LIETUVIŲ KALBOTYROS KLAUSIMAI, III

LIETUVOS TSR MOKSLŲ AKADEMIJA

INFLECTIONAL FEATURES OF ADJECTIVES AND NUMERALS IN THE KAPSAI AND ZANAVYKAI DIALECTS¹

J. SENKUS

I. ADJECTIVE

Gender

As in the Low Lithuanian dialects described, the Kapsai and Zanavykai dialects (Kalvarija, Kapsukas, Kazlų Rūda, Vilkaviškis, the southern part of Šakiai, and parts of certain other districts)² have three genders of adjectives: masculine, feminine, and neuter, e.g.: báltas, -à, bála; júodas, -à, júoda; mažas, -à, mažà; sótus, -i, sótu; sū́rus, -i, sū́ri.

Adjectives of some stems, for example, ja-, feminine ė-stem adjectives, have no neuter form at all. There are even a-stem adjectives with feminine o-stems that lack a neuter form, e.g.: bāsas, -à, kvaišas, -à, while some adjectives have only a feminine form, e.g.: dėdinga ažista, eringa avis, neščia moteris, veršinga karvė. The neuter form of u-stem adjectives is comparatively well preserved: aišku, gaižu, gardu, gražu, kartu, lygu, stipru, tanku, nemandagu... There are also quite a few vivid comparisons and expressions using it, e.g.: Šviesu kap nô mėnulio (not very bright) Gs.³ Tamsù — ką nors į akį durk (very dark) Plv. Occasionally one or another example is found in which the neuter form is virtually isolated, e.g.: Šiteip perdaug įkypų pjauti — pjaukim tiesiau Brt. The masculine or feminine form of the word įkypų was not heard in the dialects described.

An adjective generally agrees with a noun. With some nouns, the form and gender of an adjective may not agree, e.g.: Baisūs lapė (affectionate, cunning) tas Jorič Nmn. Tibrà velniūkštis ta mergiščia Alyt. For adjectives accented on the ending of the a-stem, the neuter form differs from the feminine singular nominative only in accent placement, e.g.: šaltà žiema ir baisèi šàlta, trumpà diena ir trùmpa dienõs.

¹ Some of the more essential features of word formation, usage, or other characteristics are also occasionally discussed.

² For further information, see the article by J. Senkus, “The declension of consonant-stem nouns in the Kapsai and Zanavykai dialects.” — Proceedings of the Academy of Sciences of the Lithuanian SSR (hereafter MAD), A 2 (7), 167, 1959.

³ The abbreviations indicating locations given with the examples are the same as those in Lietuvių kalbos žodynas, 5, ed. K. Ulvydas, Vilnius, 1959, or in the article by J. Senkus, “The use of prepositions and their principal meanings in the Kapsai and Zanavykai dialects,” MAD, A 1 (8), 125—150, 1960.

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The adjective’s neuter gender is indeclinable and can function as an adverb. In a sentence, the neuter form is sometimes replaced by an adverb, e.g.: Má visur gera || geraǐ Gs. Jam visko mažà || mažąj Alk. Sometimes both forms are used in parallel in the same sentence, e.g.: Nèr te gerai, kur tiktai vienam gera Žal. However, the neuter form cannot be replaced by an adverb in impersonal sentences and expressions such as: Kur trūmpta, te trūksta. Kur raudona, te gražu, kur miela, te akys Gs. Diemėtės jau dabar ilga Ply. Vyrs — ką miela pažiūrėti (well-grown, handsome) Žal. Pakilęs išė, nė juoda, nė balta (having said nothing to anyone, neither bad nor good) Gs. In addition, in certain expressions or negative constructions, the neuter form and the masculine singular genitive form are sometimes used in parallel, e.g.: Nieko gera || gero iš jo nebus Ply. Kas gero || gerą (rare) pas jus girdėt? Vlkv.

Number

In the dialects described, as in standard Lithuanian, the adjective has three numbers: singular, plural, and dual. The dual is used very rarely, and only when the adjective stands with a noun expressed in the dual form (with the numerals du, abu, abudu a, ja, u, ju stems in the singular nominative and accusative), e.g.: Ir atjojo du bernelíu, abu gražiu jaunytėliu Nm. Sutikau du jaunu vyru Grl. Cf. also: Mudu du broliukai, abu neženotu Gs. The dual of feminine adjectives is especially rare; it may occur somewhat more often in the Zanavykai dialect, e.g.: Turė tik dvi raibi višteli iš daugiau nieko Grš. Cf. the numeral du, dvi.

The plural dative form coincides with the dual form of the same case, e.g.: dviem ir visiem geriem vaikam.

Comparison

The dialects described have four degrees of the adjective: 1. positive, 2. comparative, 3. superlative, and 4. absolute superlative, or superlative of all, which is an intensified variant of the superlative, e.g.: gėras, -à, geresnis, -ė, geriausias⁴, -ia, pac (visų, gerų, ko) geriausias, -ia.

As we can see, the absolute superlative can also be called the superlative of all⁵, the highest of the high, or the degree that is highest of all.

The comparative and superlative degrees are formed with suffixes, whereas the fourth degree is formed from two parts, the first of which has four possible forms. The first part may consist of: 1) the corresponding case of the pronoun pác (pats), pati; 2) the plural genitive of the pronoun visas or of the positive-degree adjective being compared; 3) the singular genitive of the pronoun kas, and sometimes also its instrumental; 4) the preposition už together with the plural accusative form of the pronoun visas, visa. The second part is the superlative form of the adjective being compared⁶

⁴ The masculine ending of the superlative is -ias; the ending -is is very rare or does not occur at all. Cf. also: Who is sweetest, fattest, and fastest? — Sleep is sweetest, the earth fattest, and thought fastest Ig.

⁵ Plg. J. Jablonskis, Rinktiniai raštai (sudarė J. Palionis), 1, 206—207, Vilnius, 1957.

⁶ When the first part of the fourth degree consists of the preposition už together with the plural genitive form of the pronoun visas, the second part may also be the comparative form of the adjective being compared, e.g.: už visas meilesnė.

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the degree form, e.g.: She married the very || most handsome, beautiful || most beautiful girl in the whole world, Gs. She went (married) into the very || most distant (remote?) || most remote district, Gs. She settled in the very || best || best house, Gs. She thinks that she is the most beautiful of them all, Žal.

The pronouns pač, visų, ko (kuo), combined with simple adjectives in the superlative degree and expressing the very highest degree, form a single syntactic-semantic construction, e.g.: They chose the very best (apple), Alk. The very best hay spoiled, Dkš.

In the dialects described, a form composed of the pronoun pač, pati and a pronominal adjective also occurs, e.g.: pač gerasis, pati jaunoji. In meaning, this form in the dialects described is more appropriately classified with the positive degree—as an intensified and strengthened variant of its meaning—rather than with the very highest degree.

The elative-degree forms were not heard in the dialects described.

In addition to the degrees mentioned above, the dialects described also have a lower nuance of the positive-degree meaning. Two forms are used to express a property whose meaning is lower than that of the positive degree: 1) with the prefix apy- (apýjaunis, -ė)⁸, 2) with the suffix -okas, -a (jaunókas, -a). The meanings of both forms are the same—that is, lower than the positive-degree meaning, e.g.: The water is already apýšiltis || šiltókas—it is possible to bathe, Plv. A rather old || fairly elderly woman, but still quick, Gs. Some speak rather slowly || somewhat sluggishly, others rapidly, Žal. Around Garliava these forms are used with an elative meaning⁹.

All these forms could be assigned not to degree, but to an entirely different lexical meaning of the word. Nevertheless, to a speaker of the native dialect, it seems better to associate them with the notion of degree.

All the adjective degrees mentioned above, except for the occasional form with the prefix apy- and some forms of the superlative of all, occur not only in the masculine and feminine, but also in the neuter gender, namely: 1) degree lower than the positive: gražóka || apýgražu, mažóka; 2) positive: gražu, mažà; 3) comparative: gražiaì(s), mažiaì(s); 4) superlative: gražiausia, mažiausia || gražiau, mažiau; 5) superlative of all: visų || gražių || ko gražiausia (gražiau), visų || mažų (mažių) || ko (kuo) mažiausia (mažiau)¹⁰.

As we can see, with the exception of the positive degree, all the other neuter adjective degrees have two or even several forms; this is especially true of the superlative of all. The comparative form with an added s (gražiaùs, mažiaùs) is used more by older speakers of the dialect and is to be considered older. The superlative also has a short form: gražiau, mažiau, mieliau: It is most beautiful here for me, Žal. To all the loveliest—

⁷ the a-stem genitive plural also has the ju-stem form.

⁸ Forms with the prefixes po-, pa- are occasionally used in the standard language (pógeris, -ė, pójaunis, -ė) or in other dialects (Eastern Aukštaitian pajáunas, -a, pagėras, -à), but are unknown to the Kapsai and Zanavykai. Instead of apy-, ap- is also sometimes said. That sister is rather old, Nm.

⁹ See M. Sapijonaitė, Garliava Dialect (diploma thesis, manuscript at the Department of Lithuanian Language, Vilnius State V. Kapsukas University), 51, 1951.

¹⁰ Adverbs derived from adjectives are graded similarly, and their forms usually coincide with forms of certain neuter adjective degrees. This variety is best known to the author in the Kapsai subdialect of the Pazanavykys area.

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liáu tèviškėje Gs. This shortened form is also used for all adjectives in the superlative degree.

Forms of the comparative or superlative degree of surviving neuter-gender adjectives occur even though the positive-degree forms no longer exist, e.g.: Man tas juokiã, kad jį usigavo Grl. Juokiãnsia má bo iš jo, kai jis apverto į grabę Gs.

There are also adjectives that do not form degrees of comparison, for example: 1) adjectives with the suffixes -inis, -ė, -autinis, -ė, with the exception of a few words, e.g.: paskutinis, -ė, paskutinėnsis, -ė, paskutiniãusias, -a (Atė paskutiniausia diena, į dú negãtava Gs.), pirmutinis, -ė, pirmutinėnsis, -ė, pirmutiniausias, -a; 2) some disyllabic adjectives, e.g.: bãsas, gulščias, pėkščias, rãitas; 3) some polysyllabic adjectives, e.g.: uždaras, ãdaras, ãtbulas.

Adjectives with the prefix pa- also belong here; they rarely form degrees of comparison (more often only in folklore), e.g.: Padainuosiu gražią dainą, gražią dainą apalainą, pailgesnę — dá dailesnę Plv. In addition, there are adjectives derived from nouns that do not form degrees of comparison and have the qualitative suffixes -ingas, -iškas, -uotas, etc., e.g., versingas, miltuotas, mėšliškas. Adverbs are sometimes used to express the adjective degrees mentioned here, e.g.: No maišų nešiojimo labiausia miltuota kupra Vlkv.

In the dialects described, there are a few comparative- and superlative-degree adjectives formed from nouns. In addition to vyresnis, vyriausias, there are, for example, šunėnis, šuniáusia¹¹; ponėnis, poniáusias.

Case

As with nouns, adjectives have seven cases. The vocative form differs from the nominative only in adjectives with stems ending in -ja, feminine gender, -ė, and only in the singular; the nominative and vocative forms of all other adjectives coincide in the dialects described.

As with other inflected parts of speech, adjectives show the greatest variation in inflection in declension, so this is generally the aspect discussed most.

1. Declension of simple adjectives

The case endings of adjectives in the dialects described coincide in many cases with the endings of the same cases in other parts of speech¹². In the dialects, as in standard Lithuanian, adjectives belong to three declensions. Here, the declension of adjectives is reviewed not by declension class but, as with nouns, by stem. The aim here is not to present a fully comprehensive system of adjective declension in the dialects described, but mainly to highlight the more characteristic or divergent forms.

¹¹ Cf. He is the most doggish of all (worst, most worthless, angriest) Gs.

¹² Cf. J. Senkus, Features of noun declension in the Kapsai and Zanavykai dialects, MAD, A 2 (9), 1960.

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ą, feminine gender, while the stem

Disyllabic adjectives

Masculine gender

Singular

Plural

N. báltas

baltì

G. bálto

báltų

N. white, white, white, white¹³

baltíem(s)

A. báltą

báltus

Į. báltu

baltaìs

Vt. báltam, báltame, báltam(e)

baltuõs, baltuõse, baltuõse

Feminine gender

V. baltà

báltos

K. baltõs

báltų

N. báltai, báltai

baltõm(s), baltõm(s)

G. báltą

báltas

Į. baltà, báltą

baltõm(s), baltomìs, baltõm(s)

Vt. baltõ(j), baltoję, baltój

baltõse, baltõse

Masculine gender

V. mažàs

mažì

K. mažõ

mažų

N. mažám, mažui, mažų

mažíem(s)

G. mažą

mažùs

Į. mažù

mažais

Vt. mažám, mažame

mažuõs, mažuõse, mažuõse

Feminine gender

Nom. mažà

mažõs

Gen. mažõs

mažų

Dat. mažài, mažài

mažõm(s), mažõm(s)

Acc. mažą

mažàs

Ins. mažà

small, small, small

Loc. mažõ(j), mažõje, mažõj

mažõse, mažõse

13 In individual cases, in addition to those indicated here, other variations in endings and stress may also occur; in all paradigms, the more widely known variant is given first; if stress varies between two patterns and it is difficult to say which variant is more widely known, the form is sometimes written once with two stress marks, but this does not mean that the word has two stresses when pronounced once, e.g., baltõm(s), lygiùos (see below).

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Multisyllabic adjectives

Masculine gender

V. mėlynas mėlyni, mėlyni K. mėlyno mėlynų, mėlynų N. mėlynam, mėlynam, mėlynu, mėlynu mėlyniem(s), mėlyniem(s) G. mėlyną mėlynus Į. mėlynu mėlynais, mėlynais Vt. mėlynam, mėlyname, mėlynam(e) mėlynuos, mėlynuosė, mėlynuose, mėlyniūse

Feminine gender

V. mėlyna, mėlyna mėlynos K. mėlynos, mėlynos mėlynų, mėlynų N. mėlynai, mėlynai mėlynóm(s), mėlynõm(s), mėlynom(s) G. mėlyną mėlynas Į. mėlyna, mėlyna mėlynõm(s), mėlynomis, mėlynõm(s), mėlynom(s) Vt. mėlyno(j), mėlynoje, mėlynoj, mėlyno(j), mėlynoje mėlynose, - mėlynose, mėlynõse

Ending. Alongside the pronominal ending, the nominal ending is sometimes also used in the masculine singular dative: in Zanavykian and Kapsian I (Vilkaviškis, etc.) -ui (báltui, mėlynui), in Kapsian II (Kapsukas, etc.) -u (báltu, mėlynu). This ending occurs more frequently when a noun is adjacent to the adjective, for example: Tokiam barzdotui vyrui Vilkv.

In the masculine singular and plural locative, both Kapsian (hereafter kp) I and Zanavykian are most often pronounced without final -e (báltam, mėlynam, baltuõs, mėlynuõs)¹⁴; kpII is most often pronounced with final e.

The feminine singular locative is often used without any ending at all—the bare stem (báltõ, mažõ, mėlynõ).

In the masculine and feminine plural dative, the endingal s is most often not pronounced (báltiem, baltõm, mėlyniėm, mėlynõm). In the writings of Salomėja Nėris, who came from kpI, the archaic form mažiemus¹⁵ is unknown in the dialect and was most likely used by the poet for the sake of rhyme.

The most common feminine plural instrumental form has final m (baltõm, mėlynõm); the form with final s is pronounced least often. The full ending appears to be used more because of the influence of the literary language.

The neuter gender has the ending -a: báltą, mažą, mėlyna. In disyllabic adjectives, the neuter differs from the feminine singular nominative in accent placement—the neuter is stressed on the root. The declension of adjectives with the diminutive suffix -ukas, -ė (a-stem, feminine ė-stem) should also be mentioned alongside this stem. Their masculine singular is generally inflected like an a-stem adjective or noun, while the plural is inflected like an a-stem noun. The feminine is inflected like an ė-stem—

¹⁴Accent placement or pitch accent is given here only for the most common and widely used form,

¹⁵ Salomėja Nėris, Raštai, 1, 206, Vilnius, 1957.

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… noun. Of the entire system, only the singular locative stands out, with very varied forms; in kpI, for example, there are: mažiūkam(e)—the a-stem adjective form, mažiūkiam(e)—the pronoun and ja-stem adjective form, mažiukė—the a-stem noun form, mažiuky(je)—the noun form of the į- and ja-stems. Some of the forms mentioned here are also familiar in kpII, for example: mažiūky, baltūky Kps., Dkš., mažiūkiam, baltūkiam Dkš.

Accentuation. As the declension paradigms show, in the dialects described there are not only different endings for the same case, but also various accentual and intonational features, on which the endings themselves sometimes depend. Many accentual alternations occur in the same areas of the dialects described. The paradigm examples given for disyllabic words have acute and circumflex intonations, while the polysyllabic ones have the acute. There are, of course, examples with short intonation as well.

The feminine singular dative is usually stressed on the ending; root and stem stress (báltai, mažai, ápškritai) is rare. The feminine singular dative of disyllabic ja-stem adjectives is stressed in the same way, for example: gražėi (grąžėi), sočėi (sóčėi), žálėi (žálėi). See further under the feminine-gender ja-stem.

In the masculine singular and plural locative, when the ending is shortened, the stress is circumflex owing to a change in intonation (mažām, mažūos). This is also usually the case in the feminine singular locative, for example, mažō(j).

In the feminine singular locative and plural dative or instrumental, when the ending is shortened, a short intonation is sometimes heard, especially in kpI, for example: mažōj, mažōm(s).

The identical endings of the feminine plural dative and instrumental usually differ in intonation: the dative has acute intonation (mažōm), while the instrumental has circumflex intonation (mažōm). Both cases are pronounced with short intonation (mažōm). There is also occasional indistinct concentration of intonation on the consonant m (mažōm). All this shows that the difference in the pronunciation of the intonation in these cases is becoming neutralized.

In the Kapsai II subdialect, when the ending is not shortened, the stress in the plural locative is generally on the penultimate syllable. The intonation, especially in kpIIr (eastern areas—Naujoji Ūta, Garliava), is pronounced indistinctly, but historically it is acute (mažōse, mažūose), and is therefore marked as such here.

The adjective mėlynas has accentuation classes III and I: mėlynėm || mėlynėm. Class I is less common. Double accentuation patterns also occur in the accentuation of adjectives with the suffixes -onas, -a, -ėtas, -a, -ingas, -a, -ybas, -a, etc., for example: raudōna, raudōni, dūlkėtas, -a, dūr-pėtas, -a (Dūr-pėtas maišas Gs.), vėjingas, -a (Vėjinga diena Kbr.), mīltingas, -a, ankstyba, vėlybā¹⁶. Some other accentual variations or differences from Ik accentuation also occur; for example, around Vilkaviškis the following are stressed: senývas, -ā, akýlas, -ā (akýlas, -a), gailývas, -à (Jis tokios gailývos širdies Gs.), rīmtas, -à, láis-vas, -à¹⁷.

The stressed prefix pa- in the dialects described is pronounced only with short intonation (pàprastas)¹⁸.

¹⁶In the literary language, they are stressed only on the suffix and only according to accentuation class I; cf. J. Žiugžda, Lietuvių kalbos gramatika, 1, 97, Vilnius, 1957; A. Laigonaitė, Literatūrinės lietuvių kalbos kirčiavimas, 52—53, Vilnius, 1959.

¹⁷Cf. J. Žiugžda, op. cit., 97—98. The aim here is not to give either the full inflectional and accentual system of adjectives in the dialects described or all their accentual differences from Ik accentuation; only some of the more striking accentual differences are presented.

¹⁸In the dialects or written sources one even finds pàilgas, pàtikimas—see J. Otrębśki, Gramatyka języka litewskiego, 3, 103—104, Warszawa, 1956.

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u, its stem in the feminine gender

Disyllabic adjectives

Masculine gender

Singular

Plural

V. saldùs, tam̃sìs saldūs, tam̃sūs

K. saldãũs, saldžio; tam̃sãũs, tam̃sio saldžių

N. saldžiàm, saldžiui; tam̃siam saldìem(s)

G. saldų, tam̃sų saldžius, tam̃sius

Į. saldžiu, saldžiu, saldžiùm; saldùm; tam̃siù saldžėis

Loc. saldžiàm, saldžiame¹⁹ saldžiuõs, saldžiuose, saldžiuõse

Š. (saldùs) (saldūs, tam̃sūs)

Feminine gender

N. saldì saldžios, tam̃sios

G. saldžios saldžių

D. saldžėi, tam̃sėi saldžiom(s), saldžiom̃(s)

A. saldžią, tam̃sią saldžias, tam̃sias

I. saldžia, tam̃sia saldžiom(s), saldžiomis, saldžiom̃(s)

L. saldžio(j), saldžioje, saldžioj saldžiose, saldžiose

S. (saldì) (saldžios, tam̃sios)

Ending. The forms of some cases of adjectives of this stem have mostly shifted to other stems; in other words, their endings are the same as those of pronominal ja-, jo-stem adjectives, except that their masculine singular nominative, genitive and accusative (sometimes instrumental) and plural nominative have retained u-stem endings.

The second singular genitive and dative forms of the adjective saldus are rare, while the second genitive form of words such as tamsus, gardus, gražus (tamsio, gardžio, gražio) is used somewhat more often only in the kpIIr dialect.

The second singular instrumental form occurs mostly only in the speech of older dialect speakers or in folklore, e.g., kpI: Pagirdė vaiką su saldžiùm pienu VIkv. The same applies to the third form (saldūn). This form, which occasionally occurs in some places, e.g.: baisùm Alk., gražùm²⁰, lygùm Kps., preserves the old form, used more widely by eastern speakers, the same as that of u-stem nouns²¹.

Singular and plural locative forms are generally without e, e.g.: saldžiàm, saldžiuõs. Full forms (with e) are much rarer.

The plural dative form is usually without s: saldìem, tam̃siem, gražiem. It is occasionally also said with s (saldìems).

¹⁹ When the second adjective (tamsus) does not differ from the first (saldaus) in either its ending or accentuation, it is omitted.

²⁰ M. Sapijanskaitė, Garliavos tarmė, 52.

²¹ Plg. J. Endzelynas, Baltų kalbų garsai ir formos, 136. Vilnius, 1957.

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The feminine gender (saldì, tamšì, gražì) is declined like a jo-stem noun (martì, patì).²²

It is also worth noting that some Ik u-stem adjectives, e.g. stiprus, vikrus, ūmus, mitrus, occur in the kpII subdialect (for example, around Jiestrakis in Prienai District) in the a-stem form, though somewhat less frequently, as well; and forms with the stem stipras, vikras, mìklas, ūmas, mitras (fem. stipra, etc.). Such forms also occur in the kpI subdialect; for example, alongside the more widely used gaì- žùs, -ì, one sometimes also hears gažàs, -à: Išvirė gažą sriubą Žal.

Stress. The feminine singular dative is usually stressed on the ending, for example: saldžèĩ ~ saldžiai, gražèĩ, tamšèĩ; less often it is also pronounced with stress on the stem: gražèĩ, tamšèĩ, saldžèĩ.

Three forms are used for the feminine singular locative, and stress varies accordingly: tamšiõ(j), tamšioje, tamšiõj.

Stress is particularly varied in the feminine plural instrumental. Sometimes the circumflex accent is placed on the consonant m: gražiõm(s). The feminine plural dative is sometimes pronounced this way, too.

u-stem adjectives have stress chiefly on the ending. In the kpI subdialect, adjectives lygūs aiškūs, sotūs, tankūs are stressed chiefly on the stem, especially in the speech of older people; this stress pattern is apparently found throughout the area of the dialects described, although stem-final stress already occurs in some individual cases.

Singular

Nom. lygūs aiškūs sotūs tankūs Gen. lygaus aiškaus sotaus tankaus Dat. lýgiam aiškiam sočiām, sočiām tánkiam, tankiám Acc. lygų aiškų sotų tankų Instr. lygiu aiškiu sočiu tankiu Loc. lygìam, lygìame aiškiam, aiškiame sočiām, sočiame tankiàm, tankiame

Plural

Nom. lygūs aiškūs sotūs tankūs Gen. lygių aiškių sočių tankių Dat. lygìem(s) aiškiem(s) sočiēm(s) tankìe(m)s Acc. lygius aiškius sočius tankius Instr. lygės aiškės sočės tankės Loc. lygìuos, lygìuose aiškiuos, aiškiuose sočiùos, sočiùose tankiuos, tankiuose

The feminine gender is similarly stressed.

Here, only three cases of the third accent paradigm, as a neighboring pattern, are indicated, since these are more often stressed this way, although double stress may occur in other cases as well.

Plural locative, when the stress is not on the stem, in the kpII subdialect it falls on the penultimate syllable, e.g.: gražiuose, gražióse (also pronounced with circumflex intonation).

²² See J. Senkus, Features of noun declension in the Kapsai and Zanavykai dialects, MAD, A 2 (9), 1960.

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In addition, the stress of some adjectives sometimes differs from that of accent paradigm 1, for example, kpI1r is pronounced sunkus. The adjective skaidrùs is stressed mainly on the ending, but it is not widely used in the dialects described.

The stress features of other u-stem adjectives are almost always the same as those of the words saldus, tamsus in their paradigms.

The neuter gender of u-stem adjectives in the first accent paradigm is stressed on the stem, e.g.: áišku, lýgu, sótu, tánku; other adjectives, regardless of the stem’s intonation, are stressed on the ending, e.g.: gražù, saldù, tylù, smagù, sūrù, rùkštù; double stress (on the stem and ending) also occurs, e.g.: baisù, baigù, bjaurù, graždù, nýkù, skaudù, stiprù, svaĩbù, sunkù, šviesù, tiesù, týkù, týlù. This is generally the case with adjectives having circumflex intonation, but one or another neuter adjective with double stress also has acute intonation, e.g., brángù. Older dialect speakers stress the stem more often, while younger speakers stress the ending. Stem stress is older²³, but is already less common. Double or even triple stress also occurs with plural neuter u-stem adjectives, e.g.: nuožulnù, nuobódù.

M u l t i s y l l a b i c a d j e c t i v e s

Masculine gender

Singular | Plural Nominative mandagùs | mandagūs Genitive mandagáus, mandagió | mandagių Dative mandagiam | mandagiem(s) Accusative mandagų | mandagiùs Instrumental mandagìu | mandagẽis Locative mandagiam, mandagiamè | mandagiuõs, mandagiuõse, mandagiuõse

Feminine gender

Nominative mandagì | mandágios Genitive mandagiós | mandagių Dative mandagẽi | mandagiom(s), mandagiõm(s) Accusative mandagią | mandagiàs Instrumental mandagià | mandagiom(s), mandagiomis, mandagiõm(s) Locative mandagió(j), mandagioje, mandagiój | mandagiosè, mandagióse

Accentuation. As the paradigm shows, adjectives of this type in the dialects described shift stress from the ending not to the first, but to the penultimate syllable, and belong to accentuation class IV. Their plural dative and accusative forms are stressed on the ending. All adjectives of the same stem type formed with prefixes or by compounding, masculine and feminine, are stressed in the same way, e.g.: apvalùs, acarùs, įkyrùs, išlaidùs, nuolaidùs, paklusnùs, pravartùs, privalùs, neprierangùs, sumanùs, užgaulùs, akylandùs, akyvaisùs.

²³ Plg. K. Būga, Lietuvių kalbos žodynas, 1, XLVII – L psl., Kaunas, 1924.

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Older speakers of the dialects stress some polysyllabic adjectives of this stem type, e.g.: mandagùs, nuobodùs, sandarùs, sometimes also retracting the stress to the first syllable (following accentuation class III), e.g.: mandagų, nuobodų, sandarius²⁴.

it, feminine its stem

Masculine gender

Singular Plural N. pėkščias pėkšti, pėkšti G. pėkščio pėkščių, pėkščių D. pėkščiam, pėkščiam, pėkščiui pėkštiem(s), pėkštiem(s) A. pėkščia pėkščius I. pėkščiu pėkščiais, pėkščiais L. plokščiam(e), plokščiam(ė) plokščiuos(e), plokščiuòs, plokščiuose

Feminine gender

N. pėkščia, pėkščia pėkščios G. pėkščios, pėkščios pėkščių, pėkščių D. pėkščei, pėkščei pėkščiȯm(s), pėkščiȯm(s), pėkščiȯm(s) A. pėkščą pėkščias I. pėkščia pėkščiȯm, pėkščiȯm(īs), pėkščiȯm(s) L. plokščioj(e), plokščio(jė), plokščioj plokščiose, plokščioše, plokščiȯse

Ending. In general, the endings of all cases of this stem are, one might say, the same as those of the a, feminine gender o stem. The essential difference is only that here the stem-final vowel is a soft, predominant affricate.

The singular dative noun ending -ui is very rare—it has only occasionally been heard in Kapsukas dialect speech.

The adjective plokščias occasionally has u-stem endings in some cases, e.g.: plokštūs, plokštaũs, plókštūs accusative singular.

The feminine singular nominative of the adjective didis is didė (ė-stem), while all the other cases have two stems (jo and ė), e.g.: didžios || didės, didžėi || didėi.

Accentuation. The adjectives pėkščias, pėkščia; kniūpščias, kniūpščia; plókščias, plókščia; paplókščias, paplókščia have (at least in KpI) two accentuation patterns, namely I and III; pattern I is more widely known.

Feminine gender adjectives of the IV accentuation pattern with the jo stem are accented in the singular dative in two ways by both Kapsų and Zanavykų speakers—on the stem and on the ending, e.g.: žãlei, šlãpėi, naũjėi, didžėi, kurčėi, but stem accentuation is much less common than ending accentuation.

²⁴ Cf. J. Otrębski, op. cit., 109–110; A. Laigonaitė, op. cit., 57–58.

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-ja, feminine gender, é-stem

Masculine gender

Singular

Plural

Nom. medinis — mediniai

Gen. medinio — medinių

Dat. mediniam, mediniu, mediniu — mediniam(s), mediniem(s)

Acc. medinį — medinius

Ins. mediniu — mediniais

Loc. mediniam(e), mediny(je), medinij — mediniu os(e)

Feminine gender

Nom. medinė — medinės

Gen. medinės — medinių

Dat. medinei — medinėm(s)

Acc. medinę — medines

Ins. medine — medinėm(s), medinėmis

Loc. medinė(je), medinėj — medinėse

Ending. The masculine singular dative, alongside the pronominal-adjectival ending, also has a nominal ending -ui (kpII -u).

The masculine singular locative endings are very varied: the full adjectival ending (mediniame) is somewhat less common than the shorter one (mediniam). The nominal ending has three forms: the short form is the most common (mediny), the full form less common (medinyje); kpII also has the ending -ij (medinij). Cf. mėdy(je), mėdij.

The masculine plural dative, besides the ending with the ja stem, occasionally also has an ending with the a stem: mediniem(s) — as in baltiem(s). The latter ending is somewhat more common with adjectives of the ja stem of this type, such as apvijam(ę) — apvijamiem(ę).

Masculine-gender adjectives in the comparative degree are declined exactly like masculine-gender adjectives with the ja stem, and only very rarely, unlike in lk²⁵, use forms such as gražesniam(s) in the plural dative; in the feminine singular genitive, alongside gražesnės, sometimes also gražesnios.

The adjective pernykštis, -ė in the kpI subdialect also has a ja stem and, in the feminine, a -jo stem: pernykščias, pernykščia.

The feminine form (medinė) is declined just like nouns with an ė stem — for example, mūšė, ląpė²⁶.

Adjectives with a ja stem and feminine ė stem are exclusively polysyllabic.

Accentuation. Adjectives of this stem with the suffix -ytis, -ė (mažytis, -ė) have a circumflex accent and belong not to accentuation class I, as in lk, but to class II. Unlike in lk, the adjective pirmykštis, -ė belongs to class II, not I. The adjectives maloninis, -ė and tiesioginis -ė²⁷ have accents opposite to those in lk. The singular of the adjective didelis, -ė

²⁵ Plg. J. Žiugžda, min. veik., 97.

²⁶ Žr. J. Senkus, Daiktavardžių linksniavimo kapsų ir zanavykų tarmėse bruožai. MAD, A 2(9), 1960.

²⁷ Plg. J. Žiugžda, min. veik., 102.

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in the dialects described, two accentuation patterns, I and III, occur side by side: didelės, dideliam, didelė.

Adjectives with the suffix -inis, -ė, derived from words accented on a non-final syllable in the plural genitive, most often retain in the dialects described the plural genitive accent position of the base word (from which they are derived). Thus, for example, those accented on the root and stem are: ánkštinis, ántinis, káiminis, kaimýnin(i)s, mė́tinis, malóninis, plėvinis, (Plėvinės kvietkos Plv.), sodýbinis (Sodýbinė žemė geresnė Gž.), tiesióginis, viétinis, vàštinis, whereas those denoting material are most often accented on the suffix, e.g.: auksinis, bulvinis, drobinis, cimantinis, medinis, miltinis, popierinis, sidabrinis, varinis. Compare also: Kelinaitės nuobrukinės, dziegoriukai an krūtinės (d.) Plv. Semėninis aliejus Gs. In addition, adjectives derived from polysyllabic words are most often accented on the suffix, e.g.: Lopetinis kastuvas (wooden, with only its edges fitted with metal) Gs. Juozapinės (baltosios) lelijos Gs. However, in both cases there are exceptions or variants, e.g.: išeiginis, kartūninis, kiaūlinis, mėnesinis, vašarinis, pavasarinis.

In addition, adjectives with -inis, -ė that, contrary to general pattern 1k, are normally accented on the suffix are sometimes found accented elsewhere, e.g.: dabartinis, tautinis, rather than dabartinis, tautinis²⁸.

Comparative adjectives in the dialects described are most often accented not according to pattern II, as in 1k, but according to pattern IV²⁹.

Singular Masculine Feminine Nom. geresnis geresnė Gen. geresnio geresnės Dat. geresniam geresnei Acc. geresnį geresnę Instr. geresniu geresne Loc. geresniam, geresniame geresnė, geresnėje Plural Nom. geresni geresnės Gen. geresnių geresnių Dat. geresniems geresnėm(s) Acc. geresnius geresnes Instr. geresnės geresnėm, geresnėmis Loc. geresniuose, geresniuose geresnėse

Compound adjectives of this stem are for the most part accented with a circumflex on the final syllable, although their second component historically also has an acute accent, e.g.: ilgakojis, -ė, juodgalvis, -ė, riesėnosis, -ė, šeivakojis, -ė (whose thin

²⁸ Žr. Dabartinės lietuvių kalbos žodynas, XIV psl., ats. red. J. Kruopas, Vilnius, 1954; J. Žiugžda, min. veik., 102.

²⁹ Cf. J. Žiugžda, op. cit., 96. The paradigm presented here indicates only the most commonly used stress pattern; however, sometimes one also hears, for example, geresniam (geresnių) geresnės, geresnei..., and also geresniuose, geresnėse. Other stem endings also occur, e.g.: masculine singular dative geresniui (pattern II-u), plural dative geresniams, feminine genitive geresnios.

10. Kalbotyros klausimai, III

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legs), black-and-white, -f, thick-lipped, -f, fair-faced, -f, gray-haired, -f, but, e.g.: soft-hearted, -f, crooked-cheeked, -f, thick-necked, -f. Lk recommends accenting all of them with a circumflex³⁰. Moreover, unlike in standard Lithuanian, in the descriptive dialects adjectives formed with the prefix be- most often retain the accent contour of the second constituent, e.g.: shameless, -f, boneless, -f, gluttonous, -f, heartless, -f, uninterrupted, -f, fatherless, -f, but: headless, -f, legless, -f.

2. Declension of pronominal adjectives

a, ja, feminine gender o, jo stems

Masc. gender

Sing. Plur.

V. senàsis, senãsai senieji, senìeji K. senójo senjų N. senà(m)jam, senãjam seniè(m)siem(s) G. senjį senúosius Į. senúoju senãsiais Vt. senãjam(e), senamjam(e), senúosiuos(e) senãjam(e)

Fem. gender

V. senóji senósios K. senósios senjų N. senã(i)jei, senãjej senósom(s), senómšiom(s) G. senąją sená(i)sias Į. senã(i)ja senós(i)om(is), senómšiom(i)s Vt. senójo(je), senójoj, senósiose senójoj

The ja stem (žaliasis) differs from the a stem in that the stem-final consonant is soft in all cases; moreover, ja, like the u stem, very rarely has the formant -ai (žaliai, gražusiai) in the masculine singular nominative in the descriptive dialects. This masculine singular nominative (and vocative) formant is somewhat more frequent only among pronominal adjectives with an a stem in the speech of older people, especially kpII, e.g.: Where is my old (old) little coat? Gs. The little child Ūt. My beloved young lad Šil.

The masculine plural nominative formant -ai³² occurs equally in pronominal adjectives of all stem types, e.g.: raudoniejėi, žalieji, gražiejėi.

The morphological and phonetic (stress and other) features of individual cases are evident from the paradigm itself. As far as can be determined, less frequently used features are given in parentheses or in second position. Noteworthy is the unstressed ending of the singular dative-

³⁰ Cf. A. Laigonaitė, cited work, 55. ³¹ Adjectives of this stem, especially those with non-final stress, are accented in two ways; cf. also: báltasai | báltasai, raudónsai || raudónasai. ³² These can be regarded as the nominal ending of the second component of the pronominal adjective. ai after j, by the phonetic law of the dialects, becomes ei.

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of the first componentthe alternation of the sound a — short and long a: senajam || senajam, še-najėj || šėna:jei. Most often, a half-long a — šėna.jam, šėna.jei. is heard.

In the feminine plural genitive, singular instrumental, and dative, the first component of the ending is also pronounced with ai: senā­sias, senā­jia, senā­jei. The ai of the first two cases derives from an, whereas the form senā­jei has preserved the first component's ending intact³³.

u, its feminine stems, e.g., gražūsis (rarely gražūsai), gražioji, differ very little in declension from ją, feminine-gender stems.

The declension of pronominal adjectives formed from the comparative degree deserves separate mention. In the dialects described, all their feminine forms have two stems—the jo and ė stems, e.g.: didesnōji || didesnējī. Occasionally, stress also falls on didesnōji || didesnējī. This variation in stress also occurs in some masculine cases. The paradigm gives only the more frequent stress pattern.

Masculine gender

Singular | Plural Nom. didesnysis | didesnėji, didesnėjei Gen. didesniojo | didesniųjų Dat. didesniā(m)jam | didesnė(m)siem(s) Acc. didesnįjį | didesniuosius Instr. didesniuoju | didesnėseis Loc. didesniajam(e), didesniamjam(e), didesniuosiuos(e) | didesniajam(e)

Feminine gender

Nom. didesnioji || didesnėji | didesniosios || didesnėsės Gen. didesniosios || didesnėsės | didesniųjų Dat. didesni(į)jei || didesnė(į)jei | didesnio(m)siom(s) || didesnė(m)sem(s) Acc. didesniąją || didesnėjų | didesniā(i)sias || didesnē(i)ses Instr. didesni(į)ja || didesnė(į)ja | didesnio(m)siom(i)s || didesnē(m)sem(is) Loc. didesniojoj(e) || didesnėjėj(e) | didesniosiose || didesnėsėse

II. NUMERALS

General remarks. Numerals are words by which we express the quantity (number) of things or their order.

In terms of meaning, numerals in the dialects under description, as in the standard language, fall into two principal groups: cardinal and ordinal numerals. A third group can also be distinguished—numeral words, e.g.: daug, keli, keliōlika, keleta(s) and others. Cardinal numerals are further divided into basic, multiplicative, collective, and fractional numerals.

33 Cf. Z. Zinkevičius, Lietuvių kalbos įvardžiuotinių būdvardžių istorijos bruožai, and others, Vilnius, 1957.

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In terms of their structure, or composition, numerals are simple (monomorphemic) and compound. The latter are further divided into compounds³⁴, formed from two words, e.g.: dvidešimt (dvidešimt), trisdešimt (trisdešimt), and multiword forms, e.g.: du šimtai penkiasdešimts, keturios dešimtys.

In grammatical features and inflection, the numeral system of the dialects under description generally has much in common with nouns, adjectives, and pronouns. Numerals are most closely related to adjectives, while some are related to nouns (some are almost identical to adjectives or nouns). In the dialects under description, as in the standard language, there appear to be very few numerals whose inflection differs from that of nouns, adjectives, and pronouns.

Not all numerals have masculine and feminine gender. Some, e.g., šimtas, have only masculine gender, while others, e.g.: vienuolika, dešimtis, have only feminine gender. Ordinal numerals pirma, antra, trečia, etc., are neuter. There are also numerals, e.g.: dešimc (dešimt), dvidešimc (dvidešimt), trys³⁶, that have no gender category.

Numerals generally have the same case endings as other nominal words. Among the exceptions that occur, one may mention, for example: vienuolika — devyniolika, keliolika, whose singular accusative most often does not differ from the nominative—that is, the old accusative form has been retained³⁷.

It should be noted that the numerals keturi — devyni have the ending -is in the masculine accusative, not -ius: keturis — devynis³⁸.

Multiword numerals tūkstantis šimtas, tūkstantis du šimtai, etc., are also expressed with vienuolika — devyniolika, by adding the plural form of the word šimtas, e.g.: vienuolika šimtų — devyniolika šimtų.

Ordinal, and sometimes cardinal, numerals used attributively with the words valanda, metai ‘hour, year’ are most often used in a sentence without the modified noun, e.g.: Šoko iki pirmų Vilkv. Parsitrėnkė (parėjo) jau po dvyliktos (dvyliktos) Gs. Kai tik penktą (penkios), jau į kelią Alk. Sulaukė aštuoniasdešimtus (aštuoniasdešimc) į mirė Gs. However, as the examples show, this occurs only when the modified noun (valanda, metai ‘hour, year’) is clearly implied.

³⁴ They are also called contracted, shortened (reduced)—see J. Jablonskis, Rinktiniai raštai 1, 220; J. Žiugžda, cited work, 113, 118; also cf. Mūsųdienų latviešu literārās valodas gramatika, 1, 479, Rīgā, 1959

³⁵ Under the phonetic rules of the dialects under description, the endings of some numerals differ from those of the standard language, e.g.: vienc, dešimc, didesimc, trisdešimc..., šimc. This is especially so in the Zanavykai dialect, where the mobile a most often drops out, and -ts, -ns become > -c, -nc.

³⁶ Except for the locative, e.g.: trijuos tvartuos, trijose skryniose Gs.

³⁷ Cf. J. Jablonskis, Rinktiniai raštai, 1, 220. Sometimes, especially among younger dialect speakers, the accusative is also pronounced with vienuolika — devyniolika, keliolika (with a long vowel). It is indeed pronounced with a long a (vienuoliką vištų, dvyliką paršų) in kpIIv (the second western Kapsai—Daukšiai, Gudeliai, Igliūka, Liudvinavas).

³⁸ The ending -is is used not only in the dialects under description, but also in many other dialects; with some exceptions, it is also found in the old writings (of Mažvydas, Bretkūnas, Daukša, and others). However, there are dialects—for example, the northeastern Highland Lithuanian dialects (Dusetos, Antazavė, and others), the northwestern Highland Lithuanian dialects, and many Samogitian dialects—that have the ending -ius: keturius, devynius (like žalius, šlapius). Cf. V. Mažiulis, Apie lietuvių kalbos skaitvardžius. — Kai kurie lietuvių kalbos gramatikos klausimai, 56, Vilnius, 1957. Also cf. the multiplicative numerals of the dialects under description: penkeris || penkerius, dvejus || dvejis, etc.

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1. Cardinal numerals

a. Basic numerals

vienas, -à

Masculine gender

Singular

Plural

V. vienas, vienas V. vieni, vieni

K. vieno K. vienų

N. vienám, vienui N. vieniem(s)

G. vieną G. vienus

Į. vienu Į. vienais, vienais

Vt. vienam, viename Vt. vienuõs, vienuose, vienúose

Fem.

Sing.

Pl.

Nom. one, one Nom. one

Gen. one Gen. ones

Dat. one, one Dat. ones, ones

Acc. one Acc. ones, ones

Ins. one, one Ins. ones, ones, ones

Loc. one, one, one Loc. ones, ones

As we can see, the declension and accentuation of the numeral vienas, -à almost coincide with the declension and accentuation of the adjective báltas, -à. In some respects it differs from 1k.

The plural vienas, -a is used only when it occurs with pluralia tantum nouns (instead of the collective numeral vieneri³⁹) or has an adjectival or pronominal meaning, e.g.: It's already been one year Gs. Only one pair of ragged trousers is left Vlkv. There is one pair of scissors, rusty in the same place Plv.

Besides its basic numeral meaning, one also has other meanings (adjectival, pronominal)⁴⁰; this is evident from the following examples: With him, just one (true) misery Gs. Only one (without people) house Vlkv. From Birštonas to Karaliaučius, a single (continuous) forest bo Ūt. Around Bagótoji, only a single (continuous, genuine) patch, and around Kazlai, forests alone Plv. All three were born on the same day (the very same) Nm. There lived here a certain (some) little fellow Br.

The masculine singular dative form vienui has been heard only in folklore. In idiomatic expressions, it is usually accented on the ending⁴¹, e.g.: The old folks live all alone Vlkv.

³⁹ Cf. collective numerals.

⁴⁰ Cf. Dictionary of Contemporary Lithuanian, 938.

⁴¹ vienui is in fact an adverb of dative or locative origin, with the formant -ui, used with an intensifying meaning alongside a numeral of the same root. Cf. K. Ulvydas, Adverbialization of the Singular Dative and Adverbs with the Formants -(i)ui, -i in Lithuanian. — Some Questions of Lithuanian Grammar, 127, 134, Vilnius, 1957.

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Only one was left, like a finger Gs. Alongside vienuõ, vienų is also sometimes said (a genitive plural form), e.g.: One woman lived out her whole life alone Gs.

In the masculine plural nominative, with stress on the stem, it was more often heard in a sentence such as: The two of them stayed at home Gs. In this case, vienu du is also said.

dù, duì

Masculine. Feminine.

Nom. dù dvi

Gen. dviejų, dvejų, dvie

Dat. dviem(s), dviemi

Acc. dù dvi

Ins. dviem(i), dviem(s)

Loc. dviejuõse, dviejuos, dviejuõs, dviejuõse dviejuõse, dviejuõse

As we can see from the paradigm, gender is distinguished in the nominative, accusative, and locative.

The genitive form dviejų (with stress on the ending)⁴² is rarer and more recent in the dialects described. The form dvie is used in kpIIr (the second eastern Kapsai subdialect—around N. Ūta, Garliava). The dative and instrumental form dviem(s) (with s) is rare, perhaps somewhat more often used by the Zanavykai and in kpII, while the form dviemi has been heard only around Naujoji Ūta. The locative forms dviejuõse, dviejuõse in kpII are stressed on the penultimate syllable; here they are marked with a falling-rising accent, although pronunciation is sometimes not clearly differentiated. Unlike in Įk, ⁴³ stress on the first syllable is most widely known, while stress on the ending is much less common.

The adverbialized forms dviese and dvieje are also used, e.g.: They do everything together Gs. Cf. trieše. The numeral du, dvi, although it has a dual form and generally requires agreement, is not always used consistently with regard to the number of the agreeing nominal words in the dialects described.

In the nominative, the plural is generally used, e.g.: They walk like two small children Gs. They do not fit together like two cats in a sack VIkv. Two children and two girls are growing up VIkv. The dual has survived in folklore, e.g.: Two wheels stand at the edge of the forest (ears) Gs. Two little hares are cutting each other, white blood flows (millstones) Alvt.

Other nominal words also agree with the dative form dviem and the instrumental form dviem, e.g.: It is always easier to understand with two heads Gž. Put on⁴⁴ gloves with two VIkv.

With du, dvi in the accusative, nominal words are used in either the dual or the plural, especially in the feminine, e.g.: She raised two sons and two daughters || two sons and two daughters Gs. He has two rubles || rubles VIkv.

Around Daukšiai and elsewhere, in the accusative dual, only the masculine gender is more often preserved, e.g.: du vaiku, du sūnu, du pirštu, while the feminine gender has almost entirely disappeared (dvi kati, dvi bobi; apparently nobody says this).

⁴² See the Dictionary of Contemporary Lithuanian, A. Laigonaitė, cited work, 64.

⁴³ Cf. J. Žiūžda, cited work, 117, Dictionary of Contemporary Lithuanian.

⁴⁴ Perhaps it is said more often, especially by older people, and su dvejõm.

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abù, abì (abùdu, abìdvì)

abù, abì differ very little in inflection and accentuation from dù, dvì. Alongside abù, abì, compound forms with dù, dvì (pronominal numerals) are also often used: abùdu, abìdvì. In the outskirts of Zanavykija, especially the area adjoining the Veliuona dialect area, the forms abùdu, abìdvì lose the consonant v in inflection—they say, for example: abìdi, abìdiem (abìdem).

trỹs

V. trỹs K. trijų, trijų N. trìm(s), trimi G. tris Į. trim̃, trimì(s) Vt. trijuõs, trijuõse; trijõse

In the locative case, a form that has become adverbial, trise, is used for both genders, especially by older people; sometimes also trỹse, trìese, e.g., Wherever they go—everywhere, three together Gs. The form trijuõs has also sometimes become adverbial, e.g., Trijuõs kulia Vlk. The form trimi occurs more often in the KpIIr dialect.

four–nine

Masculine gender. Feminine gender. N. four, seven; four (feminine), seven (feminine) G. of four, of seven D. to four, to seven; to four (feminine), to seven (feminine) A. four, seven (masculine); four, seven (feminine) I. with four, with seven; with four, with seven L. in four, in seven, in four (feminine), in seven (feminine); in four, in seven, in four (feminine), in seven (feminine)

As we can see, these numerals are declined like, for example, the adjective (plural) šlàpì, šlàpios, except that the accusative has not the ending -ius⁴⁵, but -is. The less common forms are not given here.

Sometimes, for example, when counting quickly or in children’s speech, stress is retracted from the ending: kèturi, pẽnki, šeši—to the first syllable; sèptyni, aštuoni, devyni—to the first or second syllable.

tẽn, twẽnty–nìnety⁴⁶

These numerals have various forms in the dialects described and are stressed in various ways, e.g.: dešimc, dešimt, dešimtis, dvidešimc, dvidešimt, dvidešimtis, dvi dešimtys, keturiasdešimc⁴⁷, keturiasdešimt, keturiasdešimtis, keturios dešimtys. Ab-

⁴⁵ This ending is found in some eastern, northwestern Aukštaitian, and Samogitian dialects. Cf. footnote 38.

⁴⁶ Some write dešimtis as well (see V. Mažiulis, On Lithuanian Numerals, cited work, 57), but such a pronunciation would be impossible for speakers of the dialects described.

⁴⁷ Here there may even be three different stress patterns: keturiasdešimc, keturiasdešimc, and keturiasdešimc (with two stresses).

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Generally, compound forms are probably more frequent than periphrastic forms, but in the speech of older people, it seems, periphrastic forms are more frequent.

Perhaps the most frequent form, especially among the Kapsai, is dešimc < dešimtis, dešimtes (cf. akmens, sesers < akmenes, seseres).

dešimtis is declined like an i-stem noun; only the singular dative and locative, and sometimes the singular and plural accusative, have endings of either stem or both. It is most often accented according to accentuation pattern I⁴⁸.

Singular Plural Nom. dešimtis dešimtys Gen. dešimties dešimčių Dat. dešimčei dešimtim(s) Acc. dešimtį dešimtis, dešimčias Inst. dešimtim(i), dešimčia dešimtim(is) Loc. dešimty(je) dešimtyse,-yse

Eleven—nineteen

These numerals are declined like the singular of feminine nouns with an o-stem; only the accusative usually does not differ from the nominative, e.g.: He got twelve (rarely, newer dvyliką) rubles Vilkv.⁴⁹ Cf. He caught a pair of pantinės (pants) Gs. A pair of shots of schnapps went down (d.) Alvt.

There are instances, though very rare, in which these numerals can be said to be indeclinable in at least some cases, cf., for example: He invited all eleven men Gs. He gave all eleven men (more often: to eleven men) what belonged to them Gs. Declension is more frequent when a word preceding the numeral has the same ending as the numeral in that same case, e.g.: He gave [it] to feed to all fifteen chickens Gs. Elsewhere, however, for example around Daukšiai, these numerals are always declined.

Around Kybartai, I happened to hear from older people the singular nominative form vienuoliks: There were these eleven people.

One hundred

Unlike in Ik⁵⁰, in the dialects described this numeral is most often not of accent paradigm IV, but of II—it is declined and stressed like finger.

Besides its direct meaning, one hundred also has an indefinite meaning—that of a great many, e.g.: I told you a hundred times, but did you do anything? Žal. The word one hundred is also used in mild curses and certain expressions, e.g.: Go to the hundred⁵¹ (devils)! Gs. And what a hundred to you, what a hundred! Alk. Worries, illnesses...—all hundreds! Gs.

⁴⁸ It is sometimes also stressed as dozens (3ᵇ), for example, around Daukšiai the forms of dozens, a dozen, in dozens are pronounced.

⁴⁹ In KpIIv (around Daukšiai and elsewhere), only eleven, twelve are said. See also what was discussed earlier, in “General Remarks,” and compare the collective numerals.

⁵⁰ See J. Žiugžda, cited work, 118; Dictionary of Contemporary Lithuanian, A. Laigonaitė, cited work, 64.

⁵¹ It is noteworthy that the nominative is used here in place of the genitive.

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thousand

Thousand in the dialects under description is generally inflected like an ja-stem first-declension noun and does not differ from Ik. However, sometimes certain cases of this numeral also have the endings of a ž-stem noun and may be feminine or masculine, e.g.: Crowds upon crowds, thousands upon thousands gathered Gs. Several thousand people gathered Plv. Altogether there will be about several thousand rubles Žal. I didn’t get a thousand Vlk.

million, billion

In the dialects under consideration, these two numerals are declined like a-stem nouns of accent paradigm I. In the dialect Lk, milijonas ‘million’ bears a circumflex accent (milijõnas) and belongs to accent paradigm II⁵².

In the dialects under consideration, the declension of compound cardinal numerals generally does not differ from that of cardinal numerals⁵³: all words in them are declined, except those numerals formed from eleven to nineteen by adding the genitive plural of the word šimtas ‘hundred’, e.g.: nominative vienuolika šimtų, genitive vienuolikos šimtų, accusative vienuolika (vienuoliką) šimtų.

b. Collective numerals

In the dialects under consideration, these numerals are formed as in the cardinal series, but their usage also differs somewhat.

With genuine, clearly plural nouns made up of two distinct parts, e.g., žirklės, šakės, kel(i)nės ‘scissors, forks, trousers’, or nouns with no singular form, e.g., kapinės, durys ‘cemetery, door’, generally only collective numerals are used, e.g., Turėjom trejas žirkles Dkš. ‘We had three pairs of scissors.’ Abejos durys adaros Žal. ‘Both doors are open.’ Jų kluonas su trejom durim Žal. ‘Their barn has three doors.’ Kur platūs laukai, tai dvėjom akėčiom akėdavo Gs. ‘Where the fields are wide, they used to harrow with two harrows.’ However, in some places, non-collective numerals are also occasionally used alongside these nouns, e.g., Yra dá trys šakės (mėšlui mėžti) Gs. ‘There are still three forks (for mucking out manure).’

The numeral vienos ‘one’ alongside vienerios ‘one pair’ occupies a special place, since one also says, for example: vienos durys, kapinės, kel(i)nės, žirklės ‘one door, cemetery, pair of trousers, pair of scissors’. This is because vienas ‘one’ is an unusual numeral, with numerous secondary meanings.

Nouns metai, langai ir namai. ‘years, windows, and houses’ also merit separate mention.

With the plural noun metai ‘years’, non-collective numerals are also used (du, trys, keturi, penki... metai ‘two, three, four, five... years’), e.g.: Penki metai jau praė, o da negrįšta Vlkv. ‘Five years have already passed, and they still haven’t returned.’ Jau šie vaiks aštuonių metų Nm. ‘These children are already eight years old.’ This is apparently because metai is a noun whose plural meaning has become blurred and unclear—in a certain sense, it can also have a singular, e.g.: metas (laikas) keltis. ‘It is time to get up.’

Conversely, there are instances when a collective numeral is used with an ordinary noun that is not plural, namely lango ‘window’, e.g.: Dveji (dvi-gubi) langai, o vis tiek vėjas pučia Plv. ‘Two (double) windows, and yet the wind is blowing.’ Here langai ‘windows’ is already becoming like a plural noun—the two windows are connected to one another in some way, like two sides of a single object; cf. dvejos durys. ‘two doors.’

⁵² See Dabartinės lietuvių kalbos žodynas; J. Žiugžda’s Lietuvių k. gramatikoje, 1, 115, 118 likewise gives a circumflex accent, but on p. 118 it is incorrectly stated that the word has fixed stress.

⁵³ See J. Žiugžda, cited work, 118.

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It is said: He has two pairs of homes Dkš. and He has two homes Dkš. Two pairs of homes is not the same as two homes. Two pairs of homes means two homesteads; here, the word homes has already become a plural noun.

Use of collective numerals also occurs in some lexicalized word combinations, e.g.: For stomach pain, trejos devynerios (trejonka) is good Gs.

Examples of the declension of collective numerals:

Masculine gender

V. abeji dveji penkeri

K. abejų dvejų penkerių

N. abejiem(s) dvejiem(s) penkeriem(s)

G. abejus, abėjus dvejus, dvejs penkeris, penkerius⁵⁴

Į. abejēs dvejēs penkerēis

Vt. abėjuos, abėjuosė dvejuos, dvejuosė penkeriuos, penkeriuose (adv. penkeriese)

Feminine gender

V. abėjos dvejos penkerios

K. abejų dvejų penkerių

N. abėjom(s), abėjom(s) dvejom(s), dvejom(s) penkeriom(s), penkeriom(s)

G. abėjas dvejas penkerias

Į. abėjom(is), abėjom(s) dvejom(is), dvejom(s) penkeriom(is), penkeriom(s)

Loc. abėjose, abėjose dvejose, dvejose penkeriose, penkeriose

c. Collective numerals

In the dialects under discussion, collective numerals do not seem to be very popular—in place of collective numerals, cardinal numerals are sometimes used, but older people still distinguish them, e.g.: In the old days they used to travel in fours to the manor Žal. A pair of men would grab him and throw him out Gs. Only sometimes, it seems, with no difference in meaning, are two forms used—one with collective numerals and one with cardinal numerals, e.g.: There were three horses || three horses Gs. But usually only this is said: They harrowed with a team of three Gs.

In fact, collective numerals indicate a certain closer unity, cohesion, indivisibility. Thus the difference is this: on saying they travel as a team of four, it is understood that the horses are harnessed together in a particular arrangement, whereas on saying they arrive with four horses, only the number is specified, while nothing is said about the arrangement—the grouping.

In declension, collective numerals scarcely differ from cardinal numerals, except in the dative case. In general, they are declined like fixed-stress a-stem nouns, e.g.:

⁵⁴ Penkerius is said especially among the Kapsai, much less often than penkeris—in this respect the dialects under discussion differ from standard Lithuanian. Cf. J. Žiugžda, cited work, 118; see also notes 38 and 45.

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Masculine gender

Nom. trejetas aštuonetas Gen. trejeto aštuoneto Dat. trejetui, -ų, -am aštuonetui, -ų Acc. trejetą aštuonetą Instr. trejetu aštuonetu Loc. trejete aštuonete

The dative ending -am (trejetam) occurs rarely—it has been heard, for example, around Vilkaviškis: That cloth will be enough for three more shirts. The ending -u is used in kpII.

Although rather rarely, feminine forms of these numerals are also used when needed. They are declined like vienuolika. In addition, the accusative form for both genders is often used in its archaic form (without long—nasalized a), e.g.: He had several workhorses and three fillies KžR. She raises eight children Gs.

d. Fractional numerals

In the dialects described, as in standard Lithuanian, fractional numerals are of two kinds: compound and complex (numeral phrases), as well as multiword forms.

Compound fractional numerals are formed from an ordinal numeral with the nouns pusė and dalis: pusė is the first component of the compound numeral, while dalis is the second.

Fractional numerals formed with the word pusė and the genitive of an ordinal numeral, e.g., pusantro, pustrėčio, pusketvirto, etc., are in practical use mainly from pusantro⁵⁵ to pusdešimto and, somewhat less often, up to pusdvidešimto, and are indeclinable. Feminine: pusantros⁵⁶, pustrėčios, pusketvirtos, etc.

Fractional numerals formed with the noun dalis, although they do not differ substantially from standard Lithuanian, nevertheless display some variation in word formation, morphology, and stress, e.g.: trečiadalis, trečdalis, trečdalys; ketvirtadalis, ketvirtadalys, ketvirtadalis, ketvirtadalys; penktadalis, penktadalys, penkdalys; šeštadalis, šeštadalys, šešdalis; septintadalis, septintadalys, septintadalys, septindalis; aštuntadalis, aštuntadalis, aštuntadalys, ašundalis; devintadalis, devintadalis, devintadalys, devyndalis; dešimtdalis, dešimtdalys, dešimtdalis, dešimtdalis; vienuoliktadalis, vienuoliktadalys; cf. dvyliktdalis — dvidešimtdalis⁵⁷. These numerals are declined like ja-stem nouns.

The fractional phrases of the dialects described either do not differ at all from standard Lithuanian or differ only in features already noted, e.g.: viena trečdalis (trečiadalis, trečdalys), du trečdaliai (trečiadaliai, trečdalē). Also included here are the phrases: pirmà dalis, antrà dalis, etc.

The numeral ketvirtis, found in the dialects described, is stressed differently from in standard Lithuanian.⁵⁸

⁵⁵ The compound numeral pusantro is almost absent—sometimes they say, probably only in the sense of time, pusė pirmo; the feminine form is more common: pusė pirmos, e.g.: Pietaujant apie pusę pirmos Gs. The plural genitive of the compound numeral is somewhat familiar, e.g.: Nė pusprimių metų neišdybarai, į išvarė Dkš.

⁵⁶ The stress on pusantros also varies, unlike the stress in standard Lithuanian—see J. Žiugžda, cited work, 119.

⁵⁷ Occasionally, dvidešimtdalis is also stressed differently.

⁵⁸ See J. Žiugžda, cited work, 119.

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2. Ordinal numerals

In the dialects described, as in standard Lithuanian, ordinal numerals (pirmas, antras, trečias etc.; feminine pirmà, antrà, trečià) are declined like adjectives with the same stem; cf. báltas, -à, mažàs, šlàpias).

Alongside aštuñtas, in kpII in some places, for example around Naujoji Uta, one occasionally hears the older form aštuontas, -à. In the same area, the form šėkmas, -à was also heard from old people.

Alongside pirmas, antras, vienas, kitas (viẽnc, kìc) are sometimes used with the same meaning, e.g.: Viẽnc vienurũ eina, kìc kitũr, o trečias trečiũr Gs. Kai susipyksta jiedu, tai primane vienas kitám akis išsilupinė́tu Vilky.

Compound ordinal numerals dvidešimtas and trisdešimtas, unlike in standard Lithuanian⁵⁹, are stressed most often on the first syllable,⁶⁰ whereas keturiasdešimtas — šešiasdešimtas are stressed mainly on the first syllable of the second component, or are pronounced with both stresses, e.g.: dvidešimtas, trisdešimtas; keturiasdešimtas, keturiasdešimtàs, keturiasdešimtas; penkiasdešimtas, penkiasdešimtàs, penkiasdešimtas; septyniasdešimtas, devyniasdešimtas differ in stress from the keturiasdešimtas type in that, instead of stress on the first syllable, the second syllable is stressed: septyniasdešimtas, septyniasdešimtàs, septyniasdešimtas. Unlike those in standard Lithuanian⁶¹, all of them belong to accentuation class I. The speech of younger dialect speakers also features the standard Lithuanian stress pattern: dvidešimtàs, -à, trisdešimtàs, -à, etc.

tūkstantas, tūkstantà is needed only very rarely (cf. tūkstantas sykis) and, as in standard Lithuanian⁶², has fixed stress. Their pronominal forms may be somewhat more common.

In compound ordinal numerals dvidešimc pirmas — šimtas penkiasdešimc pirmas, etc., as in standard Lithuanian, only the final word is inflected.

The extent to which the declension and stress of ordinal numerals in the dialects described coincide with those in standard Lithuanian is illustrated, for example, by the paradigm of penktas:

Singular. Masc. Fem. Nom. penktas penktà Gen. penkto penktõs Dat. penktám penktài, penktai⁶³ Acc. penktą penktą Instr. penktù penktà Loc. penktam, penktame penktõ(j), penktoje

⁵⁹ Žr. J. Žiugžda, min. veik., 118.

⁶⁰ Plg. F. Kurschat, Grammatik der litauischen Sprache, 260, 265. Halle a. S., 1876.

⁶¹ J. Žiugžda, min. veik., 115, 118; be to, plg. A. Laigonaitė, min. veik., 65.

⁶² J. Žiugžda, min. veik., 115, 118.

⁶³ Unlike standard Lithuanian, in the dialects described the feminine singular dative is stressed on the ending more often: pirmài, antrài, trečiài, etc. Compare also adjective stress.

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Plural

Masculine gender

Feminine gender

Nominative fifth fifth

Genitive fifth fifth

Dative fifths fifths, fifths

Accusative fifths fifths

Instrumental fifths fifths, fifths

Locative fifths, fifths fifths, fifths

Although rare, definite forms of ordinal numerals also occur: first, -fem., second, -fem., third, -fem. and so on⁶⁴, e.g.: All the girls, only the third in the row of children Alvt. Definite ordinal numerals are declined like definite adjectives.

Definite ordinal numerals of the type eleventh are stressed in two ways: eleventh, -fem., eleventh (accusative), and eleventh, -fem. (stress paradigm I).

Like in lk, only first, -fem. can be graded; cf.: Whoever is first is best. It thus approaches the adjective not only morphologically but also semantically.

For some ordinal numerals, especially from first to tenth, a neuter gender form also occurs: first, second, third and so on, but it is not very common nowadays.

Numeral words

Some quantitative adverbs are sometimes called numeral words or false, indefinite⁶⁵ numerals; in the dialects described here, as in standard Lithuanian, examples include: daug, daugel, maža.

In addition, certain numerals that are more or less inflected are also assigned to this class, for example: Kėleta(s), daugelis, keliolika, keli, kelios, keliasdešimc (kelios dešimtys), keli šimtai, keli tūkstančiai.

The gender of the numeral kėleta(s) is usually not distinguished⁶⁶, for example: Susirinko kėleta(s) merginų Gs. Pavalgyt užteks kėletai (kėletui) vyrų Žal. In addition, this numeral has two forms in the singular genitive, for example: Davė kėletą (kėletą) obuolių Gs. Cf. Vienuolika and others.

Numeral derivatives

Certain words are formed from numerals by adding particular suffixes or in other ways: these are adjectives derived from numerals⁶⁷, namely:

1. With the suffix -õpas, -õpa: dvejõpas (dvejõps), -a, trejõpas, -a, ketveriõpas, -a; adjectives are formed in this way up to dešimteriõpas, -a; in addition, forms from dvidešimteriõpas, -a to šimteriõpas, -a are also used, and sometimes tūkstanteriõpas, -a.

2. With -lypas, -a and -lypis, -ė, attached to numerals from vienas up to dešimt: vienlypas, -a, dvilypas, -a, trilypas, -a, keturlypas, -a, šešlypas, -a, aštuonlypas, -à; vienlypis,

⁶⁴ Pronominal numerals greater than dešimtàsis, -oji, that is, vienuoliktasis, dvyliktasis, and so on, are used even less frequently in practice.

⁶⁵ Plg. Грамматика русского языка, 1, 380, Москва, 1952; Mūsdienu latviešu literārās valodas gramatika, 1, 478.

⁶⁶ kėleta is actually of neuter gender.

⁶⁷ We can see that they are not numerals because they denote neither the number of objects itself nor their order. Cf. J. Jablonskis, Rinktiniai raštai, 1, 219.

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-fold, -folded, twofold, -folded, threefold, -folded, fourfold, -folded, etc. From the point of view of word formation, almost all of them are possible, but in actual usage not all are equally common, and some may not occur at all.

3. With -linkas, -a: one-link, -a, (-à), two-link, -a, (-à), three-link, -a (-à), four-link, -a, eight-link, -a, but some of this type, for example šešlinko, have not been heard.

From the point of view of word formation, like the preceding ones, they may be considered compound words, whose -linkas is associated with the verbs lenkti, linkti, while -lypas is associated with lipti, limpa.

4. With -gubas⁶⁸ -a: double, -a, triple, -a, quadruple, -a. It seems that they are not formed with higher numbers. The word viengubas ‘single’ is also rarely used in practice.

Since the words formed by the methods mentioned above are numeral adjectives, their declension in the dialects under discussion does not differ from that of adjectives with the corresponding stem. Those formed with -gubas and the suffix -opas have fixed stress, whereas among those formed with -linkas, only the feminine singular nominative sometimes (around Vilkaviškis and elsewhere) has stress on the ending: vienlinkà, dvìlinkà, trilinkà.

Certain words that were formerly locative forms of numerals are now used as adverbs. The dialects under discussion have quite a variety of them, namely: dviese, dviejė; triese, trisė, tryse; keturiese, keturisė; penkiese, penkisė; šešiese, šešisė; septyniese, septynisė; aštuoniese, aštuonisė; devyniese, devynisė. For example: Wherever they go, they are always in pairs Plv. They used to thresh with flails in threesspragilais trisė kuliam Gs.

Among numeral derivatives, mention should also be made of vienuolikis, dvylikis... dvidešimtinis, used in kpII (around Daukšiai and N. Ūta) when speaking of the loom reed and card jokers,

INFLECTIONAL FEATURES OF THE ADJECTIVE AND NUMERAL IN THE KAPSAS–ZANAVYKAS DIALECTS

Ю. Ю. СЕНКУС

Summary

Adjectives and numerals in the dialects under discussion (the Kalvarija, Kapsukas and Vilkaviškis districts and the southern part of the Šakiai district) are inflected for gender, number and case just as they are in the literary language. In addition, adjectives are also inflected for degrees of comparison.

Adjectives and numerals have three genders: masculine, feminine and neuter: šaltas, šalta, šalta; pirmas, pirma, pirma. The neuter differs from the feminine only in the position of the stress. Some adjectives, for example, adjectives with stems ending in ja and ē, do not have a neuter gender. Some numerals, for example, trys, have no gender category at all.

Adjectives have three numbers: singular, plural and dual. The latter is very rare—it occurs only in the masculine nominative and accusative cases. Some numerals also have these numbers, for example, šimtas.

⁶⁸ For the origin of -gubas, see P. r. Skardžius, Lietuvių kalbos žodžių daryba, 486, Vilnius, 1941.

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Adjectives have 4 basic degrees of comparison: positive, comparative, superlative and highest superlative: geras, geresnis, geriausias, pats (visų, ko, kuo) geriausias. In addition, to express a quality that is present to a lesser degree in an object than that expressed by the positive degree, forms with the prefix apy- or the suffix -okas, -a are used: apýšiltis, -ė; šiltokas, -a.

Adjectives and numerals, like other inflected parts of speech, differ from the literary language most notably in their declension.

Adjectives and numerals have 7 cases (as do nouns). The vocative form of an adjective differs from its nominative form only in adjectives with stems ending in ja and ё.

In the dialects under discussion, as in the literary language, adjectives have 3 declension types. In this article, the declension of simple and pronominal adjectives is discussed not by declension type, but by individual stems: a, feminine o; u, feminine jo; ja, feminine jo; ja, feminine ё. The more important features of accentuation are indicated, as are instances in which the accentuation of individual forms in the dialects differs from that of the literary language. Some cases have several different forms, both in their endings and in their accentuation, for example, the instrumental plural: baltōm(s), baltomis, baltòm(s).

The declension of numerals largely coincides with that of nouns, adjectives or pronouns, and is most similar to adjective declension. However, some differences are also found. Among these, for example, are the declension of numerals from vienuolika (11) to devyniolika (19), and keliolika “several,” whose accusative most often coincides with the nominative.

Masculine numerals keturi—devyni (4–9) have the ending -is, rather than -ius, in the accusative, unlike in some other dialects.

Numeral accentuation also displays considerable variation and differences from the literary language, for example, dviejų, dviejų, dviẽ “two”; šimtai (in the literary language, šimtai).