitian dialect, the feminine forms of these adjectives have the io stem (e.g., bjauri, bjaurõs, bjaurái,...), whereas the masculine usually has two types of forms in the a- and u-stem declensions, cf. the declension of a and u stems, cf. bjaurùs:

Singular Plural Nom. bjaũras, bjaurùs bjaurùs (bjaũras) Gen. bjaũra, bjaurãus bjaurũ, bjaurũ Dat. bjaurám, bjaurãm bjaurìems Acc. bjaũru bjaurùs (bjaũras), bjaurìs Instr. bjaurũ, bjaurù bjaurãis, bjaureĩs Loc. bjauràm, bjaurẽn bjaurũosi, bjaurũosi Ill. bjaurán, bjaurẽn bjaurũosin, bjaurũosin

Šalia senesnių a-kamienių gana dažnai turi naujesnes u-kamienes formas ir būdvardis lẽngvas: lũngvas (džn.) || lungvùs (dgs. vard. lũngvi || lũngvus); tačiau dgs. galininkas, vietininkas ir iliatyvas visada turi tiktai a-kamienes formas (lungvùs, lungvũosi, lungvũosin). Šio būdvardžio moteriškosios giminės taip pat yra dvejopos formos: o- ir io-kamienės (vns. vard. lungvà, lũngvi, kilm. lungvõs, lungvės...).

The gradual transition of individual a-stem adjectives to u-stem adjectives most likely provided a basis for the opposite process of stem mixing as well: in the dialect, alongside the old u-stem adjective forms, a-stem forms also began to be used; cf. § 24.

For the transition of certain ė-stem adjectives to (i)o-stem adjectives, see § 26.

Comparison. § 22. As in standard Lithuanian, the dialect has three basic degrees of adjectives: positive, comparative and superlative. In addition to these, there are also the elative and absolute superlative degrees. By the degree of the quality expressed, the adjective degrees are ordered as follows: positive, elative, comparative, superlative and absolute superlative.

The elative, comparative and superlative forms are derived from positive-degree adjectives (aukštas, -à, báltas, -à). Their formation is, one might say, the same as in standard Lithuanian.

Elative adjectives are formed with the suffix -elėsnis, -ė ~ ėlesnis, -ė (aukštėlesnis, -ė, bãltelėsnis, -ė), while comparatives are formed with -ėsnis, -ė ~ ėsnis, -ė (aukštesnis, -ė, baltėsnis, -ė).

Aukščiausiojo laipsnio vyriškosios giminės formos yra: aukščiaũsis, balčiaũsis ir t.t. Tokias pat formas turi kai kurios gretimos ir tolimesnės rytų aukštaičių tarmės (Siesikai, Taujėnai, Raguva, Truskava, Krekenava…). Tačiau, kaip rytų aukštaičių pietinėje tarmėje, taip anose tarmėse, ir kitų žodžių galūnė -as po minkšto priebalsio yra virtusi -is (pvz., svẽčias, vėjas > švẽčis, vėjis). Vadinasi, ir aukščiaũsis,

¹¹ Cf.: ąztras SP I 14₄₀, DP 273₆, ąztra SP II 83₃₀, gen. sg. ąztra SP II 108₁₀, fem. acc. sg. ąztrą DP 28₃₇, nom. pl. aztri SP I 122₁₅, II 108₃; instr. aztrai DP 155₃, aztromis SP II 199₇; gen. pl. biauru SP I 232₁₁, acc. pl. biaurus SP II 170₈; pigas SP II 62₁, nepigas SP II 232₁₃, nom. pl. pigi SP I 314₄, acc. sg. piga SP I 27₂₃, 107₂₂, adv. pigay SP I 249₁₄, pigai DK 113₈, pigiai DP 4₁₁, 11₇, 19₅₈; stipras SP I 114₄, instr. sg. stipru SP II 19₉, acc. pl. stiprus SP II 19₁₂, instr. stiprays SP II 227₃₀, adv. stipray SP II 20₁₈; acc. pl. szwelmus SP I 32₁₃, instr. szwelnais SP I 32₁₃; ãstras, -à Miroslavas, Pilviškiai, biaũras, -à Linkmenys (see also: Lietuvių kalbos žodynas, vol. 1, Vilnius, 1941, pp. 275, 651; Z. Zinkevičius, Lietuvių dialektologija, p. 274 et seq.).

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balčiausias, geriausias, greičiausiai, phonetically arose from aukščiausias, balčiau-sias, geriausias. It may also be added that the latter forms of the superlative degree of adjectives are used in other East Aukštaitian dialects (Utena, Dūsetos, Obėliai...), which preserve the intact -ias, as well as in old writings based on the East Aukštaitian dialect (cf.: szwinčiausias AK 18₂₁, wiriáusias AK 37₃₀, aukščiausias and didžiausias SP I 4₂₆–₂₇, wiriausias SP II 198₇). The feminine forms of this degree in the southern East Aukštaitian dialect are: aukščause ~ aukščiausia, balčiause ~ balčiausia, etc.

The all-superlative adjectives are most often formed by adding the pronoun pats, pati to superlative adjectives, e.g.: pat aukščiausis ~ pats aukščiausias, pati aukščause — pati aukščiausia. Instead of pats, the genitive, accusative (less commonly), or instrumental of the pronoun kas may sometimes be used, as may the plural genitive or plural accusative of the pronoun visas with the preposition už, as well as the Slavic nai, e.g.: ko (kū ~ ką, kuo) geriausis, -ė; visų (~ visų) geriausis, -ė; už visus geriausis, už visas (~ už visas) geriause; nai geriausis, -ė. Rarely, the same meaning is expressed by: už visus geresnis, už visas geresnė.

Neuter adjectives are also compared, e.g.: aukšta, aukštelau ~ aukšteliau, aukščau ~ aukščiau, aukščause ~ aukščiausia, kū(kuo) aukščause ~ kū (kuo) aukščiausia, visų aukščause ~ visų aukščiausia, už vis aukščause.

A certain degree of a possessed quality may also be expressed by adjectives formed with some other suffixes or prefixes, cf.: kepūre (~ kepūrė) maž ma-žoka (= too small); naktis dabar tumšokas ~ naktųs dabar tamsokos (= dark, but not very); jisai dabar apisveikis (~ apysveikis “not quite healthy yet, almost healthy”).

As in standard Lithuanian, the dialect also has adjectives denoting qualities that cannot be lesser or greater; these are non-comparable, e.g.: basas, -a, geležinis, -e ~ geležinis, -ė, pernikščis, -e ~ pernykščias, -ia “last year’s.” Adjectives formed with -ėtas, -otas, -uotas and some other suffixes are also rarely compared. However, certain comparative and superlative adverbs may be used with them, e.g.: dabėtas ~ duobėtas, šakotas; daugiau (~ daugiau), labjau (~ labiau) dabėtas, šakotas; daugause (~ daugiausia), labjause (~ labiausia) dabėtas, šakotas.

2. Declension

a-, ia-stems

§ 23. Endings of a-stem and ia-stem adjectives: singular nominative [bált-]-as ~ -as, [naũj-]-is ~ -as, genitive -a, -e ~ -o, dative -ám, accusative -ų, -i ~ -ą, instrumental -u, -ù, locative -am̃, -em̃ ~ -am̃, illative -añ, -eñ ~ añ; plural nominative -i, genitive -ų ~ -ų, dative -iẽm ~ -iẽm, accusative -us || -as ~ -us, -ūs || -is ~ -ūs, instrumental -aĩs, -eĩs ~ -aĩs, locative -uõsi / -uõse, illative -uõsin / -uõsna(n) (cf. § 4).

The singular dative of polysyllabic ia-stem adjectives, alongside the ending -em ~ -iam, sometimes also has the ending -iũ ~ -iui, which arose by analogy with ia-stem nouns, cf.: beržiniui pagaliui ~ beržiniui pagaliui, geriausi svečiai ~ geriausiui svečiui, kvietinių ragaišių ~ kvietiniui ragaišiui, vilniškiai svečiai ~ vilniškiui svečiui. A singular dative of this type also occurs in old writings, cf.: Noriu asz tam paskutiniui dit’ kaip ir taw DP 93₁₂–₁₃.

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The singular accusative form of the superlative geriausi may have arisen phonetically both from geriusuta and from geriausių. Some other Eastern Aukštaitian dialects use the latter accusative form alongside the nominative geriausias (cf. also forms in old written monuments based on Eastern Aukštaitian dialects: szwinciausi AK 30₁₉, 82₃₂₉, 98₃₀, szwynciausi SP I 101₁₅₇, brungiausi SP II 25₁₅, 27₁, 30₂₅).

Alongside the singular illative form of comparative adjectives geresnin (cf. singular accusative gerėsni ~ geresnį), the form geresnėn is used more often, probably formed on the pattern of naujėn. The singular illative of derivatives with the suffix -utinė is also mostly used with -en ~ -ian, e.g. paskutinėn, pirmutinėn. It is difficult to say whether the superlative adjectives’ singular illative -in (cf. geriausin) arose from -in or from -ian, since the original form of the singular accusative is also unclear.

The nominative plural ending -ii ~ -iai and dative plural -em ~ -iam are found in medinis, paskutinis and other adjectives of this type with ia-stems ia-kamieniai.

u stem

§ 24. Endings: singular nominative [graž-] -ūs (|| -ās ~ -ūs), genitive -aũs, dative -’ām ~ -iám, accusative -u (-a) ~ -ų, instrumental -ù ~ -iù, locative -em̃ ~ -iam̃, illative -eñ ~ -iañ; plural nominative -us (-as) ~ -ūs, genitive -ų ~ -ių, dative -iém, accusative -’ùs (-is) ~ -iùs, instrumental -eĩs ~ -iaĩs, locative -’ùosi | -’ùose, illative -’ùosin | -’ùosna(n) (cf. § 4).

Endings of u-stem adjectives are being encroached upon by a-stem endings; cf. forms fairly frequently used in the dialect: singular genitive brūnga ~ brūngo, gārda ~ gārdo, singular dative gražām, saldām, statām ~ sotām, instrumental gražù, saldù, sotù, locative gražūm, saldām, statām, illative gražān, saldān, statān; plural genitive gražū ~ gražų, saldū ~ saldų, sotū ~ sotų, accusative gražūs (gražās), saldūs (saldās), instrumental gražāis, saldāis, locative gražūosi, saldām, illative gražūosin, statūosin.

For the reasons behind the emergence of parallel a-stem forms, see § 21.

o, io stems

§ 25. Examples of o- and io-stem adjectives: baltā, naujė ~ naujā, gerāuse ~ geriāusia, gražī. The endings of these adjectives are the same as those of o- and io-stem nouns (cf. §§ 8, 9).

ė stem

§ 26. Examples of ė-stem adjectives: medinė ~ medinė, gerėsne ~ gerės-nė. The endings of these adjectives are mostly the same as those of ė-stem nouns (cf. § 10); however, in the comparative and the elative, as well as in adjectives formed with the suffix -utinė, individual cases alongside ė-stem forms may also have io-stem forms, cf.: sg. gen. geresnės, gerelesnės, pirmutinės || geresnōs, gerelesnōs, pirmutinōs, loc. geresnėj, gerelesnėj, pirmutinėj || geresnōj, gerelesnōj, pirmutinōj, ill. geresnėn, gerelesnėn, pirmutinėn || geresnōn, gerelesnōn, pirmutinōn; pl. dat. and instr. geresnėm, gerelesnėm, pirmutinėm || geresnōm, gerelesnōm, pirmutinōm, loc. geresnėsi, gerelesnėsi, pirmutinėsi || geresnōsi, gerelesnōsi, pirmutinōsi, ill. geresnėsin, gerelesnėsin, pirmutinėsin || geresnōsin, gerelesnōsin, pirmutinōsin. In some locations within the southern East Aukštaitian dialect area (e.g., around Gelvonai), forms with io-stem endings are even more commonly used.

Before the stem-final vowel, the endings of individual cases of adjectives with l that have ē-stems, hardened before the stem-final vowel, have coincided due to phonetic changes with the endings of adjectives with o-stems…

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in these forms, cf.: sg. nom. didela ~ didelė, dat. didelái ~ dideléi, acc. didelù ~ didelę, instr. didelãi; pl. nom. didelàs ~ didelės, acc. didelàs ~ deles. On the basis of these cases, o-stem endings are sometimes also added to forms of other cases, cf.: sg. gen. didelõs || didelės ~ didelės, loc. didelõj || didelėj ~ didelėj, ill. didelõn || didelėn ~ didelėn; pl. dat. and instr. didelõm || didelėm ~ didelėm, loc. didelõsj || didelėsi ~ didelėse, ill. didelõsin || didelėsin ~ didelėsen.

3. Remnants of pronominal adjectives

§ 27. The southern East Aukštaitian dialect area forms part of that region of Lithuania where pronominal adjectives are now almost never used. Their functions here are generally performed by ordinary adjectives. In the dialect, only various substantivized and adverbialized pronominal adjectives occur somewhat more frequently; cf. proper place names: bindrõje ~ Bendrõja meadows of Skominėliai and Vaitkūnai villages (Pabaiskas area), didžõje ~ Didžõja meadows of Knizlaukis village (Vėpriai area), Slabada and Ulyčnykai, and Vaitkūnai village (Pabaiskas area), dubõje ~ Dubõja meadows of Slabada and Vaitkūnai villages, ilgõje ~ Ilgõja field in Minčiukai village (Musninkai area), plačõje ~ Plačõja meadow in Vaiteliškiai village (Krikštėnai area), smailõji field in Kaimynėliai village (Musninkai area); didžõje balà ~ Didžõja balà in Bagužiškiai village (Krikštėnai area), didžõje pieva ~ Didžõja pieva in Santakiai village (Viesai area), ilgiẽji alkaĩ ~ Ilgieji alkaĩ marsh in Skominai village (Pabaiskas area), ilgõje pieva ~ Ilgõja pieva at Vindeikiai, platẽji alkaĩ ~ Platẽji alkaĩ marsh in Skominai village; (irregularly formed forms) aukštõjes ~ Aukštõjos field in Lesčiūnai village (Juknonys area), platusẽji skersini ~ Platusẽji skersiniai field in Gailiūnai village (Krikštėnai area).

For other substantivized and also adverbialized pronominal adjectives of this dialect, see “Lietuvos TSR MA Darbai”, series A, 2(7), 1959, p. 191.

4. Accentuation

§ 28. a) The accentuation of the dialect’s disyllabic adjectives differs little from that of standard Lithuanian. Only the following details are noteworthy:

1. Vieno kito būdvardžio kirčiavimas nesutampa su lk., pvz., trečiąja kirčiuote kirčiuojamas tūmsus, -i (: lk. tamsùs, -i 4), ketvirtąja kirčiuote — ker̃šas, -à (: kéršas, -à 3), šir̃mas, -à (: širmas, -à 3).

2. The singular nominative of the accent-paradigm-3 adjective brangùs, -i is stressed on the root: brúngus, brúngi; the neuter form is brúngu—that is, as in aiškus, aiški, tūnkus ~ túnkus, túnki ~ tánki¹².

3. In the singular dative of feminine adjectives, i.e. those with (i)o stems, the ending is stressed: baltái, sausái; saldžiẽji ~ saldžiái, žaliái ~ žaliái. Multisyllabic adjectives of accent paradigms 3 and 4 with these stems are accented in the same way, e.g.: alkanái, pailgái, purvìnai, svetimái; nažulnãi ~ nuožulnìai, panašái ~ panašiái.

There are somewhat more differences from standard Lithuanian in the accentuation of multisyllabic adjectives.

¹² For the accentuation of these adjectives, cf. A. Laigonaitė, Literatūrinės lietuvių kalbos kirčiavimas, Vilnius, 1959, p. 50.

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1. Adjectives with the suffixes -onas, -ona; -ivas ~ -yvas, -iva ~ -yva are stressed with the third accent paradigm in the dialect, e.g.: geltonas, -a ~ geltonas, -a, raudonas, -a ~ raudonas, -a; unkštivas, -a ~ ankstyvas, -a, velivas, -a ~ vėlyvas, -a; dative plural geltoniem, geltonom, raudaniem, raudanom; unkštiviem, unkštivom, veliviem, velivom.

Most derivatives with the suffix -ingas, -inga are stressed in this way as well, e.g.: smalingas, -a, geringą “geringą”; dative plural smalingiem, smalingom, geringom; accusative plural smalingus, smalingas, geringas. Certain adjectives with the suffix -ingas, -inga have various stress patterns—third accent paradigm, as already mentioned, or (less often) fixed stress on the suffix (as in standard Lithuanian) or on the root, e.g.: lėtingas, lėtingą || lėtingas, lėtinga || lėtingas, lėtingą; lėtinga; dative plural lėtingiem, lėtingom || lėtingem, lėtingam || lėtingiem, lėtingam; accusative plural lėtingus, lėtingas || lėtingus, lėtingas.

Compound adjectives with the prefix prie- have two stress patterns: either fixed stress on the prefix (as in standard Lithuanian), or mobile stress shifting from the ending to the prefix, e.g.: priedurnis, -ė, priešakvaišis, -ė, priešekurtis, -ė || priedurnis, -ė ~ priedurnys, -ė, prekvaišis, -ė ~ priekvaišys, -ė, prekurtys, -ė ~ priekurtys, -ė; dative plural priedurnem ~ priedurniam, priedurnėm || priedurnám ~ priedurniám, priedurnėm ~ priedurnėm; accusative plural priedurnis ~ priedurnius, priedurnes.

The adjective mėlinas, -a ~ mėlynas, -a is stressed according to the third “a” accent paradigm (in the feminine singular nominative, the first syllable is stressed as well!); dative plural mėlinėm, mėlinom, accusative plural mėlinus, mėlinas.

2. Comparative and elative adjectives in the dialect belong to the fourth accent paradigm. Adjectives with the suffix -utinis, -utinė most often belong to that paradigm as well: paskutinis, -ė, pirmutinis, -ė, vidutinis, -ė; dative plural paskutiniem, paskutinom (for the ending, see § 26), accusative plural paskutinius, paskutinis.

3. Unlike in standard Lithuanian, certain adjectives with the suffix -inis, -inė are stressed differently. For example, fixed stress is found in the dialect in miltinis, -e (: standard Lithuanian miltinis, -ė, 2), mėšinis, -e (: mėšinis, -ė 2), vuosinis, -e (: uosinis, -ė 2). The following have two stress patterns: aglinis, -e ~ eglinis, -ė, alkšninis, -e, beržinis, -e—the second accent paradigm (as in standard Lithuanian) and fixed stress (áglinis, -e, alkšninis, -ė, beržinis, -e).

NUMERAL

1. Cardinal numerals

Main

§ 29. The dialect’s basic cardinal numerals differ in their formation, for the most part, little from numerals of the same type in standard Lithuanian. Considered separately or in certain groups (say, “11”–“19”), the numerals have changed somewhat only phonetically; compare:

1. vienas, viena

2. dù, dvì

3. trìs ~ trỹs

4. keturi, kẽtres < kẽturios

5. piñki ~ penki, piñkes ~ peñkios

6. šeši, šešes ~ šešios

7. saptini < septyni, saptines < septynios

8. aštūmi, aštūmes ~ aštūnios

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9. devìni ~ devyni, devìnes ~ devýnios

10. dešims, dešimtis

11. venùolka < vienuólika

20. dvìdešims

21. dvìdešims vienas, dvìdešims viena

30. trìzdešims ~ trisdešims

40. kètrezdešims < keturiasdešims

100. šimtas

1000. tūkstūntis ~ tūkstantis.

Alongside the cardinal numerals septìnezdešims “70,” aštuónezdešims “80,” …, tūkstūntis šimtas, tūkstantis du šimtai, tūkstantis du šimtai pìnk(e)zdešims… are often (especially among speakers of the older generation) expressed with the same meaning as: septìnez dešimtis (< seven tens), aštuóne² dešimtis…; venùolka šìntu (~ šìntu), dvìlka šìntu, dvìlka šìntu ùi pìnk(e)zdešims… Cf.: I am already sixty-six years old; then, during the war, they paid eighteen or nineteen hundred; he would not sell it for less than twenty-four hundred.

§ 30. The numeral viēnas is declined like a-stem adjectives, while viēna is declined like o-stem adjectives (§§ 23, 25).¹³

The genitive, dative, and instrumental forms of the numeral dù, dvì are the same for both masculine and feminine gender: gen. dvējì ~ dviejų or dvìe, dat. and instr. dvìem. The masculine locative is dvējūosi|dvējūose ~ dviejuose, ill. dvejūosin ~ dviejuosen|dvejūosna(n) ~ dviejuosna(n); the feminine loc. dvejōsil|dvejōse ~ dviejose, ill. dvejōsin ~ dviejosėn|dvejōsna(n) ~ dviejosna(n) (cf. § 4).

Like dù, dvì, abù, abì are also declined. Only the nominative and accusative forms abùdu, abìdvi are attested—the other cases are not used.

The numeral trìs has distinct masculine and feminine forms in the locative and illative: loc. trìjūosi|trìjūose, trìjōsi|trìjōse, ill. trìjūosin|trìjūosna(n), trìjōsin|trìjōsna(n). The forms of the other cases do not distinguish gender: gen. trìjų ~ trijų, dat. and instr. trìem ~ trim, acc. trìs.

The endings of the numeral keturi are the same as those of ia-stem adjectives (e.g., naujas, § 23), while kètrės ~ kètrios follows the plural forms of io-stem adjectives (e.g., nauja, § 25). Apart from the feminine nominative form, the accusative usually also lacks the vowel u after the consonant t: kètris ~ kètrias. The masculine accusative kètris has also merged with the feminine accusative. However, its ending -is may have arisen phonetically in the dialect both from -is and from -ius. This case form kèt(u)ris occurs in the vicinity of Čiobiškis and Musninkai and elsewhere along the eastern edge of the dialect area. It is also found in neighboring East Aukštaitian dialects, which retain the full -us after a palatalized consonant (or j) (Kurkliai, Lyduokiai, Želva, Molėtai, Giedraičiai…). The neighboring Central Aukštaitians around Kaišiadorys (e.g., Žasliai) have this accusative with -is, although in some places (e.g., Palomenė) a form with -ius also occurs alongside it. It may also be added that the ending -is is characteristic of K. Širvydas’s writings,

¹³ As in standard Lithuanian (cf. Dabartinės lietuvių kalbos žodynas, p. 938), in the dialect too viēnas,-a may still be used in the meaning of an adjective or pronoun, for example: tikāi viēna ki (= like) a finger; with that, children nowadays have one trouble; in some years spring was very gloomy; they, the roosters, one against another in the branches; we did not eat bread from one loaf.= (loaf)

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cf.: pinkis SP I 252₂₀, septinis SP I 140₁₇ alongside elnius SP I 141₂₆, erszkiečius SP II 163₃₂.

Like keturi, ketres, the following are declined: pinki, pinkes; šeši, šešes; septini, septines; aštuoni, aštuones; devini, devines.

The numeral dešims is indeclinable. Its declinable form dešimtis (used somewhat more often only by speakers of the older generation) has the same endings as i-stem nouns (cf. § 11), except that alongside the genitive plural dešimčių ~ dešimčių, dešimtų ~ dešimtų. also occurs.

The numerals vienuolka – devinuolka have singular case forms. Their endings are the same as those of o-stem nouns (§ 8), except that the accusative has a short -a, i.e. it coincides with the nominative.

The numeral šimtas is declined like a-stem nouns (§ 6), while tūkštūntis is declined mostly (and always by speakers of the younger generation) like ia-stem nouns (§ 7). The older generation sometimes still uses it with the endings of ē-stem nouns, cf.: singular nominative tūkštūnė ~ tūkstantė, singular genitive and plural nominative tūkštūntes ~ tūkstantēs, plural dative and instrumental tūkštūntiem ~ tūkstantēm. Such forms probably arose in place of older feminine i-stem forms (cf. the shift of feminine i-stem nouns to ē-stems — § 12).

Compound numerals dvidešims — devineždesims are indeclinable. In multiword numerals (formed from several words), all the words are declined, e.g.: nominative dū tūktūnčiį irįs šimtąjį devini, genitive dvėjų tūktūnčių trijų šimtų devinių, and so on.

Multiplicatives

§ 31. First to be mentioned are multiplicative numerals formed in the same way as those in 1k.: veneri ~ vieneri, vieneres ~ vienerios; abejì, abejes ~ abėjos; dvėji, dvėjes ~ dvėjos; frėji, frėjes ~ frėjos; ketveri, ketveres ~ ketverios; pinkeri, pinkeres ~ pinkerios... devineri ~ devyneri, devineres ~ devynerios.

With the suffix -er-, one sometimes also says dvėjeri, dvėjeres ~ dvėjerios; frėjeri, frėjeres ~ frėjerios.

Alongside multiplicative numerals with the suffix -er-, the dialect also uses numerals with the same meaning and the suffix -el-: veneli ~ vienelė, vienelės ~ vienelios, pinkeli, pinkelės ~ penkelios; šešeli, šešelės ~ šešelios; septineli < septyneli, septineles < septynelios; aštaneli ~ aštuoneli, aštaneles ~ aštuonelios; devineli ~ devyneli, devineles ~ devynelios.

Alongside the feminine nominative forms vieneres, vieneles and the accusative forms vieneris ~ vienerias, vienelis ~ vienelias, forms with root -e- also occur: nominative vėneres ~ vėnerios, vėnelės ~ vėnelios, accusative vėneris ~ vėnerias, vėnelis ~ vėnelias. The latter probably arose on the model of dvėjes or dvėj eres, kė tveres (nominative); dvėjeris ~ dvėjerias, kė tveris ~ kė tverias (accusative).

Multiplicative numerals are used with pluralia tantum nouns, e.g.: dvėjes (dvėjeres, dvėjeles) dūris, kė tveres šākes, devineri (devineli) mētai.

Multiplicative numerals are declined like the cardinal numeral keturi, ketres (§ 30). The masculine accusative ending is usually -is (dvėjis, frėjis); only nearer the eastern boundary of the dialect does -us (dvėjus, frėjus) also occur. Alongside the feminine

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The dative and instrumental forms of the collective numeral of the feminine gender frėjes, trėjom, are sometimes also said as trijom, e.g.: frijom pirštinem neustėks šūlu; su frijom kėlnem. The latter form is probably a contaminative reshaping of frėjom ir frīm.

Collective numerals

§ 32. The formation of the dialect’s collective numerals is the same as in standard Lithuanian: dvėjetas, trėj etas, kėivertas, piñketas ~ peñketas, devinetas ~ devýnetas.

Numerals of this type can be used with both masculine and feminine nouns, e.g.: frėjetas arklių, kėivertas paršu; piñketas kárvu, šéšetas kañlu.

Collective numerals have singular case forms. Their endings are mostly the same as those of a-stem nouns (§ 6), except that the nominative and accusative can sometimes also have the ending -a, e.g.: piñketa paršu laksta, trėjeta kárviu ganasi; kėiverta arklių pardavė, aštíone ta vištu lápe nuneše. These forms (like vienuolika — devyniolika) should be regarded as remnants of the neuter nominative-accusative.

Fractional numerals

§ 33. Fractional numerals of this type, such as in standard Lithuanian one third, three eighths, are not used in the dialect; instead, one says: (one) third, (one) fourth, two fifths ~ two fifths, three eighths ~ three eighths, and so on.

Numerals of this type have only masculine forms; their compound components third, fourth, etc., are declined like ia-stem nouns (§ 7).

The word half ~ half is also used with the meaning of a fractional numeral (declined like ē-stem nouns, § 10).

The numerals one and a half ~ one and a half, one and a third ~ one and a third, one and three quarters ~ one and three quarters... inflect for gender but are not declined; only their genitive forms are used, e.g.: one and a third measure ~ one and a third measure, one and a third board ~ one and a third board.

2. Ordinal numerals

§ 34. The formation of ordinal numerals in the dialect differs essentially no more from that of Standard Lithuanian, cf.: pirmas, -à; úntras, -à ~ añtras, -à; trėčis, -ė ~ trėčias, -ià; ketvirtas, -à; devintas, -à; dešimtas, -à; dvidešimtas, -à; dvidešim(s) pirmas, -à. Only ordinal numerals from “11” to “19” can have two forms in the dialect—alongside veniúoiktas, -a, dvìlktas, -a, the older generation of dialect speakers still quite often uses venalikis, -e ~ vienuolikìs, -ė, dvìlikis, -e ~ dvylikis, -ė, and so on.

§ 35. The case forms of the numeral pirmas have the same endings as a-stem adjectives, while pirmà has endings like o-stem adjectives (§§ 23, 25). Other a- and o-stem ordinal numerals are declined in the same way.

Numerals trėčis, venalikis, dvìlikis... are declined like ia-stem adjectives (§ 23), trėčė like io-stem adjectives (§ 25), and venalike, dvìlike like ē-stem adjectives (§ 26). Like certain ia-stem adjectives, the numerals venalikis, dvìlikis and others sometimes have, alongside the adjectival ending of the singular dative (venalikem ~ vienuolikìam, dvìlikem ~ dvylìkiam), a nominal ending as well (venalikìi ~ vienuolikìui, dvìlikìi ~ dvylìkiui).

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In compound ordinal numerals, only the last word is declined, e.g.: singular nominative tūkstantis devyni šimtai penktas, genitive tūkstantis devyni šimtai penkta... plural nominative tūkstantis devyni šimtai keturelikį metai, instrumental tūkstantis devyni šimtai keturelikiais metais.

3. Accentuation

§ 36. The more significant differences between the dialect’s numeral accentuation and that of Standard Lithuanian are as follows:

a) Cardinal numerals:

1. When counting rhythmically, the first syllable of numerals “4”–“6” may bear the stress: keturi, piñki, šeši.

2. The singular dative form of the numeral viena is stressed on the ending: venái ~ vienái (cf. § 28a).

3. The dative and instrumental forms of the numeral trìs have a circumflex intonation: trīm (cf. § 17,3).

4. Certain case forms of the numeral dešimtis can sometimes (less often) have root stress as well as ending stress, e.g.: singular nominative dešimtis || dešimtis, genitive dešimties || dešimties.

5. The plural forms of the numeral šimtas are stressed on the root when they follow another numeral, e.g.: dù šimtai, dvìlika šimtų ~ dvyl(i)ka šimtų, trīm šimtam, dvìem šimtais, but: šimtai jų tinai skraida; tų jų šimtais nepapirksi.

b) Collective numerals:

Alongside nominative forms stressed on the ending septneri, septnelì, aštaneri, aštanelì, devineri, devinelì, forms with stress on the suffix are used: septýneri, septýnelì, aštuoneri, aštuonelì, devyneri, devynelì. Forms with this stress pattern arose by analogy with septynì, aštuoni, devìni, where stress was regularly retracted from the short ending.

c) Ordinal numerals:

1. The ending of the singular instrumental and plural accusative forms of first, -à is most often stressed: pirmù, pirmąĩ; pirmùs, pirmàs. The endings of these forms began to be stressed by analogy with other ordinal numerals, e.g., ùntras, -à ~ àntras, -à — singular instrumental untrù, untrąĩ; plural accusative untrùs, untràs.

The singular dative of feminine-gender numerals firstà — tenthà, twentiethà — ninetiethà is stressed on the ending, e.g.: pirmái, ketvirtái, dvidešimtái..., as is the same case of o-stem adjectives (§ 28 a).

2. venalikis, -e — devinelikis, -e ~ devyniolikis, -ė are stressed according to the second accentuation pattern (venuolktas, -a... has fixed stress, as in standard Lithuanian).

PRONOUN

1. General remarks

§ 37. Most pronouns in the dialect are the same as in standard Lithuanian; only some have undergone slight phonetic or morphological changes, the meanings of certain pronouns have changed, and a few have entered from Slavic languages. For example:

1. Personal: aš, tū, jisai¹⁴ || ăns “he,” anà “she,” mẽs, jūs ~ jũs, jiẽ || àne ~ ãnie, jós || ãnas ~ ãnos.

¹⁴ The short form jis is not used at all. With the particle -ai, which has lost its emphatic, assertive meaning in the dialect, certain other pronouns are also used (cf. below).

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2. Reflexive: savi ~ savę.

3. Possessive: màna ~ màno, tàva ~ tàvo, sàva ~ sàvo.

4. Demonstrative: anàs, anõjį < anõjį¹⁵ “that one,” šitas, šitai ~ šitoj “this,” tàs || tasai, tõj “that,” tõks || taksai ~ toksai, tõke ~ tokią, šitaks ~ šitoks || šitaksai ~ šitoksai, šitake ~ šitokia, tas pãc ~ tas pats, tõj pati, pãc tas, pati tõj, tõks pãc, taksai pãf, tõke pati (pãt).

5. Interrogative-relative: kàs, kõks || kaksai ~ koksai, kõke, katràs, katrõj, kuris, kurõj (rare), keli, -es ~ -ios, kelintas, -à, keleri, -es, kanõ “whose.”

6. Indefinite: kàs, kõks || kaksai, kõke, katràs, -õj, keli, -es, kelõlika < keliõlika, keletas, bet kàs, bet kõks || bet kaksai, bet kõke, bet katràs, bet katrõj, katràs-ne-katras, katrõj-ne-katrõj, kai kàs, kažna kàs, kažna katràs, kažna kõks (kaksai), šis tàs, šõks tõks || šeksai taksai ~ šioksai toksai, šõke, tõke, kitas, kitai ~ kitoj, kas kita, vienas kitas, viena kita, kitõks, -e, kitõniškas, -a, visas, -à, viskàs, visõks, -e, niẽkas, ni joks, -e “no kind, -a,” ni kõks (kaksai), -e “no sort, -a.” Instead of kiekvienas, -a, Slavic-origin pronouns are mostly used: kõžnas, -a, žėdnas, -a.

7. Definite: pãc, pati.

2. Declension

Non-gendered pronouns

§ 38. àš, tù; savi.

Singular Plural N. àš, tù mẽs, jūs G. manì, tavì, savì mūsų, jūsų D. mãn, tàu, sáu mùm, jùm A. manì, tavì, savì mumìs, jumìs I. manìm, tavìm, savìm mùm, jùm L. manì, tavì, savì mumìsi|mumìse; jumìsi|jumìse

Besides the shorter forms àš, tù, the singular nominative sometimes also has longer forms: ãšen, ãšenai; tùjen, tùjenai. They are used mostly by the older generation.

The singular genitive and accusative forms are mostly identical in the dialect: manì ~ manę, tavì ~ tavę, savì ~ savę. Alongside manì, tavì, savì, singular accusative forms manì, tavì, savì are occasionally found. These may be remnants of the older forms manė, tavė, savė (in the dialect -ė > -i); however, the singular accusative in -i also occurs for these pronouns in those eastern Lithuanian dialects that preserve the old -ė intact (e.g. around Tverečius), as well as in dialects in which the ancient -en > -e (Palomenė, Žasliai, and elsewhere). The origin of the singular accusative forms in -i is therefore unclear¹⁶.

The plural genitive is mostly mūsu ~ mūsų, jūsų ~ jūsų (these forms are also used as possessive pronouns). Sometimes, by analogy with the singular genitive, examples also occur

¹⁵ The simple singular nominative and instrumental forms of certain feminine pronouns have been replaced by shortened pronominal forms (for more on these, see “Lietuvos TSR MA Darbai”, series A, 2(7), 1959, p. 195 ff.). Alongside the simple forms, shortened pronominal forms are sometimes also found in the masculine plural nominative, e.g.: anieĮ, kairieĮ, šitieĮ, tieĮ. However, these forms do not occur throughout the dialect area—they are used mainly only in the vicinity of Čiobiškis and Musninkai.

¹⁶ Plg. J. Otrębski, Gramatyka języka litewskiego, t. 3, Warszawa, 1956, p. 137; Z. Zinkevičius, Lietuvių dialektologija, p. 299.

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Forms made this way mumì ~ mumė, jumì ~ jumė (cf.: jisai mumì nepràšė; iš jumì atėję un mumis “from you they came to us”).

Like the plural dative, the plural instrumental is usually the same (cf.: neik su mùm; su jùm nėr kȯ šnekėt). Less often, the plural instrumental mumìm, jumìm occurs (cf.: su mumìm anà nėšneka; àš su jumìm nòru važiuòti).

The plural accusative is usually mumìs, jumìs; less frequent accusative forms are mumì, jumì.

§ 39. Other non-gendered pronouns have only singular forms. Their endings are mostly the same as those of the corresponding standard Lithuanian pronouns, though the forms of certain cases differ somewhat phonetically; cf.:

Nominative kàs, niẽkas, šìs tàs

Genitive kȯ, niẽka, šȯ tȯ

Dative kám, niẽkam, šám tám

Accusative kù, niẽku, šì tù

Instrumental kuõ || kuõm, niẽku, šuõ tuõ || šuõm tuõm

The genitive also has the form kanõ, used with interrogative, relative, and indefinite meanings, e.g.: kanõ šitai kepùrė? kanõ padėta, tas jį pasiims; nemètik akmenų — da kanõ lùngu išmuši. The form kanõ probably arose from kenõ < kienõ, that is, from the singular genitive of the pronoun kienas (now found only in eastern Lithuanian dialects, e.g., in Lazūnai, Gervėčiai, and Zietela).

Alongside the accusative šì tù, šù tù also occurs (cf.: dàve šù tù pasògas), where šù apparently arose by analogy with the second component (tù).

The singular instrumental kuõm (< kuomi), šuõm tuõm (< šiuomi tuomi), like forms of that case in gendered pronouns with -m, is used more often by members of the older generation.

Adverbs substitute for locative forms: kur̃, niẽkur, šì tì “here and there”.

The pronoun kelõlka is declined like the numeral veniõlka (§ 30).

Pronominal forms with gender

a stem

§ 40. Most case endings of a-stem pronouns, e.g., anàs, šìtas, vìsas, are the same as those of a-stem adjectives (§ 23); they differ only in one or two cases.

The instrumental singular of some pronouns has three possible endings: -u, -uo, and -uom; cf. anù, anuõ, anuõm; katrù, katruõ, katruõm; šitù, šituõ, šituõm. The older endings -uo or -uom (< -uomi) are also retained by tàs: tuõ, tuõm. The forms of these pronouns ending in -uo are the most commonly used; those in -uom are more characteristic of older speakers, while forms in -u are now encountered very rarely. The instrumental singular ending of other a-stem pronouns is always -u (< -uo), e.g., kitù, kitõnišku, kõžnu, kelintù, visù.

The pronouns anàs, katràs, šìtas, tàs have the older nominative and accusative plural endings: nom. aniẽ, katriẽ, šitiẽ, tiẽ; acc. anuõs, katruõs, šituõs, tuõs. The endings of these cases in other a-stem pronouns have been shortened: nom. kiti, kitõniški, kõžni, kelintì; acc. kitùs, kitõniškus, kõžnus, kelintùs.

9. Lietuvių kalbos gramatikos tyrinėjimai

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ia stem

§ 41. ia-stem pronouns, e.g., jisai, kòks (kaksai), are declined similarly to adjectives of the same stem class (§ 23). However, these pronouns have almost always retained the older endings of the instrumental singular, nominative plural, and accusative plural, e.g.: instr. sg. juõ || juõm, kakuõ || kakuõm, nom. pl. jiẽ, kakìẽ, acc. pl. juõs, kakuõs.

Alongside the nominative singular form of the personal pronoun jisai, the pronoun áns (< ánas) is very often used with the same meaning, while alongside the nominative plural jiẽ — ãne ~ ãnie or (less often) ãnis ~ ãnys.

The pronouns keli, keleri have only plural cases, whose endings are exactly the same as those of the adjective naujas (§ 23).

The pronoun pàč ~ pàts differs somewhat in its declension from other ia-stem pronouns. Some of its cases retain i-stem endings; cf. gen. sg. patìẽs, acc. pàti ~ pàtį, nom. pl. pàtis ~ pàtys. The endings of the other cases are those of ia-stems. This stem-class ending is also often found in the genitive singular: pàče ~ pàčio. Alongside the accusative singular pàti, pàči is also sometimes found (cf. pàči didžiausi darbų padarèm; jisai un pàči karàli būva nuvėjis “he had gone to the king himself”). The č in these forms arose by analogy with other cases that regularly have the affricate č.

The instrumental singular and accusative plural endings of the pronoun pàc are shortened: instr. sg. pàčiu, acc. pl. pàčius || pàčis ~ pàčiùs.

o stem

§ 42. Most o-stem pronouns have the same endings as adjectives of this stem (§ 25).

For some pronouns, instead of the simple forms of the singular nominative, as already mentioned (cf. footnote 15), shortened pronominal forms are most often used (e.g.: andì, katròi, šitai...).

The singular instrumental always has the longer (pronominal) endings, e.g.: anújį ~ anąjį || anó, šitùjį ~ šitáj || šitąj, visài.

The pronouns anà, katrà, šità, alongside plural accusative forms in -as ~ -as, also have forms in -uos: anuõs, katrõs, šitõs. Only the form tuõs is used for the pronoun tà. The plural accusative in -uos arose on the model of masculine (a-, ia-stem) forms.

io stem

§ 43. The endings of io-stem pronouns are the same as those of o-stem pronouns, but when they follow palatalized consonants they have undergone greater phonetic change, e.g.: singular accusative pàči (< pàčiu) ~ pàčia, šitaki ~ šitokia; singular instrumental kakúi ~ kokiáj || kakì, pàčì ‘with the same one’; plural accusative pàčis ~ pàčias, šitakis ~ šitokias.

Instead of the 1st-plural accusative forms jàs, kòkias, kuriàs, šiàs, tòkias, the dialect always uses juõs, kakùõs, kuriõs, šiõs, takùõs.

Instead of the 1st-plural singular nominative form ji, the dialect, one may say, almost always uses anà, and alongside the plural nominative jõs very often also ãnas ~ ãnos.

The pronouns kėlės ~ kėlios, kėleres ~ kėlerios have only plural case forms.

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3. Stress

§ 44. The more important differences between the dialect’s pronoun stress and that of standard Lithuanian are as follows:

a) The pronoun šitas, šitai is stressed in the same way as kitas, -a (kitai), visas, -a, i.e. like disyllabic adjectives of the fourth stress paradigm (geras, -a).

b) The pronouns kóks (kaksai), kóke ~ kokia, šóks (šeksai), šóke ~ šiokia, tóks (taksai), tóke ~ tokià have stem-final stress (stress on the stem occurs only in the singular nominative kóks, šóks, tóks, and plural nominative kók es || kakós, šók es, tók es || takós).

c) The feminine singular dative forms of pronouns with mobile stress are always stressed on the ending, e.g.: kelintái, pačiái (cf. adjective stress, § 28).

VERB

1. General remarks

Moods, tenses, numbers, persons. § 45. Verbs have four moods: indicative, conditional, imperative, and permissive.

The indicative has four tenses: present, simple past, frequentative past, and future.

Verbs have two numbers: singular and plural; there is no dual. In all moods and tenses, the plural first-person forms in the dialect usually end in -m, and the second-person forms in -i. In these forms, the vowel -e- ~ -ė- after -m and -i is retained only before the reflexive particle, e.g.: nėšame ~ nėšamės, nėšate ~ nėšatės. For -e in the plural first- and second-person forms of the future tense, cf. § 55.

The third person singular and plural always have identical forms.

Some verbs are used only in the third-person form. These are the so-called impersonal verbs, e.g.: sópa, sapėja ~ sopėjo, sapėdava, sapės, sapėtu; šėkasi, šėkesi ~ šėkėsi...; tóptelaje ~ tóptelėjo. However, in certain expressions, the second-person imperative of these verbs is also found, e.g.: įir uñs isapėk tu mán teip “and let it ache like that for me”; įir pašnik tu mán teip gražei.

Reflexive verbs. § 46. Verbs without prefixes always have the reflexive particle -s(i) at the end of the word. In its full form (-si), it is retained more often only in the third person of the present, simple past, frequentative past, and conditional, e.g.: mátasi ~ mátosi, nėšasi, praūšisi ~ praūšiasi, šlūjosi ~ šlūojasi; mátėsi ~ mátėsi, nėšėsi ~ nėšėsi, praūšesi ~ praūšėsi, šlávėsi ~ šlávėsi; matídavasi ~ matýdavosi, nėždavasi ~ nėšdavosi, praūždavasi ~ praūsdavosi, šlūdavasi ~ šlūodavosi; matítusi ~ matýtusi, nėštusi, praūstusi, šlūotusi. These forms, however, are also quite often used without -i. In that case, the shortened reflexive particle -s is mostly retained as a soft consonant, e.g.: mátas, nėšas, praūšis; mátės, nėšės, praūšes; matídavas, nėždavas, praūzdavas; matítus, nėštus, praūštus (although mátas, nėšas... is also heard).

In other forms, the reflexive particle in the ending is always shortened, e.g.: matýtis ~ matýtis, nėštis, praūštis (-s is only weakly palatalized); nešuos, nešies, nėšames ~ nėšames, nėšates ~ nėšates; nešaus, nešies nėšemes ~ nėšėmes, nėšetes ~ nėšėtes; nėždavaus, nėždavais...; nešuos, nešies...; nėškis, nėškimes ~ nėškimes; nėštums.

In prefixed verbs, the reflexive particle is always between the prefix and the stem. In its unshortened form (-si-), it is retained in the following cases:

1) when stressed, e.g.: apsiėme ~ apsiėmė, nusiprause ~ nusiprausė, pašsivėžė, pasisukem ~ pasisukeme, pasisukėt ~ pasisukėte;

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2) when occurring before a root beginning with the consonants s, š, z, ž, and also more often before č, dž, e.g.: pasišveikinti, peršisverti; apsisvārinti, peršisālditi ~ peršisaldyti; pasižulinti, unsizuršt “to stare intently”; apsižėrkti, susižinoti; nusičiaudėt ~ nusičiaudėti, susičėupk; apsidžiaūks, pasidžiaūt (less often: suščėupk ~ susičiaupk, paždžiaūt ~ pasidžiauti);

3) when occurring after the prefixes iš- ~ iš-, už-, and very often also after at-, e.g.: išsidilinti ~ išsidilinti, išsimāudīt ~ išsimāudyti, išsivaikščėt ~ išsivaikščioti; usidėkīt ~ užsidėgti, usinarēt ~ užsinorėti, usiprašīt ~ užsiprašyti; acidūsa ~ atsidūso, acikōsēi ~ atsikōsēti, acimīnīt ~ atsimīnīti (less often: acadūsa, ackōsēt, acimīnīt).

In other cases, after a prefix the reflexive particle is mostly shortened: -si- > -s- (before a voiced consonant, -z-), e.g.: abždėgīnīt < apsidėginti, apšvilkt < apsivilkti, nusprāušīt < nusipraūšti, pastaisīt < pasitaisīti, parsvarīt < parsivarīti, peršnešt < persinešti, suždēt < susidėti. Forms of these verbs with the unshortened reflexive particle (apsidėgint, apsivilkti…) occur less often.

Infinitive. § 47. In the dialect, the shortened form ending in a soft -t is used most often, e.g.: ait ~ eiti, būt ~ būti, matīt ~ matyti, narēt ~ norėti, sūkt, važiuot. Longer infinitive forms with final -i or -e ~ -ie occur rarely, e.g.: gáuti, gáute.

Representatives of the older generation, in addition to the forms mentioned, sometimes also use an infinitive with the particle -nai, e.g.: aitēnai ~ eitienai, dirptēnai ~ dirbtienai, narētenai ~ norētienai, važiuotenai.

The infinitive of reflexive verbs always ends in -tis, e.g.: nēštis, pīrktis, sūktis, vītis ~ vītis.

Supine. § 48. The supine, so characteristic of some other East Aukštaitian dialects, is virtually absent in the dialect under study—only one example has been heard: mēs būdavo vagātu važiuojim ~ mēs būdavo uogautų važiuojame (Jačionys, Pabaiskas area). The infinitive is used instead, e.g.: visi išējē (~ išėjo) rūgų pjaūt; jisai važiuoji (~ važiuoja) šiena vėšt.

2. Conjugation

Indicative mood

Present tense

§ 49. According to the stem-final vowel, present-tense forms can be divided into four groups: a-stems, ia-stems, i-stems, and o-stems. The personal endings are the same as those of the standard Lithuanian present-tense forms; in the dialect, some of them have changed only phonetically, cf.:

Singular Plural

a-stem

1. I turn, we turn, we turn, we turn ourselves

2. you turn, you turn yourselves, you (plural) turn, you (plural) turn yourselves

sūka, sūkas(i)

ia-stem

1. I lift, we lift, we lift, we lift ourselves

2. you lift, you lift yourselves, you (plural) lift, you (plural) lift yourselves

3. kēli, kēlis(i)

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i stem

1. turì, turìos tùrim, tùrimes

2. turì, turìes tùrit, tùrites

3. tùri, tùris(i)

o stem

1. rõdau, rõdaus rõdam, rõdames

2. rõdai, rõdais rõdat, rõdates

3. rõda, rõdas(i)

§ 50. The formation of the dialect’s present-tense stems essentially does not differ from that of standard Lithuanian. Only a few points need to be mentioned.

a) At least several forms for each person of the verb bū̃t ~ būti are in use, namely: singular 1st person būnu, asù, asmù, 2nd person būni, asi, 3rd person būna, būsta, įir(a), ästi; plural 1st person būnam, äsam, 2nd person būnat, äsat. It is true that these forms sometimes differ somewhat in their usage: the forms asù, asmù, asi, įir(a), ästi, äsam, äsat express a person’s being present at the moment of speaking, whereas the forms būnu, būni, būna, būsta, būnam, būnat are most often used with a strictly indefinite time reference.

Forms with the stem as- ~ es- are remnants of athematic conjugation. However, only the singular 2nd person (asi ~ esi) and 3rd person (ästi ~ ėsti) retain the endings of that conjugation. The forms of the other persons are contaminations, having acquired the endings of thematic (a-stem) verbs¹⁷.

b) The forms of the dialect’s ia-stem verbs have merged completely with those of i-stem verbs. The reason for this merger is the development of stem-final a (after a palatalized consonant) into i. Thus the forms kėli, kėlisi; kėlim, kėlimes; kėlīt, kėlites have developed phonetically from kėlia, kėliasi; kėliame, kėliamės; kėliate, kėliatės.

In the dialect, the present-tense forms of the verbs girdė̃t, lidė̃t ~ lydėti, sedė̃t ~ sėdėti, židė̃t ~ žydėti also belong to the ia-stem class; this is indicated by the affricate found in these forms: 3rd person giřdži(si), lidži, sėdži, židži, plural 1st person giřdžim, lidžim, sėdžim, židžim, 2nd person giřdžit, lidžit, sėdžit, židžit.

The present-tense 3rd-person form rõdze(s) ~ rõdžia(s) ‘shows (itself)’ was heard only a few times (rõdze *neteisingas knigas* ‘shows the wrong books’, Juknonys, vicinity of Čiobiškis; rõdžes, neprisimenų takų ‘shows paths I don’t remember’, Leščūnai, vicinity of Gelvonai).

c) The consonant at the end of the present-tense stem of verbs with the suffix -aut may be j or n, e.g.:

abaláut ~ obuoliáuti — abaláuju, singular 2nd and 3rd persons abaláuji, abaláujim, abaláujit || abaláunu, abaláuni, abaláuna, abaláunam, abaláunat; badáut — badáuju, singular 2nd and 3rd persons badáuji… || badáunu, badáuni, badáuna…; dūsaut ~ dūsauti — dūsauju, singular 2nd and 3rd persons dūsauji… || dūsaunu, dūsauni, dūsauna…; mainikáut — mainikáuju, singular 2nd and 3rd persons mainikáuji… || mainikáunu, mainikáuni, mainikáuna…; pašaráut — pašaráuju, singular 2nd and 3rd persons pašaráuji… || pašaráunu, pašaráuni, pašaráuna…; svačáut ~ svočiáuti — svačáuju, singular 2nd and 3rd persons svačáuji… || svačáunu, svačáuni, svačáuna.

¹⁷There are very few remnants of athematic conjugation in the dialect. Apart from forms of the verb būti ‘to be’, often only the 3rd person niešti ~ niežti. is still used.

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Forms with the stem-final consonant j seem to be somewhat more common. However, for certain verbs there is a stronger tendency to use the present tense (at least in particular locations within the dialect area) with the consonant n as well, e.g.: gribáuti ~ grybáuti — gribáunu, gribáuni, gribáuna; vagáuti ~ vogáuti — vagáunu, vagáuni, vagáuna; žuváuti — žuváunu, žuváuni, žuváuna (Kuliškiai, Pabaiskas environs).

The stem-final j is found chiefly in those present-tense verbs that have the consonant n before the prefixal diphthong au, e.g.: bernàuti — bernáuju, bernáuji (2nd and 3rd sg.), bernáujim, bernáujit; šenáuti ~ šienáuti — šenáuju, šenáuji, šenáujim, šenáujit; tingináuti ~ tinginiauti — tingináuju, tingináuji, tingináujim, tingináujit.

In primary verbs with the root diphthong au (without a consonant before the infinitive ending), the present-tense stem-final element is always n, e.g.: bláuti — bláunu, bláuni, bláuna; grãuti — grãunu, grãuni, grãuna; pláuti — pláunu, pláuni, pláuna; ráuti — ráunu, ráuni, ráuna.

d) Primary verbs with the root vowel ū have neighboring present-tense forms (without a consonant before the infinitive ending). The present-tense stem of these verbs may end in the consonants st, n, or v, e.g.: džūti ~ džūti — džūsta, džūna, džūva; grūti ~ griūti — grūsta, grūna, grūva; kliūti ~ kliūti — klūsta, klūna, klūva; pūti ~ pūti — pūsta, pūna, pūva; žūti ~ žūti ‘to meet one’s end; disappear, perish; fish’ — žūsta, žūna, žūva. Forms with -st- are used most often, those with -v- least often.

Primary verbs with root u sometimes have two present-tense forms: one with the suffix -st- and one with the infix -n- (before b, p, -m-), e.g.: blùkti — blùksta, blùnka; dùpti ~ dùbti — dùpsta, dùmba; klùpti — klùpsta, klùmpa; kūrti ~ kiùrti — kūrsta, kūrna < *kiùrna; smùkti — smùksta, smùnka. Both forms are almost equally common.

The infinitives dùkti ~ dùkti, rùkti ~ rùgti, slùkti ~ slùgti are sometimes also pronounced with short u: dùkti, rùkti, slùkti. In the present tense, alongside forms with the suffix -st- (dùksta, rùksta, slùksta), these verbs less commonly also have forms with the infix -n- (dùnka, rùnka, slùnka).

Two present-tense forms—one with the suffix -st- and one with the infix -n-—are sometimes also found in individual verbs with other root vowels (a, e, i), e.g.: nukáp­ti ~ nuká­bti — nukápsta, nukámba; šlápti — (pa)šlápsta, šlám­pa; glėpti ~ glébti — (su)glėpsta, (su)glémba; (pra)šmékti ~ (pra)smégti — (pra)šméksta, (pra)smén­ga; drìpti ~ drìbti — (su)drìpsta, (su)drìmba; (ab)gìšti ~ (ap)gìžti — (ab)gìšta, (ab)gìnža; ìrti ~ irti — ìrsta, ìrna (< *ìrna) || ìra ~ ýra; lìpti ‘to stick’ — lìpsta, lìm­pa; plìkti — plìksta, plìnka; vi̇sti || vi̇st ~ vísti — vísta, vín­ta; žìlti — žìlsta, žìlna < *žìžla For some verbs (nukáp­ti, šlápti, glėpti, šmékti, drìpti, lìpti), the form with the infix -n- is more common; for others (ìrti, plìkti, vi̇sti, žìlti), both forms are equally common. The first form of the verb gìšti is used more often.

e) The verb šùlti ~ siùlyti: šùliju, šùliji (2nd and 3rd sg.), šùlijim, šùlijit and šùlau, šùlai, šùla, šùlam, šùlat sometimes has two present-tense forms. The former forms, i.e. those with the suffix -ij-, are more common and older (used by the older generation).

The 3rd-person forms pelėti ~ pelėti pelėji and pėli; klajė ~ klajėti are used; the 3rd-person form of klajė ~ klajėti is klajėji (cf. klòji).

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Past Simple

§ 51. According to the stem-final vowel, the forms of the past simple can be divided into (i)o-stems and ė-stems. Their endings differ from the endings of the Lithuanian standard language past simple only phonetically, cf.:

Singular Plural o-stem 1. dirbau, dirbaus dirbam, dirbames 2. dirbai, dirbais dirbat, dirbates 3. dirba, dirbas(i) io-stem 1. stojau, stojus stojem, stojemes 2. stojii, stojis stojėt, stojėtes 3. stojė, stojės(i) ė-stem 1. vedžiau, vedžiaus vėdem, vėdemes 2. vedei, vedeis vėdet, vėdetes 3. vėde, vėdes(i)

§ 52. After a hardened l, the endings of the past simple of ė-stem verbs gul̃t, kãlt, kũlt, mãlt, pĩlt, pū̃lti, vėl̃ti, žel̃ti, etc., except for the first-person singular, coincided phonetically with the endings of o-stem forms. By analogy with the other persons, the first-person singular was also adapted to the o-stems. As a result, these verbs are now conjugated exactly like o-stems, cf.:

Singular Plural 1. kalau, kėlau kālam, kėlam 2. kalai, kėlai kālat, kėlat 3. kāla, kėla

§ 53. The following verbs are also ė-stems in the past simple (though o-stems in the Lithuanian standard language): kišti, knisti, lipti, lūžti, rišti, rįšti, skųsti, sūkti, supūti, šūti ~ siūti; cf.: 1st person singular lipau, 2nd person lipei, 3rd person lipe ~ lipė; 1st person plural lipem ~ lipėme, 2nd person lipet ~ lipėte.

The verb šūlīt ~ siūlyti has two sets of past simple forms (as also in the present tense, § 50e): šūlijiu, šūliji, šūlije, šūlijem, šūlijet and šūliu, šūli, šūle, šūlem, šūlet. The forms with the suffix -ij- are more commonly used, especially by the older generation.

With negation, the verb reikėti has two third-person forms: the longer nereikėjo ~ nereikėjo and the shorter nėreike ~ nėreikė (e.g., nėreike tau su juo šnekėti ‘you didn’t need to talk to him’), which most likely arose on the model of prireike ~ prireikė.

Frequentative past tense

§ 54. The dialect’s frequentative past tense is formed in the same way as in standard Lithuanian, e.g.:

Singular Plural 1. dirbdavau, dirbdavaus dirbdavam, dirbdavames 2. dirbdavai, dirbdavais dirbdavat, dirbdavates 3. dirbdava, dirbdavas(i)

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Future tense

§ 55. The verb endings in the dialect’s future tense are generally the same as in standard Lithuanian, but the 1st and 2nd persons plural sometimes have two forms, cf.:

Singular

Plural

1. I carry, I carry myself we carry || we carry ourselves || they carry themselves

2. you carry, you carry yourself you all carry || carry yourselves || they all carry themselves

3. neš, nešìs

The 1st person plural forms aìsme ~ eìsme, būsme ~ būsme, diṙṗsme ~ dirbsme, nešme, vėšme, and the 2nd person plural forms aìste ~ eìste, būste ~ būste, diṙṗste ~ dirbste, nešte vėšte are less common; they are used only by members of the older generation.

In the 3rd person endings of verbs darìt ~ darýti, sakìt ~ sakýti and others of that type, the vowel i is shortened, e.g.: darìs, sakìs (: standard Lithuanian darỹs, sakỹs).

Subjunctive Mood

§ 56. The forms of the subjunctive mood are made from the infinitive stem and personal endings.

Singular first-person forms are mostly used with -čẽ ~ -čià (e.g.: aìčẽ, gaučẽ, pìrkčẽ, žinõčẽ), more rarely only with -č (aìč, gauč, pìrkč, žinõč) or with -čiù ~ -čiaũ (aìčiù, gaučiù, pìrkčiù, žinõčiù). Reflexive forms most often have -čes ~ -čias (e.g.: bȧrčes, pìrkčes, šùkčes, turẽčes), more rarely -čius ~ -čiaus (barčiùs, pìrkčiùs, šùkčiùs, turẽčiùs).

The singular second person always ends in -tum (aìtum, gau̇tum, pìrktum, žinõtum), while its reflexive forms end in -tums (baṙtums, pìrktums, šùktums, turẽtums).

The third person of the subjunctive mood most often has -tų ~ -tų at the end (aìtų, gau̇tų, pìrktų, žinõtų); shortened forms ending only in -t are used less often (aìt, gau̇t, pìrkt, žinõt). The reflexive forms of this person end in -tus(i) ~ -tusi (cf. § 46), e.g.: baṙtusi, pìrktusi, šùktusi, turẽtusi or baṙtus, pìrktus, šùktus, turẽtus.

The plural first person always ends in -tumem ~ -tumėme (aìtumem, gau̇tumem, pìrktumem, žinõtumem), and the second person in -tumėt ~ -tumėte (aìtumėt, gau̇tumėt, pìrktumėt, žinõtumėt). The plural first person of reflexive forms has -tumems ~ -tumėms (baṙtumems, pìrktumems, šùktumems, turẽtumems), while the second person has -tumetes ~ -tumėtės (baṙtumetes, pìrktumetes, šùktumetes, turẽtumetes).

Imperative Mood

§ 57. The forms of the imperative mood are made from the infinitive stem with the formant k,—that is, as in standard Lithuanian; cf.: singular second person pìrk, pìrkis; plural first person pìrkim, pìrkimės ~ pìrkimės, plural second person pìrkit, pìrkites ~ pìrkìtes. Only from one representative of the older generation (a 75-year-old woman from the village of Papėniškiai in the Pabaiskas area) was an imperative singular second-person form without -k heard: dieve mil “God, love me.”

The present-tense plural first person is sometimes used with the meaning of the imperative plural first person; cf.: ganà sėdėt, aìnam dirbt “enough sitting; let’s go work”; ganà ganìt, vàram gyvulis namõn “enough grazing; let’s drive the animals home”; ùštenka jòm lãst, vẽjim dabȧr laukȧn “it is enough for them to peck; let’s chase them outside now.”

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Permissive mood

§ 58. The permissive (or optative) mood has only the 3rd person; it is formed from the 3rd-person present-tense form with the particles tegu, tegul¹⁸, e.g.: tegu(l) sūka, sūkasi; tegu(l) keli (∼ kẽlia), kẽlisi (∼ kẽliasi); tegu(l) tūri, tūrisį; tegu(l) rōda (∼ rōdo), rōdasi (∼ rōdosi).

In a sentence, the particles tegu, tegul may be separated from the verb form by other words, e.g., tegu(l) jisai sau dirba.

In meaning, the permissive mood is close to the imperative¹⁹, but it does not express an order or command; rather, it indicates permission, consent, or a wish that one action or another be carried out.

An action expressed by the permissive mood may be performed now or in the future. If the action is to take place in the future, the 3rd-person future-tense form is sometimes used instead of the 3rd-person present-tense form, e.g., ritōi tegu jisai pãc ateis.

3. Accentuation

§ 59. The main accentual differences between the dialect’s unprefixed (primary and secondary) verbs and Standard Lithuanian are as follows:

1. In primary verbs with a short or long circumflex root, the endings of the 1st- and 2nd-person singular future-tense forms are stressed, e.g.: kãsį – kasù (: Standard Lithuanian kasiù), kasi (: Standard Lithuanian kasi); mẽsį – mesù, mesi; rìšį – rišù, riši; sùkį – sukù, suksi; baũsį – bausù, bausi; gùlį – gulù, gulsi; pìrktį – pirksù, pirksi.

2. Verbs whose 3rd-person past simple form has a stressed suffix -ije ∼ -ijo retain the stress on the suffix in the 1st- and 2nd-person singular as well, e.g.: geltanije ∼ geltonijo – geltaniju (: Standard Lithuanian geltonijau), geltaniji (: geltonijai); kirmije ∼ kirmijo – kirmiju, kirmiji.

3. Certain verbs are stressed differently than in Standard Lithuanian. For example, the suffix is stressed in: ašarōt, ašarōji, ašarōje (: Standard Lithuanian ašaroti, ašaroja, ašarojo); kapanōtis, kapanōjasi, kapanōjese (: kãpanotis, kãpanojasi, kãpanojosi); plaiskanōt ∼ pleiskanōti, plaiskanōji, plaiskanōje (less often, as in Standard Lithuanian: plàiskanat ∼ plėiskanoti, plàiskanaji, plàiskanaje); vasarōt, vasarōji, vasarōje (: Standard Lithuanian vãsaroti, vãsaroja, vãsarojo)²⁰.

The verb brūngintį is stressed mainly on the root: brūngina, brūngina (: Standard Lithuanian branginti, brangina, brangino²¹).

¹⁸ The particles tegu, tegul sometimes bear stress on the second syllable (tegù, tegùl), while in a sentence they are often entirely unstressed—when attached to the verb form, they become proclitics (tegu gina, tegul mẽta).

¹⁹ In the current grammar of Lithuanian intended for schools, permissive-mood forms are classified as imperative forms; cf. J. Žiugžda, Lietuvių kalbos gramatika, 1, Kaunas, 1966, pp. 150–151.

²⁰ Only the suffix is stressed also in the verbs baltuōt (baltuōji, baltãva), geltanōt ∼ geltonuoti, mėlinuōt ∼ mėlynuoti, raudanuōt ∼ raudonuoti. See also Dabartinės lietuvių kalbos žodynas, pp. 64, 205, 455, 658 (the verbs cited there are stressed in two ways—on the root and on the suffix, e.g., baltuoni, baltuoja, baltavo and baltuoti, baltuoja, baltavo); A. Laigonaitė, Literatūrinės lietuvių kalbos kirčiavimas, p. 74.

²¹ Žr. Dabartinės lietuvių kalbos žodynas, Vilnius, 1954, p. 88. Kitaip šį veiksmažodį kirčiuoja šaknyje) A. Laigonaitė, plg. jos min. veik., p. 75.

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4. Certain verb forms and individual verbs in the dialect have the same stress position as in lk., but a different pitch accent, e.g.:

a) The subjunctive mood of all disyllabic verbs with a circumflex-root has an acute pitch accent, cf.: laišti ~ leisti – laišč(e) ~ leisč(ia), laistum, laistu, laistumem, laistumėt; málti – malč(e), maltum, maltu, maltumem, maltumėt; spírti – spiř-č(e), spirtum, spirtu, spirtumem, spirtumėt. The subjunctive forms of secondary verbs with stressed suffixes -aũ, -ẽi, -ĩnt also have an acute pitch accent, cf.: badáut – badauč(e), badautum, badautu, badautumem, badautumėt; gyvént ~ gyventi – gyvenč(e), gyven­tum, gyven­tų, gyven­tumem, gyven­tumėt; sadínt ~ sodinti – sadinč(e), sadintum, sadintu, sadintumem, sadintumėt.

b) Individual verbs or forms with a pitch accent different from that in lk.: dárdži, dárda (: lk. dardėti, darda); dárdint, dárdina, dárdina (: dardinti, dardina, dardino); karštelat ~ karšteleti, karštelaji, karštelaje (: karštelėti, karštelėja, karštelėjo); šalštelat ~ šalštele­ti, šalštelaji, šalštelaje (: šalštelėti, šalštelėja, šalšte­lėjo).

§ 60. In the dialect, present-tense forms of prefixed verbs are more inclined to stress the prefix than in lk. Accordingly, unlike in lk., stress shifts to the prefix (in reflexive forms, to the reflexive particle) also in the following cases:

a) from forms of the ia-stem with a circumflex root, e.g.: jaũči ~ jaũčia – áčiauči, nėjaũči, nesijaũči, nūjaũči, užjaũči; kíńči ~ keńčia – átkińči, atakińči, nékińči, nesikińči, neiliškińči, prikińči; reiki ~ reikia – príreiki, prisireiki (but nereiki); réki ~ rékia – nêreki ~ nêrėkia, sûreki, ûžreki, usreki ~ užsirekia; skelbi ~ skelbia – ápskelbi, apsiskelbi, páskelbi; šveičĩ ~ šveičia – ápšveičĩ, apišveičĩ, nėšveičĩ, nesišveičĩ, nūšveičĩ, prišveičĩ; švińči ~ švenčia – átsvińči, atasińči, nėšvińči, prišvińči.

b) from forms of the i-stem with a circumflex root, e.g.: lińki – nélįnki, pálįnki; tíli ~ týli – neištili ~ neštýli, nūtili, pátili (less often: mutli, patili); žūri ~ žūri – ábžūri ~ apžiūri, apžūri, nežūri, pažūri, prižūri, sužūri, neužžūri “does not look” (less often: apžūri, nežūri…).

Other forms of prefixed verbs are mostly stressed as in lk.

PARTICIPLE

1. General remarks

§ 61. Participles are active and passive.

a) Active participles have three tenses: present, past simple, and past frequentative. The future-tense participle is not used in the dialect; it is replaced by the verb’s third-person future-tense form, e.g.: jisai pìrks kárvį (~ kárvę); pa petų jós aĩs šieną grėbti ~ po pietų jós eĩs šieno grėbti.

The present participle is formed from the present-tense stem of the verb with the suffix -ntis (masc.), -nti (fem.), e.g.: móka – mókuntis ~ mókantis, mókunti ~ mókanti; vèrki ~ vèrkia – vèrkìntis ~ vèrkiantis, vèrkìnti ~ vèrkianti; stóvi – stóvìntis, stóvìnti; žìna ~ žìno – žìnumtis ~ žìnantis, žìnumti ~ žìnanti. Present participles with prefixes are comparatively very rare, e.g.: atsákuntis ~ atsákantis, pamókuntis ~ pamókantis. Participles of the type mókas, vèrkias, stóvis, žìnas, are not used in the dialect at all.

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Active participles of the past simple and past frequentative tenses are formed as in lk., except that the ending -usi of feminine forms is shortened (the i is dropped); cf.: dirbis ~ dirbes, dirbus (: lk. dirbusi), mātis ~ mātės, mācus (: lk. māčiusi); dirbdavys ~ dirbdavęs, dirbdavus (: lk. dirbdavusi).

b) The dialect has passive participles of two tenses: present and past. They are formed as in lk., e.g.: dirbamas, dirbamà, kāremas ~ kāriamas, kāremà ~ kāriamà, žinomas ~ žinoma, žinoma; ārtas, artà, matītas ~ matītas, matīta ~ matīta.

In certain cases, passive participles can also have an active meaning, e.g.: dirbamas arklys ‘working horse’, limpamà liga, suvamà mašina ‘sewing machine’.

The so-called necessity participles also have a passive meaning. However, only one or two occur in the dialect, e.g.: būtinas reikalas ~ būtinas reikalas, neatidėliotinas darbas ~ neatidėliotinas darbas.

§ 62. The dialect also uses reflexive active and passive participles. Indeed, only prefixed participles can have the reflexive particle, e.g.: nusistvėris ~ nusistvėręs, pasišpjāudīs ~ pasispjaudęs, suzdaužidavi ~ susidaužydavę; parsineštos, nusiskintas. Reflexive participles without prefixes are not used.

§ 63. Like adjectives, participles are inflected for gender, number, and case. Active and passive participles are masculine and feminine; cf. the examples given above (§ 61). The neuter gender is also often used for passive past-tense participles, e.g.: daug darba padēta; letaūs būta ~ lietaūs būta; da rugēi (~ rugiai) nesēta; kas pasakīta, tūri būt padarita ~ kas pasakyta, tūri būti padaryta. The neuter gender of other participles is not used in the dialect.

Participles have singular and plural forms, e.g.: mātis, virtas (sing.); mātī ~ mātę, virtī (pl.). The dual occurs very rarely (only in the speech of the older generation), e.g., už vienu mužtu du nēmūštu duoda ~ už vieną muštą du némuštu duoda. Participles have the same cases as other nominal parts of speech; cf. § 4. According to the stem-final vowel, participles can be divided into (i)a-stems and (i)o-stems.

2. Declension

(i)a stem

§ 64. a) ia-stem forms are active masculine participles. They are declined largely in the same way as ia-stem adjectives (§ 23), except that individual case forms of present-tense participles sometimes also have variant endings; cf.: sg. nom. [dirbūn]-t-is || -čis ~ [dirban-]-tis || -čis, gen. -če ~ -čio, dat. -čiem ~ -čiam, acc. -ti || -či ~ -tį || -čį, instr. -ču ~ -čiu, loc. -čem ~ -čiam, ill. -tin || -čin, voc. -tis || -čis || -čių (~ -čiau); pl. nom., voc. -tis || -čij ~ -tys || -čiai, gen. -ču ~ -čių, dat. -tem || -čem ~ -tiem || -čiam, acc. -čis ~ -čius, instr. -čīs ~ -čiais, loc. -česi / -čese ~ -čiuose, ill. -česin ~ čiuosen / -česna(n) ~ -čiuosna(n).

Alongside the singular nominative and accusative forms with the suffix consonant -t-, forms with -č- also occur, arising through paradigmatic leveling, that is, on the model of other cases, which regularly have -č-.

The singular illative dirbūnčin (occurring alongside dirbūntin ~ dirbantin) may be of the same origin as the ending-stressed form dirbūnčen ~ dirbančian (used

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alongside dirbūntin ~ dirbantin, § 66); cf. also the singular illative of the adjectives gerėšnis, paskutinis with -en ~ -ian (§ 23).

The plural nominative dirbūnči has the same ending as the plural nominative of the adjective medinis, mediniai ~ mediniai, while the plural dative dirbūnčėm is like the plural dative medinem ~ mediniam.

The singular nominative of the active participles of the past frequentative and past simple tenses has the ending -is ~ -ęs (dirbęs, dirbdavęs), and the plural nominative has -i ~ -ę (dirbi, dirbdavi). Rarely, the plural nominative of the past simple participle occurs with -usį ~ -usiai, e.g., lika tik kakie supuvusį (dažniau — supūvi) abalėi.

Apart from the singular and plural nominative, other case forms of the past frequentative participle are not used.

b) a-stem forms are passive masculine participles, e.g.: dirbamas, dirptas. Their case endings are the same as those of a-stem adjectives (§ 23).

(i)-stem

§ 65. a) io-stems are active feminine participles, e.g.: dirbūnti ~ dirbanti, dirbus, dirbdavus. Their endings are the same as those of io-stem adjectives (§ 25).

The nominative plural forms of the past simple and past frequentative participles coincide with the ia-stem (masculine) forms, e.g.: jōs dirbi, dirbdavi ~ jōs dirbę, dirbdavę.

For the past frequentative participle, only the nominative singular and plural forms are used; the other cases are not used.

b) o-stems are passive feminine participles, e.g.: dirbamā, dirptā. These participles are declined like o-stem adjectives (§ 25).

3. Accentuation

§ 66. Active present-tense participles are often accented in two ways: a) like those of conjugation 1, they retain the accent position and tone of the third-person present tense of the verb from which they are formed, e.g.: sėrga — sėrguntis, -i; vē rda — vērduntis, -i; b) they have mobile accentuation; a paradigm of this accentuation is given for illustration.

Masculine Feminine Singular N. dirbūntīs dirbūnti G. dirbūnče dirbūnčōs D. dirbūnčām dirbūnčēi A. dirbūnti, dirbūnči dirbūnči I. dirbūnčū dirbūnčī L. dirbūnčēm dirbūnčōj Ill. dirbūntīn, dirbūnčēn dirbūnčōn

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Plural

V. dirbūntis, dirbūnčiai dirbūnčės

K. dirbūnčių dirbūnčių

N. dirbūntiem dirbūnčėm

G. dirbūnčis dirbūnčis

Įn. dirbūnčėis dirbūnčėm

Vt. dirbūnčiuosi | dirbūnčiuose dirbūnčiosi | dirbūnčiose

Il. dirbūnčiuosin | dirbūnčiosna(n) dirbūnčiosin | dirbūnčiosna(n)

The accentuation of some passive present-tense participles also varies in a similar way: alongside forms with fixed stress (e.g., gyvenamas ~ gyvėnamas, gyvenama ~ gyvėnama; žinamas ~ žinomas, žinama ~ žinoma), forms with mobile stress are also frequently used: singular nominative gyvėnamas, gyvenamà, žínamas, žinamà, genitive gyvėnama, gyvenamõs, žinama, žinamõs, dative gyvenamám, gyvenamái, žinamám, žinamái, accusative gyvenamù, žinamù, instrumental gyvėnamu, gyvėnamai, žinamu, žinamai, locative gyvenamam̃, gyvenamõj, žinamam̃, žinamõj, illative gyvenamañ, gyvenamõn, žinamañ, žinamõn; plural nominative gyvenami, gyvėnamas, žinami, žinamas, genitive gyvenamų, žinamų, dative gyvenamiém, gyvenamõm, žinamiém, žinamõm, accusative gyvėnamas, žinamas, instrumental gyvenamais, gyvenamõm, žinamais, žinamõm, locative gyvenamúosi | -úose, gyvenamõsi | -õse, žinamúosi | -úose, žinamõsi | -õse, illative gyvenamúosin | -úsna(n), gyvenamõsin | -õsna(n), žinamúosin | -úsna(n), žinamõsin | -õsna(n).

Other participles in the dialect are for the most part stressed as in standard Lithuanian. However, the singular dative of all feminine participles usually has stress on the ending, e.g., melžemái ~ melžiamái, suvamái; pakeltái, važetái ~ važiuotái (cf. adjective accentuation, § 28 a).

4. Compound tenses and moods

§ 67. Compound tenses and moods are formed from forms of the verb būti ‘to be’ and participles of conjugated verbs.

Compound forms are active (formed with an active participle) and passive (formed with a passive participle).

Compound active forms are used only as perfective forms, that is, formed with the past simple participle (incipient compound forms, that is, those formed with the present participle, have not been attested). This type of compound form has four moods: indicative, subjunctive, imperative, and permissive. However, only the present, past simple, and future indicative forms, as well as the subjunctive forms, are used more often. An example of conjugation:

Indicative mood

Present tense

Singular Plural

1. aš dãvis, dãvus ãsam dãvi²²

2. asì ãsat

3. jìra jìra

²² The masculine and feminine plural nominative forms of the past simple participle are identical (cf. § 65 a): ãsam dãvi ‘we have given (masculine); we have given (feminine)’.

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Simple past tense

1. I was, you were, he/she/it was; we were, you (plural) were, they were

Future tense

1. I will be, you will be, he/she/it will be; we will be (būsme), you (plural) will be (būste), they will be

Conditional mood

1. I would be (būč, būčiu), you would be, he/she/it would be; we would be, you (plural) would be, they would be

The compound forms of the past frequentative tense, as well as of the imperative and permissive moods, are rarely used; their participle is usually formed from a prefixed verb, e.g.: būdavam suveži, būdavai suveži; būk atėjęs, būkim atėję; tegul būna atėjęs, tegul būna atėję.

Compound passive forms occur more often only in the perfect tenses, e.g.:

present tense: asù prašìtas, prašìta; ásam prašìti, prašìtas (~ prašýtos);

simple past tense: buvau prašìtas, prašìta; buvat prašìti, prašìtas;

future tense: būsu prašìtas, prašìta; būsit prašìti, prašìtas;

conditional mood: būtum prašìtas, prašìta.

Compound (inceptive) forms made with the passive present participle are rare, e.g.: tòji pieva įìra šienaujema (~ šienaujama); tôs pievas senau būva (būdava) šienaujamas (~ šienaujamos).

HALF-PARTICIPLE

§ 68. The half-participle is formed from the infinitive stem with the suffix -damas (masc.), -dama (fem.). It has nominative forms in the masculine and feminine singular and plural, e.g.: veždamas, veždami, važiuodamas, važiuodami; veždama, veždamas ~ veždamos, važiuodama, važiuodamas ~ važiuodamos.

Reflexive half-participles in the dialect can only be prefixed, e.g.: aciguldamas ~ atsiguldamas, pasiturėdamas, usinėždamas ~ užsinešdamas. Half-participles without prefixes are not used with the reflexive particle at the end; instead, simple (non-reflexive) forms of the half-participle are used in the dialect.

§ 69. Half-participles formed from secondary verbs retain the fixed stress and accent of the infinitive, e.g.: matì ~ matýti — matìdamas, matìdama, matìdami, matìdamas; ródì ~ ródýti — ródìdamas, ródìdama, ródìdami, ródìdamas; šakinėti — šokinėti — šakinėdamas, šakinėdama, šakinėdami, šakinėdamas; tránukì ~ tránukyti — tránukìdamas, tránukìdama, tránukìdami, tránukìdamas.

Half-participles formed from primary verbs are stressed in two ways. Those half-participles whose root contains the long vowels é, o, y, ū or diphthongs

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vowels ie, uo have fixed infinitive stress, e.g.: lėk̃ti ~ lėkti – lėgdamas, lėgdama, lėgdami, lėgdamos; rę̃kti – ręgdamas, ręgdama, ręgdami, ręgdamas; lōti – lōdamas, lōdama, lōdami, lōdamas; vīt ~ vỹti – vidamas, vidama, vidami, vidamas; bū̃ti ~ bū́ti – būdamas, būdama, būdami, būdamos; lies̃ti – liedamas, liedama, liedami, liedamas; duōti – duōdamas, duōdama, duōdami, duōdamas. Other half-participles formed from primary verbs have variable stress: the masculine singular form retains the stress and accent of the infinitive, while the plural form is stressed on the ending; the feminine behaves in the opposite way: the singular form is stressed on the ending, while the plural form retains the stress and accent of the infinitive. E.g.: (with old short vowels in the root) kãsti ~ kàsti – kãzdamas, kazdama, kazdami, kãzdamas; vė̃sti ~ vėžti – vėždamas, veždama, veždami, vėždamas; (with root diphthongs ai, au, ei) áukti ~ áugti – áugdamas, augdama, augdami, áugdamas; baĩkti ~ baĩgti – baĩgdamas, baigdama, baigdami, baigdamas ~ baigdomos; smeĩkti ~ smeĩgti – smeigdamos, smeigdama, smeigdami, smeigdamas; (with mixed root diphthongs) kált – káldamas, kaldama, kaldami, káldamas; vir̃šti – virždamas, virzdama, virzdami, virždamas.

Reflexive half-participles are stressed in the same way as simple ones.

CONVERB

§ 70. The converb is inflected only for tense. It is formed in the same way as in the standard language, e.g.: present-tense converb: ainuñti (|| ainañti) ~ einant, būnuñti (|| būnañti) ~ būnant, dirbuñti (|| dirbañti) ~ dirbant; jojiñti ~ jojant, sėdžiñti ~ sėdžiant “sitting”; gūliñti, tiliñti ~ tỹlint; mātuñti (|| mātañti) ~ mātant, tvarkuñti (|| tvarkañti) ~ tvarkant; (reflexive forms) juōkiñtis ~ juōkiantis, vėduñtis (|| vėdañtis) ~ vėdantis; nesigiriñti ~ nesigiriant, parsiveduñti (|| parsivedañti) ~ parsivedant;

past-tense converb: dirbus, lėkus, nešus, rėkus, verkus.

Past-tense converbs formed from unprefixed verbs are relatively rare; they are somewhat more commonly formed from prefixed verbs, e.g.: pabuvus, padavus, nemačius (|| nemačius) ~ nemačius, nuvažiavus, užėjus (|| užėjus), unvažiavus “having driven in.” Only prefixed converbs have a reflexive form, e.g.: atsigrįžus ~ atsigrįžus, nes(i)mačius (|| nes(i)mačius) ~ nesimačius.

Past frequentative and future-tense converbs are not used in the dialect at all.

The stress of the dialect’s converbs does not differ from that of the standard language.

MANNER ADVERB

§ 71. The manner adverb has the same stem as the infinitive. It ends in the suffix -ti, which derives from (the singular instrumental ending) *-tēn (>Lith. -te), e.g.: nešti, señti, stum̃ti, vešti.

The manner adverb has no prefixed or reflexive forms.

The manner adverb has become adverbialized: in a sentence it is used alongside a finite form of a verb with the same root, e.g.: gérti gėri ~ gertė gėria, gulti gūla, gáuditi gáude ~ gáudyte gáude, kelti kėla ~ keltė kėlė, kunkuliuoti kunkuliūdava ~ kunkuliuote kunkuliūdavo, nešōti nešōs ~ nešiōte nešiōs, stum̃diti stumdīk ~ stum̃dyte stumdīk, vešti vėšče “to transport, I would transport by the load.”

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Manner adverbs in -tinai are not used in the dialect; only an occasional form of this kind (adverbialized) occurs, e.g.: būtinai reiki ~ būtinai reikia, užtektinai privezèm ~ užtektinai privezėme.

Manner adverbs are stressed in the same way as in standard Lithuanian.

MORPHOLOGY OF THE SOUTHERN DIALECT OF THE EASTERN AUKŠTAITIANS

К. МОРКУНАС

Abstract

The article describes the inflection (nominal parts of speech, the pronoun, and the verb) of the southern dialect of the Eastern Aukštaitians. The area of this dialect includes such important settlements as Krikštenai, Pabaiskas, Pašilė (Ukmergė District), Bagaslaviškis, Gelvonai, Musninkai, and Čiobiškis¹ (Širvintos District).

The morphological features of the dialect under study are compared with corresponding phenomena in the Lithuanian literary language.

Noun. In addition to singular and plural forms, speech by members of the older generation exhibits dual forms (most often accusative forms used with du ‘two’, abu ‘both’, e.g., jisai du pėdu dėdo ‘he puts down two sheaves’). The following forms, now used with plural meaning, are also relics of the dual: dative vaikám ‘to the children’; dative and instrumental galvóm ‘to the heads, with the heads’; žėmėm ~ žėmėm ‘to the lands, with the lands’.

Two local cases are used in the dialect—the inessive and the illative. The singular illative in the dialect is the same as in other eastern dialects (miškán ‘into the forest’, pirtìn ‘into the bathhouse’), while several forms of this case occur in the plural. On the eastern and southern edges of the dialect area (Krikštenai, Musninkai, Čiobiškis), forms with the formant -na are used most often, and forms with -nan or -an less often (miškùosna, miškùosnan, miškùosan). In the rest of the dialect area (Gelvonai, Pabaiskas), a plural illative of the type miškùosin ~ miškùosen. is used.

The most characteristic morphological feature of the dialect is the presence of diphthongal singular instrumental endings in nouns (and other nominals) with stems ending in -(i)o, -ė, and -i, e.g.: gálvai, marčiǐ, kárvì, akì (in the literary language: gálva, marčià, kárve, akimi). The endings -ai, -ij may have arisen through the replacement, in the pronominal declension system, of short singular instrumental forms (e.g., tù < *tán ‘that’) by forms of the type túj.

Masculine nouns with stems ending in -i, -(i)u, or a consonant have partially or completely shifted into the category of nouns with stems ending in—

¹ On the phonetics and certain morphological features—relics of pronominal adjectives and inessive forms—of this dialect, see: “Proceedings of the Academy of Sciences of the Lithuanian SSR,” Series A, vol. 2(7), 1959, pp. 191–203; “Issues in Lithuanian Linguistics” (“Lietuvių kalbotyros klausimai”), vol. 3, 1960, pp. 5–59; vol. 7 (The Morphological Structure of the Lithuanian Language and Its Development), 1964, pp. 145–152.

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The declension of nouns with stems in -(i)a, cf.: vagis “thief,” sūnus (sūnas) ~ sūnūs “son,” sūkčis ~ sūkčius “swindler,” akmuõ “stone”; gen. sg. vagĩs and vãge ~ vãgio (more often), sunãus and sūna ~ sūno, sūkče ~ sūkčio, ãkmena ~ ãkmeno; instr. sg. vagũ, sūnù, sūkčù, ãkmenù; nom. pl. vagis ~ vãgys and vageĩ ~ vagiaĩ (more often), sunai, sūkčiai ~ sūkčiai, akmenai; dat. pl. vagãm, sunãm, sūkčēm ~ sūkčiam, akmenãm. Baritone feminine nouns with stems in -i have moved into the category of nouns with stems in -ė, e.g.: nŏse ~ nŏsė “nose” (: Standard Lithuanian nŏsis), nom. pl. nŏses ~ nŏsės, dat. and instr. pl. nŏsem ~ nŏsėm.

Some deviations from the norms of the standard language are also observed in the stress system of nouns. For example, nouns with the suffix -ytė (avītė “lamb”) belong to the second stress paradigm in the dialect, while most words with the suffix -iena (rugiena “stubble field,” vištiena “chicken meat”) belong to the third stress paradigm.

Adjective. Some adjectives may have two sets of endings—older ones and newer ones borrowed from another declension type. First and foremost, certain words with stems in -a (feminine in -o) move into the declension system for words with stems in -u (feminine in -io), e.g.: aštrùs “sharp,” bjaurùs “disgusting” (in Old Lithuanian texts and in some dialects— aštras, bjauras), gen. sg. aštra ~ aštro and aštraũs, bjaura ~ biaũro and bjauraũs, dat. sg. aštrám and aštrām, bjaurám and bjaurām… The gradual shift of the words in this group to the declension of adjectives with stems in -u was probably also the cause of the opposite process: endings characteristic of adjectives with stems in -a appeared in the declension of adjectives with stems in -u (cf.: platùs “wide,” gen. sg. plataũs and plãta ~ plãto). Certain feminine comparative adjective forms may have, alongside the endings of the -ė declension, endings of adjectives with stems in -io as well (cf. gen. sg. geresnės and geresnõs).

In the dialect, adjectives with the suffixes -onas (geltõnas “yellow”) and -yvas (velìvas ~ velývas “late”) belong to the third paradigm, while comparative adjectives belong to the fourth stress paradigm.

Numeral. Alongside multiplicative numerals with the suffix -er-, numerals with the same meaning and -el- also occur, e.g., šešeri and šešeli “six (of them).” Double forms also occur among ordinal numerals from “11” to “19,” e.g., vienuoliktàs, -a < vienuoliktas, -a and (most often in the speech of the older generation) vienalikis, -e ~ vienuolikis, -e “eleventh.”

Pronoun. The genitive and accusative forms of the singular personal pronouns aš “I,” tù “you,” and the reflexive pronoun most often coincide: manì ~ manę̀, tavì ~ tavę̀, savì ~ savę̀. The genitive plural of the personal pronouns mentioned above has the forms mūsų ~ mū́sų, jū́sų ~ jū́sų or (less often) mumì, jumì; the accusative plural has mumis, jumis or muti, jumi. The accusative plural of the feminine pronouns anà “she,” katrà “which,” kókė ~ kokià “what kind of,” tókė ~ tokià “such” usually coincides with the masculine form (anìos, katrìos…).

Verb. The infinitive most often ends in -ti (nėšti “to carry”), less often in -ti (nėšti) or -te ~ -tie (nėšte). In the speech of members of the older

10. Lietuvių kalbos gramatikos tyrinėjimai

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generation, an infinitive with the formant -nai (nēštenai) occurs. The infinitive of reflexive verbs always ends in -tis (nēštis).

Primary verbs with the root vowel ū (without a consonant before -t in the infinitive) most often have -st- at the end of the present-tense stem, but may also have -n- or -v-, e.g., pūt ~ pūti “to rot”—3rd person present pūsta, pūna, pūva. Double forms in the present tense (with the suffix -st- or the infix -n-) are also characteristic of primary verbs with root u, e.g., smūkti “to slide down, fall”—3rd person present smūksta, smūna.

Alongside the 1st- and 2nd-person plural future forms gul̄sim “we will lie down,” gul̄sī “you will lie down,” forms of another type—gul̄sme, gul̄ste—occur in the speech of members of the older generation.

The following forms of the subjunctive mood are used in the dialect: 1st person singular gul̄cē ~ gul̄ćia, less often gul̄ē, gul̄ćiu ~ gul̄ćiau; 2nd person singular gul̄tum; 3rd person singular and plural gul̄tu ~ gul̄tu, less often gul̄t; 1st person plural gul̄tumet ~ gul̄tumėte; 2nd person plural gul̄tumet ~ gul̄tumėte.

The following imperative forms are used: 1st person singular gul̄k, 1st person plural gul̄kim, 2nd person plural gul̄kit.

The 1st- and 2nd-person singular future forms of primary verbs with a short root or a root of rising quantity are stressed on the ending, e.g.: kasū “I will dig,” kasī “you will dig”; pirksū “I will buy,” pirksi “you will buy.” Unlike in the standard language, in present-tense forms with stems in -ia and -i, stress shifts from a root of rising quantity to the prefix, e.g.: 3rd person present šveičī ~ šveičia “he/she/they cleans”—nušveičī; žūri ~ žiūri “he/she/they watches”—prižūri, less often prižiūri.

Participle, gerund, half-participle. The dialect uses active present participles (dirbuntis ~ dirbantis or dirbuntīs ~ dirbantys, dirbunti ~ dirbanti), active past frequentative participles (dirbis ~ dirbęs, dirbus), and active past habitual participles (dirbdavis ~ dirbdavęs, dirbdavus). Passive participles may have present-tense forms (dirbamos, -ā) and past-tense forms (dirbtos, -ā). Participles of reflexive verbs can be formed only when prefixes are present (pasidirbis, paždirptas < pasidirbtas).

Gerunds have two tense forms—present and past frequentative (dirbunt̃ ~ dirbant, dirbus).

The half-participle is formed with the suffix -damas, -dama (dirbda-mas, dirbdama).