LIETUVIŲ KALBOTYROS KLAUSIMAI XXXVIII (1997)

Saulius AMBRAZAS

PECULIARITIES OF THE LITHUANIAN LANGUAGE NAMES DENOTING POSSESSORS OF A FEATURE

FORMATIONAL DEVELOPMENT WITH THE AFFIX *-įo-

§1. Besides the derivatives with *-ko- discussed earlier (author 1996), names denoting possessors of a feature in Lithuanian (nomina attributiva, hereafter NAtt) are also formed with suffixes and derivational endings that have developed from adjectival affixes *-įo-, *-no-, *-en-, *-lo-, *-to-, *-uo-, *-isko-, *-mo-.

In this article, we will discuss derivatives with the affix *-įo-.

Derivatives with the derivational ending -is/-ys(-ė)

§2. Lithuanian has quite a number of names denoting possessors of a feature with this derivational ending (Urbutis 1961: 45–47; DaiktvDr 364–365).

Derivatives of this type are found as early as 16th–17th-century texts. The NAtt gyvis ‘living being’ is especially widespread. Other forms are attested in individual texts. The derivatives galvis ‘big-headed’ SD¹ 35, juodis Lex 69a, kl išis SD³ 124, kupris SD³ 66, kuprys ‘a hunchbacked person’ Lex 50a, 69, nebylys Ch¹ 8X, plokštis ‘flat surface’ SD³ 299, retis ‘abandoned field’ Lex 24a, rėtis SD³ 85, 124, senis SD¹ 174, 176; SD³ 422, sūris BB Job 10,10, žiemys ‘north wind’ Lex 65, žilis ‘grey-haired person’ BP I 120₃ are also in use today.

The writings of Lithuania Minor also featured the NAtt kuršys ‘inhabitant of the Curonian Spit or Lithuania Minor’ Lex 21a; KB II 66; Sch 192 (cf. kuršis ‘Latvian’ K II 25; J. M.Valanč; PPr 406, kuršė ‘a knot tied in the Curonian manner’ Žvr; VI – LKŽ VI 972–973), mėlynai ‘a blue-red cabbage’ Lex 18a; C II 232; R II 228; MŽ II 101; K II 135; ‘blue or red turnip’ Lex 71a (cf. mėlynīs/mėlynis ‘blue color’ K II 50, 196; LC 1884,4; Šts; ‘blue garment’ Krsn; Kp; ‘blue or red cabbage’ R; MŽ; [K]; ‘a plant of the heather family’ Q 95 – LKŽ VII 1032).

§3. Names denoting possessors of a feature formed with -is/-ys(-ė) have counterparts in Latvian, Prussian, Slavic, and Germanic languages; compare Lithuanian bėris and Latvian bēris ‘bay horse’ (BKGF 66), Prussian malkis ‘smelt’ (Stint) E 597 (cf. Latvian smalks ‘fine, small-grained’, see PKEŽ III 105), Serbo-Croatian mlât (<*moldъ), Polish nów, nowiu ‘new moon’ (Martynov 1973: 22), Gothic hairdeis ‘shepherd’ (cf. Lithuanian kerdžius LEW 242), asneis ‘day laborer’ (Kub rjakova 1963: 78; Polomé 1974: 109).

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Šio tipo vediniai atsirado daiktavardėjant būdvardžiams su *-jo- (aut. 1991: 16–17).

Derivatives with the derivational suffix -ius(-ė)

§4. In contemporary Lithuanian, derivatives with the derivational ending -ius(-ė) are productive and most often denote an occupation; there are fewer derivatives of this type with the categorial meaning of a bearer of a characteristic (Urbutis 1961: 55–56; DaiktvDr 365–366).

Of the six names for bearers of characteristics with -ius recorded in the seventeenth-century Lithuanian Minor Lithuania dictionary Lexicon Lithuanicum, five also denote occupations (balnius ‘one who makes saddles’ 73, kailius ‘furrier’ 56a, 104a, katilius ‘maker of cauldrons’, kubilius ‘master or seller of tubs’ 56a, 19, 34, puodžius 88), and only the derivative durmius 64, 87a has retained its pure meaning of a bearer of a characteristic.

§5. K. Sirvydas’s dictionary contains only four -ius derivatives denoting occupations: besides the aforementioned NAtt puodžius SD¹ 33, 214; SD³ 67 (this derivative is widespread in many old writings), katilius SD¹ 125 (also R; MŽ II 296; K; J; BŽ 213, see also Salys 1985: 204), kubilius SD³ 301 (also DP 107₂; N; K; J), we also find the derivative bičius ‘beekeeper’ SD³ 7 (also R; N; K).

By contrast, this dictionary contains many more derivatives of this type with the categorial meaning of a bearer of a characteristic: barzdžius ‘bearded man’ SD³ 22 (also Alk – LKŽ I² 676), grynius (grimius?) ‘poor man, naked man’ SD³ 91 (cf. grýnius A 1885,274; J; Š, grinius Rod; Lš – LKŽ II 612), kerščius ‘avenger’ SD³ 181 (also [K]; J), niekius ‘good-for-nothing, annoying person’ SD³ 61, 198, 301 (also C II 1034; Krz 154; [K]; Tat; Skr – LKŽ VII 783), piniġius ‘one who has money’ SD³ 292 (also J; VŽ 1905,256; ‘spendthrift’ Upt – LKŽ IX 1043), sekmius ‘one who talks nonsense’ SD³ 5 (also Sut; N; ‘one who tells folktales’ N; [K]), smalščius ‘gourmand’ SD³ 148 (also SP I 212; MP 325; NdŽ), utėlius ‘one infested with lice’ SD¹ 191; SD³ 490 (widespread in dialects, chiefly eastern Aukštaitian – LKŽK), and the following known only from K. Sirvydas’s dictionary: NAtt burnius ‘one with a large mouth’ SD¹ 34, kytrius ‘clever person’ SD¹ 13; SD³ 347.

K. Sirvydas’s dictionary probably records an older state than Lexicon Lithuanicum and contemporary Lithuanian. This is because the derivational ending -ius most likely arose from -is/-ys through the blending of (i)u and (i)o stems (cf. DaiktvDrR 35–36 and literature cited therein), while denominal derivatives with -is/-ys(-ė) most often have the categorial meaning of a bearer of a characteristic.

Derivatives with the derivational suffix -ė

§6. Lithuanian has characteristic-bearer names ending in -ė that denote specific objects and lack corresponding masculine forms in -is/-ys or -ius (Urbutis 1961: 54–55; DaiktvDr 366–367).

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Such derivatives are already found in 16th–17th-century texts, e.g.: graikštė ‘ornament’ BB Pat 11,22 (cf. graikštis ‘the same’ Kel 1881,22; G 84 and graikštus, -i ‘beautiful, ornate’ BB 1 Moz 3,6; Vln¹ 144; M.Valanč; Nz; Klp – LKŽ III 502), klišės ‘scissors’ SD³ 227 (also D.Pošk; N; [K], cf. klišė ‘crooked, with a lame leg’ J), plikė DP 171₂₉; SD¹ 73; SD³ 160, tiesė ‘right hand’ AK 13, 16; SP II 166; SD³ 343 (also Sut; Kos 56; [K]; Drsk; Kt; Ar; Klt; Sdk; Mlk – LKŽ XVI 188).

Derivatives of this type arose as names for bearers of a quality in -is/-ys(-ė) became more concrete, cf. klišė and klišis(-ė), plikė and plikis(-ė), etc.

§7. Names for bearers of a quality with *-ė- are also found in other Baltic languages, cf. Latvian smaile ‘sharp end; peak’ (MLLVG I 163); V.Mažiulis (PKEŽ I 420–421) also assigns Old Prussian gudde (Pusch) E 586: *guda- ‘bent’ to this derivational type.

Some derived suffixes also arose from the adjectival affix *-jo-, and are used to form names for bearers of a quality.

Derivatives with the suffixes -ojas/-ojis/-ojys/-ojus, -oja, -ienojas/-ienojis/-ienojys/-ienojas

§8. The most widespread derivative is vasarojus, which in Samogitian and some southern and eastern Aukštaitian dialects has the older form vasarojas (an ijo stem variant vasarojis also occurs locally; see LKA III Map No. 15), already recorded in K.Sirvydas’s dictionary (SD¹ 44; SD³ 85) and Lex 80a. It corresponds exactly to Latvian vasarājs (ME IV 484–485).

The derivative sienojas is also used across a substantial area of the Aukštaitian dialect (with the variants sienojis, sienojus; see LKA III Map No. 13), and was already recorded in K.Sirvydas’s dictionary (SD¹ 181; SD³ 6, 445), S.B.Chilinskis’s New Testament (Mt 7,3; Luk 6,42), and the “Sum of the Gospels” (174₈).

In M.Daukša’s Postil (9X) and the Žietela dialect (Vidugiris 1969: 160), we find the derivative rytójas. The now usual u-stem form rytójus is much rarer here (DP 318₄₆).

§9. In dialects and some written sources, we also find NAtt forms of similar meaning: augójas ‘wild currant’ StngŽ 76, avižojis ‘oat straw’ Rdš; Mrk; Lš; Kb; Lp (LKŽ I² 532), lapojai ‘vegetable leaves’ Lšk (ŽD 85), raitójas ‘horseman’ (common in folk songs), rugojai ‘rye straw’ Kč; Nmn (LKŽ XI 893), sėmenojis ‘month of May’ B 765; N; [K]; KŽ, šeimvónias Žem; Trš, šeimynójus ‘hired laborer’ DünŽ (LKŽ XIV 612), šilójas K I 602; KzR; Grnk; Rs; Erž, šilójus ‘heather’ Jrb (XIV 794, 795).

In some dialects (mostly southern ones), the suffix -ojas (with corresponding ijo- and u-stem variants) began to be used to form names for plant stalks, cf. bulbójas ‘onion stalk’, uogójas ‘berry stalk’, etc. (LKA III Map No. 14). They have Latvian equivalents, e.g.: brūklenāji ‘lingonberry stalks’, uog(u)āji ‘berry stalks’ (LVG 285; BKGF 69).

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§10. As a result of the blending of the suffixes -ienis (with the latter, names of stalks are also occasionally formed in dialects) and -ojas, the compound suffix -ienojas arose (also having stem variants in ijo and u), characteristic mainly of the eastern dialects (LKA III Žemel. No. 14, p. 29). The derivative pupienojai (recorded as pūpinajey^SD³ 19, pūpinoiey^SD⁵ 16) is already attested in K. Sirvydas’s dictionary.

In Lithuania Minor and some other dialects, some derivatives with the suffix -ienojas have an entirely different meaning, e.g.: avižienojai ‘oat straw’ Lex 46; B 679; R; K; Lp (LKŽ I² 531, cf. avižojyš), rugienojai ‘rye straw’ Lex 71a; Q 305, 418; B 815; R II 294; Krz 124; N; J; ‘rye stubble’ K; Glv (XI 987, cf. rūgojai), but cf. pupienojai ‘bean stalks’ B 279; N; K. Since the suffix -ienojas is also related to the suffix -iena, which is often used in Lithuanian to form derivatives denoting places where cultivated plants have grown (author 1995: 186).

Perhaps once, alongside the suffix -ojas, there also existed feminine-gender names of characteristic-bearers with -oja, cf. the goddess’s name Šenoja ‘goddess of house foundations’ (Greimas 1990: 444), as well as the hydronyms Kamoja Ad, Lankoja Ob, Lapoja Žls (Vanagas 1970:185), and also -toja: -tojas, -ėja: -ėjas (author 1993: 38–39).

§11. Adjectives with -ājis have also survived in Latvian dialects, e.g.: miglājs rīts ‘a misty morning’, mālajs kalniņš ‘a clayey hillock’ (LVG 284–285; BGKF 69). In Lithuanian, all of these have become nouns.

Derivatives with the suffixes -ijas/-ijis/-ijus, -ija/-ijė

§12. The derivative galvijas was already widespread in 16th–17th-century texts. Also characteristic of the old writings were NAtt prekijas ‘merchant’, žūkijas (on the latter, see DaiktvDrR 153), cf. also medijas BB 1 Moz 10, 9; 25, 27; Ps 91, 3; B, medijis C I 998, medija ‘hunter’ Lex 51a; Q 622; J, medijė ‘poacher’ Lex 106; C II 984; ‘tree thief’ N; [K], beprotiža ‘fool’ J, and the dialectal forms treinijas, treinijā (already recorded in Lex 57, 69; C I 1151), treinjis, trainijas, trainijā, trainijus ‘part of a cart, cart-related’ (LKA I 191; LKŽ XVI 529, 735–736).

§13. Adjectives with -jis have survived in Latvian dialects, e.g.: sālijs ‘salty’, mā-lijs ‘clayey’, vidijs ‘middle’ (LVG 276–277; BGKF 68). They have almost disappeared in Lithuanian; cf. at most the adjective vienatijas/vienatijis ‘only’, characteristic of the old writings (if this is not an inflected adjective form, cf. Parenti 1996: 69), and laukijas(-a) ‘field-dweller’ End (LKŽ VII 180).

Derivatives with the suffix -ėjas/-ėjis

§14. Initially, denominal derivatives were also formed with this suffix. For instance, from medė ‘forest, woodland’ was formed NAtt medėjas/medėjas MŽ; [K]; Sch 88; BsMt II 37; A 1884, 19; S I 345–346; S.Dauk; V.Kudir; J.Bil; Plv; Snt (ŽD 84; LKŽ VII 983–984), medėjis ‘hunter’ N; Jn; from prekė—NAtt prekėjas/prekėjas BB 3 Moz 25,50; GN Mt 13,45; Apr 18,11; [K]; S.Dauk; M.Va-

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lanč; A 1884,409; V.Kudir; J.Bil; End, preketøyis „pirklys“ S.Stan (ŽD 83; LKŽ X 598).

Perhaps the derivatives molėjas ‘miller’ Ds; Rod (LKŽ VIII 335): molė ‘milling’, pjūvėjas ‘mower’ BB Rut 2,3; 2,4; Mt 13,30; Q 495; MKr 74; N; (d)Vs (ŽD 83; LKŽ X 45): pjūvė ‘harvest’, talkėjas ‘helper’ S.Dauk; NdŽ: talkà may also belong here.

§15. In Latvian dialects, denominal adjectives with -ėjis have been noted, e.g.: galėjis ‘rear’¹. Denominal derivatives with *-ėjo- also occurred in the Slavic languages, e.g.: South Slavic břžejb ‘rapid river flow’: břzb ‘fast’ (Slawski 1974: 87). W.P. Schmid (1960: 24–26) also finds parallels in the Messapic language; compare Messapic polaidehias with Lithuanian palaidas and Latvian palaidējis.

In Proto-Baltic, the suffix *-ėjo- was incorporated into the paradigm of agent nouns. Moreover, from a historical perspective, possessive nouns denoting a feature with the derivational ending *-ĵo are also derivatives of the corresponding suffix *-taĵo- (< *-tā + *-ĵo-) (DaiktvDrR 112–117).

Several suffixes for nouns denoting possessors of a feature arose when the affix *-ĵo- attached to certain adjectival suffixes derived from *-to-.

Derivatives with the suffix -ytis/-ytys(-ė)

§16. First to be mentioned are NAtt ausytė ‘winter hat with earflaps’ Vrd; Kal (LKŽ I² 504), avižytis ‘a type of cloth woven with 8 or 10 heddles’ Grg (I² 532), blakytis ‘cloth whose warp is double-threaded’ Skdv; Grg; Prk; I.Simon (I² 878), eglytis ‘fabric woven with spruce motifs’ Dr, Lkv; Lnk (II² 1052), lamstytis ‘ribbed cloth’ Kos 151; J; Klp; KlvŽ; Kl; Brs; Vvr; Slnt (VII 114), šlakytės ‘a variety of potatoes’ Rt, šlakytis(-ė) ‘a speckled animal’ Kal; Kl (XIV 1001).

Most of these derivatives may also be derivationally related to adjectives with the suffix -ytas(-a) (i.e. they may be regarded as derivatives with the ending -is(-ė)); compare ausytas(-a) ‘having ears (of a hat)’ J; Kal (LKŽ I² 503), blakytas(-a) ‘with paired stripes’ BzF 100; Prk; Rdm (I² 878), eglytas(-a) ‘with little spruces, spruce-covered’ I.Simon; Vlkv; Mrj (II² 1052), lámstytas/lamstytas(-a) ‘ribbed’ BzF 33; Ms; Slnt; Tv; Brs (VII 114), šlakytas(-a) ‘speckled’ Šts; Plt (XIV 1000).

§17. In the Samogitian dialect, the derivatives vókytis/vokytýs ‘German’, šiaulýtis ‘person from Šiauliai’ are used (LKA III Žemel. No. 10, 110). A derivative seseryčiai ‘children of brothers’ is attested in Lexicon Lithuanicum (20) (cf. seseryčia; see § 21). Latvian latvītis ‘Latvian’, vāciītis ‘German’, and tautītis ‘young man from abroad’ have a similar sense of belonging (LVG 387; DL 239–240). It may also be present in Prussian personal names (e.g. Moldite, Bludit, Waikitte; see Trautmann 1925:

¹ LVG 280; Vulane 1986; Laumane 1989.

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182) and in place names (e.g., Lankiten, Pelitte, Pelkyten; see Gerullis 1923: 257 ff.). For no diminutives with *-ītio- are attested in Prussian texts.

§18. A. Nepokupnas (1985), on the basis of the suffix -owiten, -awiten found in Prussian place names, even suggests that the compound suffix *-oųī-tio- (< *-oųo- + *-ītio-), with which patronymics are formed in the Slavic languages, was a common innovation of Slavic and West Baltic. However, the suffix -owiten, -awiten in Prussian place names may have arisen through the Polonization of Prussian forms (cf. Polish -owicy²). All the more so since adjectives with the suffix *-oųo- are very rare in the Baltic languages. For example, the Lithuanian adjectives lapāvas ‘leaf-colored’, lināvas ‘flax-blossom-colored’ were probably formed on the model of the Slavicisms ružāvas, vyšniāvas (ŽD 397). In Prussian, the suffix *-oųo-/-ęųo- most often occurs as part of other suffixes, e.g.: acc. sing. drūktawingiskan ‘strict, harsh’ (gestrengen) III 119₁₁, nom. sing. ginnewings ‘friendly’ (gewaltige) III 85₁–₂, etc. (SV 44). These derivatives, too, do not have the old meaning of possession or origin retained by Slavic adjectives with *-oųo- (cf. OCS Petroв: Petrъ and Skt. Viṣṇa-vāḥ:Viṣṇuḥ; see Meje 1951: 275).

§19. In the Slavic languages, derivatives with *-ītio- most often have a meaning of possession or origin, e.g.: South Slavic Božitъ ‘son of God’, brātitъ ‘son of a brother’, etc. (Sławski 1976: 55 ff.). In addition, personal names and names of tribes and places have long often been formed with this suffix.³ In the Baltic languages (especially Lithuanian), another variant of the suffix *-ītio-, *-eitio-, was more commonly used for this purpose (cf. §24).

§20. In Latvian and Slavic (as in Lithuanian), there are several derivatives with *-ītio- that retain the pure meaning of ‘bearer of a property’, e.g.: lēnītis ‘warm south wind’: lēns ‘warm’, jaunīte ‘daughter-in-law; bride; young mother; stepmother’: jauns ‘young’ (DL 240); South Slavic golîtъ ‘naked, poor person’: golъ ‘naked’ (Sławski 1976: 57–58).

It is possible that this type of derivative also has counterparts in Germanic languages; cf. Old High German jungidi ‘young animal’ (Mezger 1953).

Thus, names denoting bearers of a property formed with the suffix *-ītio- (< *-īto- + *-io-) are probably an innovation of the Baltic, Slavic, and Germanic languages. These language groups also began forming names denoting bearers of a property with the affix *-io- (see §3). F. Mezger’s (1953) attempt to connect the suffix *-ītio- with Indo-European *-tio- is questionable.

Vėliau baltų kalbose ši priesaga buvo panaudota deminutyvams (aut. 1994: 146–147) ir rečiau kuopiniams pavadinimams (aut., 1995, 187–188) daryti.

² Cf. Gerullis 1925: 212–13; Górnowicz 1974.

³ Vondrák 1924: 598–599; Rospond 1937; Taszycki 1946: 27 ff.; Čuľin 1964: 9–92; Lindert 1967: 40–45; Vaillant 1974: 333 ff.

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Derivatives with the suffix -yčia

§21. Several derivatives with this suffix are found in old texts, e.g.: brolyčia ‘brother’s daughter’ Lex 20; C I 402; Q 103 (also B; N; K; ‘cousin’ JR 69), karvelyčia ‘female pigeon’ SD¹ 37; SD³ 72; SP I 369 (also N; [K]), meškerýčia/meškerỹčia ‘fishing rod’ C I 98 (also MŽ II 28; [K]; Sl; Ps; Srv; Paj – LKŽ VIII 89), seseryčia ‘sister’s daughter’ Lex 78; C II 527; Q 474 (also MŽ; K; L; Rtr; ‘cousin’ N; cf. Serbian sèstrič, see Mezger 1953: 118).

Derivatives of this type also occur in dialects, e.g.: darklyčia ‘a strangely dressed person’ J I 296, kaulyčia ‘a very thin person’ J; Ms; ‘a disease of horses’ legs’ Grz; Kp; Lk; Ms (LKŽ V 432), kempýčia ‘a shrivelled person’ J II 75, kerýčios ‘witchcraft’ R II 370; N; K; J; Žm (LKŽ V 609), lovýčia ‘manger’ Lp; Mrk; ‘mill hopper’ Ut; Vdn; Kb (VII 667), mazgýčia ‘a board used when knitting a net’ N; [K]; J, žalktýčia ‘the adder’s daughter’ G 122; A.Baran; Ds (LKŽK).

§22. Across much of the Aukštaitian dialect area, unmarried women’s surnames are formed with the suffix -yčia, e.g.: Baltrušaityčia, Jankýčia, Pakálkyčia (LKA III Map No. 112, pp. 121–122). Such surnames are already recorded in 17th-century sources (Macijauskienė 1991: 263 ff.). The suffix -yčia is also found in hydronyms in two non-contiguous areas: in the southernmost part of Lithuania and in Samogitia, e.g.: Ylyčia Smn, Šarkýčia Lbv, Kalnyčia Krž (Vanagas 1970: 141–142, 402).

In some Latvian dialects, married women’s surnames are formed with the corresponding suffix -iša (e.g., Bergmaniša ‘Bergman’s wife’); a few common nouns denoting women also occur, e.g.: delveriša ‘a noisy woman’, vēveriša ‘a weaver’s wife’ (LVG 377; DL 316–317).

§23. J. Otrębski (GJL II 258) suggests that the suffix -yčia arose from -ytė through the blending of the ją and (j)ē stems and under the influence of Slavic -ica. However, the data presented suggest that the suffix -yčia may be ancient. Since at one time in the Baltic languages nomina feminina were formed with the derivational ending *-ā- (later displaced by the ending *-(i)ē-) (author 1993: 38–39), it is quite possible that the suffix -yčia is even older than -ytė (i.e. *-itjā-: *-itjo- as *-tājā-: *-tājo-).

It is worth noting that in dialects the suffixes -aitė, -utė, -ūtė also have a ją-stem variant -aičia, -učia, -ūčia, which are used to form surnames of unmarried girls and are already attested in 17th-century sources (Maciejauskienė 1991: 262 ff.); compare also the suffix -ėčia (see §39).

On the other hand, the blending of the ją and (j)ē stems, the Slavic suffix -ica, and the Slavicism -inyčia (cf. author 1995: 192 and the hybrid broličkas ‘brother’s son’ N) may have had a conserving effect; perhaps this is why the suffix -yčia survived and became more widespread in eastern Lithuania.

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Derivatives with the suffix -ietis/-ietys(-ė)

§24. Derivatives with this suffix generally express belonging or origin. Particularly old is the derivative vókietis/vokietỹs(-ė), widespread throughout the Aukštaitian dialect area (LKA III Map No. 10), attested in 16th–17th-century writings (DP 457₄₂; SD¹ 94; Lex 23a; C I 460), and corresponding exactly to Latvian vācietis (ME IV 492).

In a considerable part of the Aukštaitian dialect area, personal designations based on place of residence or place of origin are now widely formed with the suffix -ietis(-ė), e.g.: jonišiškietis, panevėžietis, vilnietis, etc. (Lenkevičiūtė-Norkaitienė 1983; LKA III Map No. 110, p. 115). Derivatives of this type may also be quite old; cf. galilietis ‘inhabitant of Galilee’ Bt Jn 7,52; ApD 1,11, Latvian raũnėnietis ‘inhabitant of Rauna’ (LVG 388; BKGF 98).

§25. In old writings we find the derivatives prašalietis ‘non-local person, person from another country’ DP 8X (also M.Valanč.; A 1884,380; ‘outsider’ Žml; ‘passer-by’ NdŽ – LKŽ X 561), pra šalnietis ‘person from another country’ SE 215₉; KN 117; Ch 2 Moz 12,43; Rut 2,10; Bt Luk 17,18; cf. also pašalietis ‘stranger, outsider’ Žem; Jnšk; ‘person who has come from elsewhere, non-local’ Skr (LKŽ IX 553).

In the dialects (mostly Eastern Aukštaitian), the following are also used: NAtt apylinkietis Trgn, aplinkietis ‘resident of the surrounding area’ Grž; Trgn; Svn (LKŽ I² 245), giminietis ‘relative’ Bt Mr 6,4; Ds (III 310; cf. Latvian savietis ‘same’ LVG 388), kaimietis J, laukietis Brž, laukinietis ‘farmer, agriculturist’ Žg; Skn (LKŽ VII 180, 181), seserietė ‘niece’ Mrk; Prn (ŽD 360), sodietis ‘villager’ Brž (LKŽ XIII 274), šeimynietis ‘member of a household’ Str; Lkm; Ad; Tvr; Prng; ‘hired hand’ A.Baran; Ds; Ml; Krns; Ad (XIV 609).

Derivatives with the suffix -eitis(-ė)

§26. Already recorded in B.Vilentas’s Gospels (109) is NAtt pra šalietis ‘foreigner’ (also S.Dauk; the meaning ‘newcomer, non-local person’ is widespread in the North Žemaitian dialect; see LKŽ X 561; cf. prašalietis, see §25).

In the Žemaitian dialect we also find more derivatives with this variant of the suffix -ietis(-ė), which preserves the old diphthong ei, e.g.: pašalėitis ‘uninvited guest’ Sd (LKŽ IX 552; cf. pašalietis), treinėtis ‘triangle’ S.Dauk; Slnt, treinėitė ‘part of a cart, treinis’ Gršl (XVI 735); cf. also tarneitė (aut. 1994: 148), and the surnames Gineitis, Kiauleitis, the place name Vyžeičiai ‘a village in Rokiškis district’, Prussian Muntileitis, Swanieyten (Būga 1958: 427).

Derivatives with the suffix -aitis(-ė)

§27. Very few names denoting bearers of a characteristic formed with this suffix have survived in Lithuanian. A particularly old derivative is žemaitis/žemaičiai (for its history, see Zinkevi-

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čius 1993), randamas jau XIII a. pradžios rusų istoriniuose šaltiniuose (Salys 1930: 6–9), paplitęs XVI–XVII a. lietuviškuose raštuose.

§28. In old written sources, the following are attested: NAtt pra šalaitis/prašalaitis “newcomer, foreigner” BB 2 Moz 12,19; 12,48; 20,10; Joz 8,23; BP II 383; Lex 37a; C I 98, 996 (also found in dialects), tėvykštaitis “heir” DP 575₂₆, 611₁₇, 620₂₈; SD³ 57 (also Sut; N; Gmž), velykaitis/velykaitis “Easter egg” Lex 66a; C II 186 (widespread in dialects), as well as the related našlaitis/našlaitis DP 307₃₅, 335₃₃, 336₅,₈; SD¹ 165; SD³ 402; Ch¹ Jn 14,18.

In the dialects (mostly Samogitian), we also find the derivatives brólaitis/broláitis “brother’s son” Rs; “younger male companion” Šl; Klk; Sk; Sml; Lnkv, brólaitė/broláitė “sister-in-law” Lz; “brother’s daughter” Rs; “bridesmaid” Grk (LKŽ I² 1068), gimináitis/gimináitis(-ė) S.Stan; J I 432; Kv; Ldvn; Rtn; Ds (ŽD 359; LKŽ III 309), girináitis/girináitis “forest dweller; uncouth person” J; Kv; Rs; L1 (LKŽ III 341), kálvaitis(-ė) “blacksmith’s son or daughter” J(Kv), kalvaitis “hill dweller” J, karaláitis/karaláitis(-ė) “king’s son or daughter” N; J; D 101; Dkš; Smn (LKŽ V 258), ketvirtokáitis “one who owns a quarter of a valakas” Grv (V 670), laukináitis/laukinaitis “field dweller” J; Kv; Vdk; Erž; Krtv; Gr; “Samogitian” Šmk (VII 180–181), miškináitis “dweller in a forest or at its edge” Škn; Pp; Krtv (VIII 289), namūnaitė “farmer’s daughter” J; (d)Grk (VIII 537), pašaláitis(-ė) “outsider, stranger” Rs; Pdn; Užv; Krš (IX 551), priešaláitis “person living in the village community, cottager” J; Jrb; Vl; “person who meddles in others’ affairs” Grš (X 688), saváitis “relative” Prng; Dv (XII 233), seseráitis “sister’s son” Krkl, seseráitė “sister’s daughter” Krkl; Ms (XII 437), sūnáitis “grandson” Ašb; I.Simon; Grv; Lz (XIV 150), tėvynáitis/tėvynaitis/tėvynáitis (widespread in the Northern Samogitian dialect), tėvūnáitis/tėvūnaitis/tėvūnáitis “farmer’s son, heir to the property” (widespread in the Southern Samogitian dialect).

§29. As these examples show, most names denoting bearers of a characteristic formed with the suffix -aitis(-ė) have a meaning of belonging by origin. Patronymics with -aitis(-ė) probably developed from these (cf. Skardžius 1954: 29 ff.); they were once widespread over a large area of western Lithuania, roughly as far as the Nevėžis River (Zinkevičius 1977; Maciejauskienė 1977: 160–161). The latter later became surnames.

Today, in the northwestern area of the Samogitian dialects and the western area of the Southern Aukštaitian dialects, unofficial surnames of unmarried men are formed with the suffix -aitis, e.g.: Galdikáitis, Kerváitis, Šimkáitis, etc. (LKA III Map No. 111, p. 119). Over an even larger area of the Samogitian dialect, women’s surnames for unmarried women are formed with the suffix -aitė, e.g.: Liutkáitė, Budráitė, Kėvišáitė, etc. (LKA III Map No. 112, p. 120).

Names denoting bearers of a characteristic laid the foundation for the development of the now very widespread diminutives with -aitis(-ė) in Lithuanian (aut. 1994: 147–148).

§30. A few names denoting bearers of a characteristic with -aitis are also found in Latvian, e.g.: tautaitis “compatriot,” čakāraitis “clumsy, awkward person,” puškaitis “goat-

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kų varpelis“ (Laumane 1991). Žymiai dažniau su šia priesaga latvių kalboje daromi kuopinės prigimties vietų pavadinimai (Laumane 1990).

The suffixes *-īṭio, *-eitio, *-oitio are probably apophonic variants of the same suffix; cf. Lithuanian vōkītis and vōkietis, Latvian vāčītis and Latvian vāčietis, Lithuanian gimináitis and giminietis, pašaláitis and pašalietis, Lithuanian saváitis and Latvian savietis ‘relative’. Their distribution, however, probably differed from early on: the variants *-īṭio-, *-oitio- were more characteristic of the western, while *-eitio- was more characteristic of the eastern Baltic area.

Derivatives with the suffix -(i)otis(-ė)

§31. This suffix arose when the affix *-jo- attached to the adjectival suffix *-āto-.

Most derivatives with -(i)otis(-ė) still retain a connection with adjectives in the suffix -otas(-a), e.g.: ąsōtis PPr 250; LTR(Šll); Slv (ŽD 351; LKŽ I² 329, cf. ąsōtas, -a), barzdōtis ‘one with a beard’ Blv; Ds, barzdōtė ‘potato with long roots’ Rk (LKŽ I² 675, cf. barzdōtas, -a), bēr(i)ōtė ‘a bay filly’ Trgn (I² 766, 771), gyslōtis ‘plantain’ Ob; Mrs; Alk; Grž; Als; Sl; Nm; Alv; Vrb; Sn (III 356, cf. gyslōtas, -a), šakōtis ‘a branched tree or stick’ Kp; Vvr; ‘a kind of pastry’ Užp; ‘a type of coarse woolen cloth’ Ggr (XIV 425, cf. šakōtas, -a).

Possessor nouns of this type formed the basis for the emergence of certain hydronyms in -otis(-ė), e.g.: Ilgotis Šll, Margōtė Srj (Vanagas 1970: 190); cf. also Old Prussian nagotis ‘iron pot’ (Erintop) E 349 (PKEŽ III 168). Diminutives in -iotė also arose from these (author 1994: 148).

Derivatives with the suffixes -očius(-ė), -očia, -očias

§32. In 16th–17th-century writings, we find NAtt pilvočius BB Job 15,12; SD³ 24, 92.

In the dialects, derivatives in -očius(-ė) are much more numerous, e.g.: apgaudlōčius ‘deceiver’ Grg (I² 192), bāmbōčius ‘a horse with a large navel’ Grg (cf. bāmbotas ‘with a large navel’, see LKŽ I² 635), barzdōčius ‘one with a beard’ BsP III 242; Švnč; Sb; Kp; Tvr; ‘a kind of grass, goat’s beard’ Dkšt; Rš; Vrnvv; Rod (ŽD 352; LKŽ I² 675, cf. barzdōtis, see §31), durmavōčius ‘a foolish, reckless person’ Tvr (Otrebski 1934: 124), galvōčius ‘one with a good head, intelligent’ M.Valanč; A.Baran; BM 178; J; JY 576; Sdk; Sb; Tvr (ŽD 352; LKŽ III 859, cf. galvōtas, -a), garbanōčius(-ė) ‘one with curly hair’ S.Dauk; Slnt; Vkš (LKŽ III 113, cf. garbanōtas, -a), gyslōčius ‘plantain’ Tvr; Bd (III 355–356, cf. gyslōtis, see §31), gunklōčius ‘one with many lumps’ Tv (III 734, cf. gunklotas/gunk-lōtas, -a), gudrōčius ‘clever person’ BM 178; Srv; Vvr; Gž (III 698), karpōčius ‘one with warts’ N; [K]; Bn (V 309, cf. kārpotas, -a), kepenōčius(-ė) ‘one suffering from liver disease’ N; [K]; J, kuprōčius ‘hunchback’ N; K; BsP III 218; Vkš; Rtn; Tvr (ŽD 353; LKŽ III 933, cf. kuprōtas, -a), ligōčius(-ė) ‘an ailing person’

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J; Pvn; Als (ŽD 353; LKŽ VII 478; DünŽ 176; cf. ligótas,-a), patrankóčius ‘noisemaker’ Klvr; Mrj; Rdm; Pns (IX 629), putóčius ‘one that foams’ Rod; ‘one who chatters a lot, spraying saliva’ Bd; Tvr; Rod; Sn; ‘an enraged person’ Ad (ŽD 353; LKŽ X 1135, cf. putótas,-a), seilóčius ‘drooler’ Tvr; Vrn (ŽD 353; Grinaveckis 1991: 175), ūsųčius ‘one with a moustache’ N; Ak; Dvd; Dkš; Tvr; ‘a kind of aquatic creature’ Mrs (LKŽK).

§33. Since Lithuanian has Slavicisms with -očius (e.g., kapóčius ‘one who buries the dead’, kylóčius ‘one who has a hernia’, sylóčius ‘strongman’), J. Otrębski (1934: 123), in his description of the Tverečius dialect, proposed the hypothesis that the suffix itself -očius arose from Slavic -ačʹ (just as -orius arose from Slavic -arь; see DaiktvDrR 16 and references therein). However, given that most derivatives with the suffix -očius have counterparts among adjectives with the suffix -otas(-a), the view of P. Skardžius (ŽD 353) and V. Urbutis (DaitvDr 355) seems better founded: the suffix -očius arose within Lithuanian, when the derivational ending -ius joined the suffix -otas; that is, historically, derivatives in -ius are derivatives formed with the ending -ius. Moreover, J. Otrębski later somewhat moderated his hypothesis and noted in “Lithuanian Grammar” (JGL II 255–256) that some -očius derivatives can be treated as derivatives with the ending -ius from adjectives in -otas. On the other hand, V. Grinaveckis (1991: 175–178) discerns an indirect influence of the aforementioned Slavicisms on Lithuanian derivatives in -očius, because the suffix -očius in Samogitian and Southern Aukštaitian dialects contains the affricate č, which is not characteristic of these dialects.

§34. Alongside the derivatives gyslótis, gyslóčius, there is also the derivative gyslóčia ‘plantain’ SD³ 4; R; N; BzF 113; P. The hydronym Ramočia Klm (Vanagas 1970: 185) was formed with the same suffix -očia. Alongside the derivative bámbočius (see §32), there is also the derivative bambočias ‘pot-bellied child’ Užv (LKŽ I² 635).

Derivatives with the suffix -uotis(-ė)

§35. In old writings we find NAtt raupsuotis MP 76, 310, 320; SE 6, raupuotis ‘one who suffers from leprosy’ SE 10X (also A. Baran; ‘one who is leprous, has had leprosy’ Pc – LKŽ XI 313, cf. adjectives raupsúotas,-a, raupúotas,-a).

There are somewhat more derivatives of this type in the dialects, e.g.: akuótė ‘a poppy whose capsules have shed their seeds’ Paj, akuótisSrv; Šol; Inšk; Ds, akuotuótis ‘one with awns’ Ds (LKŽ I² 90, cf. akuótas,-a, akuotuótas,-a), kesuótė ‘a place overgrown with sedge, a meadow’ S. Dauk; Plt; Brs (V 646, cf. kęsúotas,-a), kailiniuótis ‘one who wears a fur coat’ S. Dauk; Šts (V 53, cf. kailiniúotas,-a), kuoduótė ‘a crested hen’ Brs; Ds (VI 906, kuodúotas,-a), lapuótė ‘a leafy broom’ Grž (VII 158, cf. lapúotas,-a), piniguótis ‘one who has a lot of money’ S I 191; Pkr; Šlc (IX 1043, cf. pinigúotas,-a), raguótis(-ė) ‘one with horns’ LTR (Užp); Kv; Btg; Bgs; Ut; Rz, raguótis ‘devil’ LTR(Sln); Ds; ‘a pole with branches for hanging pots to dry’ Šlc; ‘a piece of cloth ten cubits long’ Kp (XI 42, cf. ragúotas,-a), rainuótė ‘striped cloth’ J (cf. rainúotas,-a), rudúotė ‘a brownish hen’ Grž (XI 881), šlakuótis(-ė) ‘one with freckles’

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Šts; Vrn; Prk; šlakuotė ‘a speckled cow’ Jn; Kv (XIV 1003–1004, cf. šlakuotas, -a), ūsuotis ‘one with a moustache’ Ds; ‘one with awns’ Dgl (LKŽK).

Most names denoting bearers of a characteristic with -uotis(-ė) still retain a connection with adjectives in the suffix -uotas(-a); that is, historically they can still be considered derivatives with the ending -is(-ė) (cf. ŽD 354; DaiktDr 351; GJL II 256).

Derivatives with the suffixes -uočius(-ė), -uočia

§36. The previously mentioned derivatives raupsuotis, raupuotis (see §35) have the variant raupuočius in S. B. Chilinskis’s Bible translation: Ch¹ 8X; Ch 2 Kings 7 (contents), raupuočius ‘one who has smallpox’ Ch 3 Moses 14,2 (also L 391; ‘one with a smallpox-pockmarked face’ Dglš – LKŽ XI 312).

Several other NAtt of this type are also used in the dialects, e.g.: akuočius ‘one with awns’ Rdm (LKŽ I² 89, cf. akuotis, see §35), gauruočius ‘one with shaggy hair’ Ign (cf. gauruotas, -a, see Grinaveckis 1991: 177), kailinuočius ‘one wearing a fur coat’ Prk (V 53, cf. kailiniuotis, see §35), kuoduočius ‘one with a crest’ Brs (VI 906, cf. kuoduotė, see §35), pinigiuočius ‘one who has a lot of money’ J; Pgg; Klvr; Gs; Lp (IX 1043, cf. pinigiuotis, see §35), puikuočius ‘braggart, rascal’ MŽ; K; Sch 75; KrvP(Pln) (LKŽ X 855), raguočius ‘horned animal’ K I 504; Jnš; ‘devil’ LTR(Dkk); Psn; ‘arrogant, proud person’ MŽ; KrvP(Krž), raguočė ‘three-spined stickleback’ Srj (XI 40, cf. raguotis, -ė, see §35), turtinguočius ‘one who is rich’ Dkšt (Grinaveckis 1991: 177).

As the examples show, most derivatives with the suffix -uočius(-ė) have counterparts with the suffix -uotis(-ė). Thus the suffix -uočius(-ė) is probably a variant of the suffix -uotis(-ė) with an įu-stem. V. Grinaveckis (1991: 177), however, also sees the influence of the Slavic suffix -ač here.

§37. The derivatives kuoduotė, kuoduočius have the variant kuoduočia ‘crested hen’ KlvD 144, with -uočia.

Derivatives with the suffixes -ėtis(-ė), -ėčias, -ėčia

§38. Only a few derivatives with the suffix -ėtis (<-ėtas + -is) are used in the dialects, e.g.: eglėtis ‘homespun fabric woven with fir motifs’ Trk (LKŽ II² 1051, cf. eglėtas, -a), lapėčiai ‘fox fur, fox pelt’ J (cf. lapėtas, -a), lašinėtis ‘little cake with bacon’ Žem, šukėtis(-ė) ‘one covered with shards’ J; Gs; Vl; Nmn; Pl; Vrn; Slnt; Ds; Kp; Trgn (LKŽ XV 329, cf. šukėtas, -a), varškėtis ‘dumpling with curd cheese’ Sk; Kl; Jnš; Škn; Sln; ‘curd-cheese fritter’ Vrn; ‘little cake with curd cheese’ Škn (LKŽK, cf. varškėtas, -a).

These derivatives are apparently also related to the NAtt in old writings šešuolėtis Mž 473₁₄, 543₁₇; VlnE 158₁₀; MTP 22a₂, and its variant used in the Samogitian dialect, šašuolėtis ‘shadow’ (already recorded in ŽCh 304; S. Dauk; M. Valanč; P – LKŽ XIV

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540–541), derived from the word šešuolis, characteristic of the writings of Lithuania Minor in the 16th–17th centuries (Fraenkel 1936: 181–182; ŽD 351).

§39. The suffix -ėtis has the following paradigmatic variants:

-ėčias. družėčias “družėtas cloth” J I 355 (cf. družėtas, -a);

-ėčia: brolėčia “brother’s daughter” SD¹ 177; SD³ 22, 431; Švnč (LKŽ I² 1069), dukterėčia Sb; Kp; And (I² 812), laumėčia “daughter of a laumė” Kp (cf. laumėtas, -a “with laumės” Varn – LKŽ VII 190, 191).

Conclusions

1. The formation of names denoting the possessor of a characteristic with the affix *-jo- began quite long ago, perhaps when the Baltic, Slavic, and Germanic languages had not yet separated from the northern dialect of Proto-Indo-European. The compound suffix *-īt-jo- may also date from that period; in the Baltic languages it has the ablaut variants *-eit-jo-, *-oit-jo-. Names denoting the possessor of a characteristic are also formed with these suffixes. However, later the suffixes *-ītio- and *-oitio- also came to be used to form diminutives.

2. The compound suffix *-ē-jo-, characteristic of the Baltic, Slavic, and perhaps Messapic languages, originally formed names denoting the possessor of a characteristic; later it (like the similarly derived suffix *-tā-jo-) was incorporated into the paradigm for forming agent nouns. Lithuanian and Latvian also have names denoting the possessor of a characteristic formed with *-ā-jo-. Latvian has preserved an older state: dialects still have adjectives with *-ājo, *-ējo-, which are no longer found in Lithuanian.

3. Names denoting the possessor of a characteristic formed with other suffixes derived from the affix *-jo- (e.g., -ijas, -otis, -očius, -uotis, -ėtis, etc.) and with the derivational ending -ius(-ė) began to be formed only within Lithuanian itself.

ABBREVIATIONS

BKGF – E n d z e l y n a s J. Sounds and Forms of the Baltic Languages, Vilnius: State Publishing House for Political and Scientific Literature, 1957.

DaiktvDr – U r b u t i s V. Noun Formation. – Lithuanian Grammar 1, Vilnius: Mintis, 1967, 251–473.

DaitvDrR – A m b r a z a s S. Development of Noun Formation. Lithuanian Verbal Derivatives, Vilnius: Publishing House of Science and Encyclopedias, 1993.

DL – R ū k e - D r a v i ņ a V. Diminutives in Latvian, Lund: AB Ph. Lindsteds Univ.-Bockhandel, 1959.

GJL II – O t r ę b s k i J. Grammar of the Lithuanian Language 2, Warsaw: State Scientific Publishing House, 1965.

KZ – Journal of Comparative Linguistic Research in the Field of Indo-European Languages, founded by A. Kuhn, Berlin etc.

LEW – F r a e n k e l E. Lithuanian Etymological Dictionary, Heidelberg: Carl Winter. Universitätsverlag, Göttingen: Vandenhoeck u. Ruprecht, 1962.

LKA – Atlas of the Lithuanian Language 1–3, Vilnius: Mokslas, 1977–1991.

LKK – Questions of Lithuanian Linguistics, Vilnius.

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LKŽ – Dictionary of the Lithuanian Language 1–16, Vilnius, 1956–1995.

LVG – E n d z e l ī n s J. Latviešu valodas gramatika, Rīgā: Latvijas Valsts izdevniecība, 1951.

ME – M ū l e n b a c h s K., E n d z e l ī n s J. Latviešu valodas vārdnīca 1–4, Rīgā: Herausgegeben von lettischen Kulturfonds, 1923–1932.

MLLVG I – Mūsdienu latviešu literārās valodas gramatika 1, Rīgā: Latvijas PSR Zinātņu akadēmijas izdevniecība, 1959.

PKEŽ – M a ž i u l i s V. Etymological Dictionary of the Old Prussian Language 1–3, Vilnius: Mokslas, 1988–1996.

SE – SUMMA Abá Trumpas įguldimas EWANIELIV [...] KIEDAYNYSE [...] 1653 (based on J a k u l i s A. Lexicon of „Knygos Nobažnystės“ 1/Ed. D. Jakulytė, Klaipėda: Sauliaus Jokužio leidykla-spaustuvė, 1995).

SV – E n d z e l ī n s J. Senprūšu valoda, Rīgā: Universitātes apgāds, 1943.

ŽD – S k a r d ž i u s P. Word Formation in the Lithuanian Language, Vilnius: Institute of the Lithuanian Language, 1943.

The other source abbreviations are the same as in the comprehensive Dictionary of the Lithuanian Language.

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THE DEVELOPMENT OF NOMINA ATTRIBUTIVA WITH THE AFFIX *-jo- IN LITHUANIAN

Summary

The adjective affix -jo- was introduced into the derivative category of nomina attributiva a long time ago, maybe when the Baltic, Slavic and Germanic languages had not yet been separated from the northern dialect of Indo-European, cf. Lith. béris, Latv. béris „bey horse“, Serb.-Croat. mlȁń „new moon“, Goth. hairdeis „shepherd“. The compound suffix *-ītįo (< *-īto- + *-jo-) has equivalents in the Baltic, Slavic and Germanic languages as well, cf. Lith. vókytis, Latv. vāčītis „German“, South Slav. bràtitь „brother's son“, OHG jungidi „cub“. The suffix *-ītįo- has the apophonic variants *eit-jo-, *-oit-jo- in the Baltic languages, cf. Lith. vókytis and vókietis, Latv. vāčītis and vācietis „German“, Lith. gimináitis and giminietis, Lith. saváitis and Latv. savietis „relative“.

Earlier the suffix *-ē-jo having equivalents in the Baltic, Slavic, maybe Messapic languages (cf.Lith. medėjas „hunter“, South Slav. bŕžejь „a quicke stream of a river“, Massap. polaidehias) was used to for nomina attributiva and later came into the derivative category of nomina agentis. In Lithuanian and Latvian there are some nomina attributiva with the another related suffix *-ā-jo-, cf. Lith. vasarójas and Latv. vasarājs „summer-corn“. In Latvian dialects the suffixes *-ā-jo-, *-ē-jo are still used to form not only nomina attributiva but also adjectives (cf. miglājs „misty“, galējs „last“) which completely disappeared in Lithuanian.

Lithuanian nomina attributiva with the other suffixes originated from *-jo- (cf. -ijas, -otis, -uotis, -ētis a.o.) and with the derivative flexion -ius(-ė) have no equivalents in related languages.

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