JŪRATĖ PAJĖDIENĖ

Institute of the Lithuanian Language

Research interests: studies of sentence structure in contemporary and Old Lithuanian.

SUBORDINATE CLAUSES OF TIME WITH THE CONJUNCTIVE WORD (PIRM) NEG IN OLD LITHUANIAN WRITINGS OF THE 16TH–17TH CENTURIES

Temporal Clauses with Conjunction neg in Old Lithuanian Writings

ABSTRACT

The article discusses subordinate clauses of time in Old Lithuanian with the conjunctive words (pirm) neg(i) / nei(gi) / neng. The material examined consists of sentences from Jonas Bretkūnas’s Postilė (1591), Mikalojaus Daukša’s Postilė (1599), and Konstantinas Sirvydas’s Punktų sakymai (I – 1629, II – 1644), in which the temporal relation between two propositions is expressed using one of the indicated conjunctive words. Bretkūnas’s Postilė contains only clauses of time with the compound conjunctive word pirm(a) nei(g) / neng / neg. Daukša’s Postilė and Sirvydas’s Punktų sakymai contain sentences of more varied structure with neg(i), neygi, nieg; these writings also include clauses of time with neg without the correlative word pirm.

ANNOTATION

The article provides an overview of the structure and semantics of subordinate clauses of temporal boundary with the conjunction (pirm) neg in Old Lithuanian writings (in texts from Bretkūnas’ Postilla (1591), Daukša’s Postilla (1599), and Sirvydas’ Punktai Sakymų (I – 1629, II – 1644)).

KEYWORDS: subordination, clauses of time, an action expressed by the predicate of the subordinate clause occurring later than that of the main clause, expression of factuality, dual semantic function.

KEYWORDS: subordination, temporal clauses, temporal posteriority, facticity, dual semantic function.

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Acta Linguistica Lithuanica LXII–LXIII

Prijungiamieji laiko sakiniai su jungiamuoju žodžiu (pirm) neg senuosiuose XVI–XVII a. lietuvių raštuose

In all these texts most popular are temporal clauses with the compound conjunction pirm neg (only the compound conjunction pirm neg is used in temporal clauses in Bretkūnas’ Postilla). The temporal clauses introduced by the single conjunction neg (no longer used in temporal clauses in Modern Lithuanian) are found in the texts by Daukša and Sirvydas.

INTRODUCTION

In Old Lithuanian, sentences with the connective neg¹ could express not only qualitative relations of comparison between two actions, but also temporal relations between actions². Sentences with an additional temporal modifier pirm placed next to or at some distance from the connective neg may be interpreted not only as temporal³ but also as comparative. In present-day Lithuanian, the formerly attested temporal-boundary meaning of the connectives negu, nei has faded: grammatical descriptions characterize negu, nei only as comparative-difference conjunctions⁴, and sentences with these connectives are described as comparative-difference clauses⁵. Sentences with negu, nei that compare the temporal arrangement of two actions

¹ In this article, neg is used as a general designation for the connective (where further specification is unnecessary), encompassing the various forms of neg, such as negi, nei, negygi, nieig, neng.

² On indirect or implicit comparison in statements of any kind, see Lyons (1993: 274tt). On the possibilities of comparison within a single space and across different spaces, and on how comparing two actions means comparing their positions on a certain scale (for example, a temporal one), see Fauconnier (2003: 132; 137). On the relationship between comparative clauses and temporal clauses, see Lieko (1992: 223).

³ Temporal clauses of a similar pattern in Old Polish with niż are described as usually having in the main clause an adverb or adverbial conjunction with temporal meaning, which serves as the basis for comparison in specifying the time of the subordinate-clause action (Klemensiewicz et al. 1955: 468). Jaroslav Bauer denied a direct connection between the temporal connective než used in Old Czech and the combination of the negative particle ne with the explanatory conjunction že. In his view, this can explain only the origin of the comparative connective než. Bauer regarded the temporal meaning of the connective než as secondary, arising from the use of než in comparative constructions after the deictic adverb prevé or the comparative form dréve. According to Bauer, from the second half of the fourteenth century onward, Old Czech texts attest constructions in which než alone can be considered a temporal connective (Bauer 1972: 445–446, 448).

⁴ Plg. Valiulytė (2006: 459). Jonas Balkevičius Dabartinės lietuvių kalbos sintaksėje sakinių su anksčiau, negu bei greičiau, negu pavyzdžių pateikė skirsnyje „Laiko aplinkybės šalutiniai sakiniai“ pridėdamas pastabą, kad tai „p a l y g i n a m i e j i šalutiniai sakiniai laiko aplinkybei paaiškinti“ ir nuorodą apie retą jų vartoseną (Balkevičius 1963: 351–352).

⁵ “The subordinate clauses in these sentences are linked to certain words in the main clause. In this respect, comparative-difference clauses are close to clauses of direct subordination. Their clauses are usually non-independent and closely connected with one another”; “[S]ubordinate clauses are linked to the [...] comparative adverbs [...] occurring in the main clauses.” Sentences with negu, nei that compare the temporal arrangement of two actions are likewise described as comparative-difference clauses (Ambrazas 2006b: 695).

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although such clauses are rare in present-day usage⁶, an essential element in these sentences is the temporal adverb pirma / pirmiau / anksčiau⁷. Researchers of Old Lithuanian (Eduard Hermann⁸, Leonardas Drotvinas⁹, Jonas Palionis¹⁰, Vytautas Ambrazas¹¹) describe sentences with pirm neg as expressing temporal relations¹².

FREQUENCY OF USE

In the writings of Jonas Bretkūnas, Mikalojaus Daukša, and Konstantinas Sirvydas discussed here, temporal clauses with neg are still used fairly frequently. The relative frequency of sentences with neg¹³ within the total number of temporal-boundary subordinate clauses in each of the sources mentioned

⁶ Only a few such sentences can also be found in the Corpus of the Contemporary Lithuanian Language, e.g.: Asked whether he would go to Norway for the Christmas holidays, Brynas looked at Jonas Kazlauskas before answering, with a questioning glance as to whether he had changed his mind. In contemporary usage, constructions with prieš + half-participle are most often chosen to highlight the temporal ordering of actions occurring close together, cf. before answering, Brynas looked, or constructions with the conjunction and and the adverb later, e.g.: Some of the first spring plants to bloom first and leaf out later are forsythias DLKT. Cf. its variants: Some of the first spring plants to bloom before leafing out are forsythias, and Some of the first spring plants to bloom earlier than they leaf out are forsythias.

⁷ The adverb vėliau has similar possibilities (with the opposite semantics); cf. [...] that evening her mother had gone out and returned later than the accident happened to her daughter DLKT. For discussion of the relations marked by subordinate constructions with before (prieš / iki) and after (po to, kai), see Cristofaro (2005).

⁸ In the work Über die Entwicklung der litauischen Konjunktionalsätze, in the summary table of connective research, pirm neg is listed under temporal meaning; the pirm neg in Jonas Bretkūnas’s Postil is associated with the German conjunction ehe, while the sentence with pirm neg in Mikalojaus Daukša’s catechism is presented separately from the other sentences with neg in that source (Hermann 1912: 29, 34–35).

⁹ Leonardas Drotvinas identifies pirm neg and its variants as connectives used in Old Lithuanian texts to introduce subordinate temporal-adverbial clauses (Drotvinas 1968a; 1968b: 89, 95).

¹⁰ Jonas Palionis characterizes the conjunction neng, used only in East Prussian texts, as comparative, serving as a substitute for negu, and specifies its domains of use as “comparative expressions and temporal-adverbial clauses (together with pirm)” (Palionis 1967: 202).

¹¹ On the use of subordinate participial clauses with the connectives net, net pirm, pirm nei to express “a similar action-boundary meaning to that expressed with iki,” and on these connectives’ combination with absolute constructions, see Ambrazas (2006a: 453–454); on subordinate finite clauses with pirm nei, pirm neng used to express an action boundary, see Ambrazas (2006a: 456).

¹² Jonas Jablonskis likewise classified neig, neg, pirm neng, pirm neig, pirm negu among temporal-adverbial connectives (Jablonskis 1911: 498), noting their source (Old writings) in a footnote: “we have no similar examples from people’s speech, as far as is known at present” (Jablonskis 1911: 510–511).

¹³ For the importance of quantitative comparison with other constructions of corresponding meaning, rather than of separate absolute data, see Ambrazas (2006a: 39).

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Subordinate temporal clauses with the connective word (pirm) neg in old Lithuanian writings of the 16th–17th centuries

Against the background of the use of other clauses, their usage is similar to that of subordinate temporal limit clauses with net¹⁴ – temporal limit clauses with neg are used relatively somewhat more often in Bretkūnas’s Postilė (19x) and Sirvydas’s Punktai sakymų (13x) than temporal limit clauses with net, whereas they are used somewhat less often in Daukša’s Postilė (57x) (cf. the data presented in Table 1).

TABLE 1. Quantitative ratio of BP, DP, and SP temporal clauses with the connectives neg and net to all subordinate temporal limit clauses

Temporal limit clauses

BP

DP

SP

Average frequency of use

Clauses with neg

19 (~17,8%)

57 (22,7%)

13 (~25,5%)

(~22%)

Clauses with net

14 (~13,2%)

72 (28,7%)

8 (~15,7%)

(~19,2%)

Total number of subordinate clauses indicating a temporal limit in the source

107 (100%)

251 (100%)

51 (100%)

(100%)

Daukšos Postilėje esantys laiko sakiniai su neg (neg (54x), neg (3x)) ir pirm (pirm’ (33x); pirm (11x); pirm (3x); pirm (1x)) atitinka Jokūbo Wujeko postilės¹⁵ laiko sakinius su jungiamuoju žodžiu niž¹⁶ (niž (24x), nižli (29x), niželi (3x), nižem (1x)¹⁷), kurie dažniausiai vartojami su prepoziciniu atliepiniu pierwey (41x), pirwey (8x). Sirvydo Punktų sakymų laiko sakiniuose neg užrašytas kaip negi (9x), negi (2x), neg (1x), nieig, (1x), o pirm dažnumas toks: pirm (5x), pirma (5x), pirmay (1x). Punktų Kazan¹⁸ tekste neg ir pirm turi įvairesnių atitikmenų: niž (7x),

¹⁴ Here, the use of temporal clauses with net and neg is compared because of the similar course of development of these clauses: temporal clauses with net are no longer used in present-day Lithuanian, while temporal/comparative clauses with negu / nei and pirma / anksčiau are used very rarely. For more on the semantic and grammatical properties of subordinate temporal clauses with the connective net, see Pajėdienė (2010).

¹⁵ Apie DP šaltinius žr. Palionis (2000: 17–18).

¹⁶ In Old Polish, niž / nižli was used (until the 18th century) in subordinate temporal clauses to indicate the sequence of actions (Klemensiewicz et al. 1955: 468).

¹⁷ Cf. the sentence DP 523₄₅.

¹⁸ Konstantinas Sirvydas Punktai sakymų introduced the nature of the translation in “Preface to the Reader” as follows: “the aim was to provide an appropriate translation from Lithuanian and, as far as possible, to render it word for word so that it would be understandable” (quoted from Regina Koženiauskienė’s translation (Koženiauskienė 1990: 296)).

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a niž (1x), nižli (2x), nim¹⁹ (2x), aż (1x)²⁰, occurring with the modifiers pierwej (4x), wprzod²¹ (5x), przed tym (1x).

USAGE IN VARIOUS LAYERS OF SERMON TEXTS

From the point of view of authorship, a sermon text consists of at least two layers²². One consists of excerpts from the Bible, or pericopes, presented with references to their authorship. The other layer of the text consists of commentaries intended to explain the cited pericopes, called expositions (BP, DP) or points (SP) in the texts under discussion. In this latter—interpretive—layer, some passages of Gospel text may be quoted or repeated once again. The pericopes in the texts under discussion contain 10 subordinate temporal clauses with (pirm) neg: BP has 5 clauses, DP has 4, and SP has 1 (see Table 2).

² T A B L E. Distribution of temporal clauses with neg across layers of sermon texts

Clauses with neg | Quotations from the Bible | Preacher’s commentary | Implied quotations from the Bible | Preacher’s text | BP | 5 clauses | 7 clauses | 7 clauses | pirm neng (3x), pirm nei (1x), pirm neig (1x) | pirm nei (6x), pirm neg (1x) | pirm nei (6x), pirm neig (1x) | DP | 4 clauses | 7 clauses | 46 clauses | pirm neg (4x) | pirm neg (4x) | neg (3x) | pirm neg (26 x) | pirm…neg (14x) | neg (6x) | SP | 1 clause | – | 12 clauses | pirm neg (1x) | – | pirm neg (4x) | pirm …neg (4x) | negi… pirma (2x) | negi (2x)

¹⁹ SP I 80⁵ pirm negi corresponds to przed tym nim, while the pirma… negi in the sentence at SP I 244²⁵ corresponds to wprzod… nim. For the conjunction nim used in subordinate temporal clauses in Old Polish, see Klemensiewicz et al. (1955: 469).

²⁰ In the sentence at SP I 143²⁷, aż occurs with the preposed nie pierw ej. For the tendency of aż to combine with other conjunctions or adverbs, see Klemensiewicz et al. (1955: 468).

²¹ Cf. examples of wprzod used in Old Polish temporal clauses with niž (Klemensiewicz et al. 1955: 469).

²² For the roles of compiler and interpreter performed by the preacher, see Pisarkowa (1984: 209).

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The temporal clauses in the BP, DP, or SP pericopes with pirm neg correspond to the Vulgate temporal clauses with the conjunctions priusquam or antequam, as well as to the Greek NT temporal clauses with πρὶν or πρὸ τοῦ (see Table 3). The choice of the conjunction neg in the DP 148₂₈ sentence (an implicit quotation of Mt 26,34²³), which does not correspond to the Polish compound pierwey niż (W³ 154₁₂), is more likely linked not to the Latin antequam (since, for example, the DP 127₂₈ sentence with pirm neg likewise corresponds to a Vulgate sentence with antequam), but to the Lithuanian Gospel-text tradition²⁴—above all, to the text of Baltramiejus Vilentas’s Evangelijų bei Epistolų (1579)²⁵. The conjunction and subordinate-clause word-order pattern in the DP 148₂₈ sentence differ from the Polish original, but match the pattern in the corresponding²⁶ VEE sentence; compare:

[...] ioġ bia nákti / neg gaidis du kartú pragís / tris kartus manęs vžgífsies. DP 148₂₈

[...] iż ty dziś tey nocy / pierwey niż dwákróc kur zápoie/ trzykróc się mnie záprzyb. W³ 154₁₂

[...] iog ſchę nakti neig gaidis du kartu pragns / tris kartus manes vſſignſi VEE 188₁₉²⁷

[...] quia in hac nocte antequam gallus canet ter me negabis Mt 26,34

[...] σοι ὅτι ἐν ταύτῃ τῇ νυκτὶ πρὶν ἀλέκτορα φωνῆσαι τρὶς ἀπαρνήσῃ με Mt 26,34

TABLE 3. Correspondences between conjunctions in temporal clauses with neg in the pericopes across different sources

Conjunction in the pericope

VEE

BP²⁸

DP

SP

W³

Vulg

NT

Jn 4,49

pirm neig 122₁

pirm neig II 474₁

pirm’ / neg 355₂

–

pierwey / niżli 366₁₂

priusquam

πρὶν

²³ Cf. Passia … iżg keturiú Evangelijtų trumpáy surinktá DP 144; the text of Part I – DP 148–149.

²⁴ On the sources of Bretkūnas’s Postilė—Baltramiejus Vilentas’s Evangelijas bei Epistolas ir Enchiridioną (1579)—and on the fact that the pericopes in Bretkūnas’s Postilė “should be regarded as a new edition of Vilentas’s texts and treated as the result of the creative work of two authors: Vilentas as translator and Bretkūnas as editor of the translation,” see Aleknavičienė (2005: 28; 2008: 31).

²⁵ For references to earlier studies and literature concerning the possible relationship between the text of the DP pericopes and the Vulgate, and in some cases possible connections between the DP and VEE texts, see Maskuliūnas (2000: 107). On the connection between the model of pronominal reflexivity used by Daukša and Jakub Wujek, which is characteristic of neither Lithuanian nor Polish, and the influence of Latin and Greek, and on the fact that “in those cases where Wujek’s text also differs, the use of reflexives in DP is associated with Vilentas’s EE […]”, see Maskuliūnas (2000: 121).

²⁶ Cf. Hiſtoria apie Muka ir Smerti Pona muſu Ieſaus Chriſtaus / pagal keturiu Evangelijtu. VEE 188–214

²⁷ The BP, SP, and VEE material needed for the analysis was taken from computer-transcribed texts and concordances of word forms compiled by the Institute of the Lithuanian Language. The concordances were prepared in 1997–1998 by Ona Aleknavičienė, Ri-čardas Petkevičius, and programmer Vytautas Zinkevičius, under the supervision of habil. dr. Saulius Ambrazas, with funding from the State Commission of the Lithuanian Language under the Seimas of the Republic of Lithuania, as part of the 1996–2005 Programme for the Use and Development of the State Language of the Republic of Lithuania.

²⁸ In Martin Luther’s Bible translation, the connective erhe. is used in the corresponding temporal clauses.

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Conjunction in the pericope VEE BP²⁸ DP SP W³ Vulg NT Jn 8,58 pirm neng 53₂₁ pirm neng I 320₇ pirm nei I 326₂ pirm neg 127₂₈ pirm neg II 109₂₃ pierwey niȝi 135₉ antequam πρὶν Jn 14,9 pirm neng 77₂₀ – pirm’ neg 239₅₁ – pierwey niȝby 244₁₇ priusquam πρὶν Lk 2,21 pirm neng 20₁₀ pirm neng I 126₆ pirm neng I 133₉ pirm neg 53₂₁ – – pierwey niȝli 53₃ – – priusquam πρὸ τοῦ

POSSIBILITIES FOR USING NEG IN THE SENTENCE

As has already been mentioned, various instances of neg usage in temporal clauses occur in the texts of BP, DP, and SP:

singular neg, e.g.:

Pawadinęs tad talſái Wieβpatís dẽbimti tarnú ſawú / neg nūg ju ibwazẽwo / dawe íiemus / dẽbimti ilguiu arba griwnu [...]. DP 382₂₀ Wezwawýby tedy Pan [...] ſług ſwoich / niȝ od nich odiechał / dał im [...]. W³ 396₃₇

thus the man, hanged, did not die at once / like the others: but had to suffer long / before he died. DP 176₂₈[...] but he had to suffer long / before he died. W³ 185₂₀

parallel usage of pirm neg, e.g.:

Páłkui to weł Adriiònas Pópiežius kętwiŕtas / pirm’ neg vžulſtoio Pópiežiumi / niuſłtas nūg Eugenijuło Pópiežeus ſugražino Norwẽi̇a wieró[p]. DP 91₂₄ Potym žalė Adryán Papież czwarty / pierwey niȝ zołtał Papieżem [...] náwrócił Norwegia ná wiárę [...]. W³ 92₂₈

non-parallel use of pirm and neg: the use of pirm, which is separated from neg, is usually preposed (pirm...., neg...); use of pirm following neg... is rare (see Table 4), e.g.:

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Acta Linguistica Lithuanica LXII–LXIII

Subordinate temporal clauses with the connective before neg in sixteenth- and seventeenth-century Lithuanian writings

[...] ir teyp Chriſtus iop ſugrįbta / ir giwena iump / kaip pirmay giweno / negi buvo pa-meſtas per daſiſeydimu didžio nuſideimo. SP I 207₁₁

[...] y mieſka w nim / iáko pierwey mieſk̄el / nižli go był zgubil [...] SP I 207₁₄

Iž paweketøy paties Diewo / kuris negi žmogu karalum ir wießpatim paſtate / pirma namus iam gražus ir išdabintus / tay ira tu ſwietu padare / ir potam ii iuolna unt giwenimo ir wießpatawimo iwede. SP I 143₁₇

[...] który nižli czlowieká królem y panem poſtánowil / pierwey mu dom piękny [...] uczinil [...]. SP I 143₂₀

In the texts of the sources under discussion, the adjacent-use construction pirm neg is most commonly used (see Table 4). Only this use of pirm neg is found in Bretkūnas’s Postilė (19 clauses in all with instances of pirm neg, recorded as pirm nei (13x), pirm neng (3x), pirm neig (2x), pirma neg (1x)). The adjacent pirm neg occurs in 33 clauses in Daukša’s Postilė (about 58% of all temporal boundary clauses with neg instances in DP). In Sirvydas’s Punktai sakymų, 5 temporal clauses with the adjacent construction pirm neg account for about 38.5% of all temporal clauses with neg in this source (the adjacent construction pirm neg is recorded in three forms: pirm neigi (3x); pirm neg (1x); pirma nieg (1x)).

In Daukša’s Postilė and Sirvydas’s Punktai sakymų, the connective neg was also used with the more distant, preposed pirm (15 clauses in DP account for about 26%, and 4 clauses in SP for nearly 31% of all recorded temporal boundary clauses with neg in these sources).

Clauses with neg preceding pirm are found only in Sirvydas’s text (2x).

In Sirvydas’s Punktai sakymų (2x) and Daukša’s Postilė (9x), temporal boundary clauses with a single neg make up about one-sixth of all temporal clauses with neg in these sources.

In Daukša’s Postilė, two clauses (DP 130₂₉ and DP 148₂₈) with a single neg were translated by Daukša with the connective present in the original omitted—the adjacent-use pierwey was left out. Both of the cited clauses with neg in DP have nearly identical clause counterparts in adjacent contexts, differing from those under discussion in their connective (but matching the Polish original). The temporal clause in Išguldymė reads:

[...] neg Abrômas bū / iau aβ eſmi. DP 130₂₉

[...] že pierwey nižli Abrahám byl/ iam iuż ieſt. W³ 137₄₄

given when discussing the passage from the Gospel according to John, cf.:

[...] pirm neg Abrômas bū / aβ eſmi. DP 127₂₈

[...] pierwey niż Abrahám byl/ ia ieſtem. W³ 135₉

[...] / pirm neng Abrahamas buwa / eſch eſmi. VEE 53₂₁

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[...] Antequam Abraham fieret, ego sum. Jn 8,58

[...] πρὶν Ἀβραὰμ γενέσθαι ἐγὼ εἰμί. Jn 8,58

The previously mentioned sentence in DP rendering Mt 26,34 (differing from the corresponding Polish sentence in its connective and the word order of the subordinate clause):

[...] iog βịa nákti / neg gaidìs du kartú pragís / tris kartus manęs vžgįfsięs. DP 148₂₈

[...] iź ty dźis tey nocy / pierwey niż dwákroč kur zápóie/ trzykróć Jie mnie záprzyb W³ 154₁₂

has an identical counterpart in Išguldyme (only here in the Polish text niźli is used instead of pierwey), cf.:

[...] βịa nákti / neg gaidìs du kartú pragís / tris’ kartús manés vźįgįfi. DP 150₁₆

[...] tey nocy / niźli kur dwákroč zápóie/ trzy kroć Jie mnie záprzyb. W³ 156₁₈

The sentence in DP 159₁₅ (an implicit quotation of Mt 26,75) has the connective pirm neg, corresponding to the Polish pierwey niż, but the word order in the main clause of this sentence is somewhat different (closer to the Greek counterpart), cf.:

[...] pirm neg gaidìs du kartú pragís tris kartús vźįgįli manés. DP 159₁₅

[...] pierwey niż kur dwákroč zápóie/ trzykróć Jie mnie záprzyb. W³ 165₂₃

[...] pirm neng gaidns du kartu giedos / vſįgįli manęs trns kartus. VEE 196₄

[...] “Priusquam gallus cantet, ter me negabis”. Mt 26,75

[...] before a rooster crows, you will deny me. Mt 26,75

The implicit quotation of Mt 26,75 in Bretkūnas’s Postilėje (in the section containing a text compiled from the four Gospels) is rendered as a temporal sentence in a similar way²⁹ (in terms of the choice of connective):

Pirm nei gaidais du giedos / tu mane tris kartus uſgini. BP I 373₇

The model suggested by the Polish original for selecting the conjunction is not followed by the DP 278₂₃ sentence with pirm neg, cf.:

those who had not believed before / were not to be forced or driven out / but were to be released and let go freely [...]. DP 278₂₃

ktorzy niż uwierzyli / nie mieli być [...]. W³ 285₂₅

²⁹ In Bretkūnas’s Bible translation, the time of the action is indicated in the corresponding verses using other means of expression: a prepositional construction with the noun pirm gaidghic₃₀ Mt 26,34 and a temporal subordinate clause with the conjunction pirm ne as: Before the rooster crows Mt 26,75 (quoted from Gelumbec-kaitė 2002: 199).

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Prijungiamieji laiko sakiniai su jungiamuoju žodžiu (pirm) neg senuosiuose XVI–XVII a. lietuvių raštuose

TABLE 4. Use of temporal clauses with the conjunction neg

Conjunction (with modifier) | BP | DP | SP | Average relative frequency of use (against the background of all clauses with neg) | pirm(a) neg | 19 (100%) | 33 (~57.9%) | 5 (~38.5%) | ~65.5% | neg | – | 9 (~15.8%) | 2 (~15.4%) | ~10.4% | neg(i) … / pirma | – | – | 2 (~15.4%) | ~5.1% | pirma … / neg(i) | – | 15 (~26.3%) | 4 (~30.8%) | ~19% | Total | 19 | 57 | 13 | 100%

STRUCTURE OF TEMPORAL BOUNDARY CLAUSES WITH (PIRM) NEG

Two possible syntactic analyses of pirm

When describing the position of a subordinate clause with the conjunction neg in a complex sentence, it is important to discuss the possible grammatical analyses of pirm, which occurs adjacent to it. One possibility is to treat pirm, which precedes neg, as a correlative word belonging to the main clause; another is to analyze pirm neg as a compound formation (in that case, pirm, as part of a compound temporal boundary function word, belongs to the structure of the subordinate clause).

In the temporal subordinate clauses under consideration, a punctuation mark most often occurs before pirm neg. In Daukša’s Postil, 14 sentences have an oblique dash before pirm neg (out of 23 cases in which adjacent pirm neg occurs outside sentence-initial position); in Bretkūnas’s Postil there are 11 temporal clauses (out of 13) with a punctuation mark before pirm neg occurring outside sentence-initial position, while in Sirvydas’s Punktai sakymų there are 2 (out of 3), e.g.:

[...] is called by the Angel now / before he began to live. DP 423₃

ktore miánowáne ieft od Anyolá/ pirwey nili fie počal w żywocie. W³ 437₄₁

Likewise / before he was taken up alive into heaven / he appeared to his Apostles / after his resurrection [...]. BP I 412₉

In some sentences—DP (8x), BP (2x), SP (1x)—pirm neg is not separated from the sentence by a punctuation mark, e.g.:

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[...] Wisdom possessed me at the beginning of his ways, before₁₀ he made anything from the beginning, from of old; I was created.Pan mie ofiegnal ná początku drog ſwoich / before what he made from the beginning, from of old; I was created [...]. W³ 43₂₈

[...] Christ was before being born of a virgin. DP 44₃₄ [...] Chryſtus był before he was born of the Virgin. W³ 43₄₁

[...] who knows everything before it happens. DP 235₃ [...] who knows everything / before it happens. W³ 243₄₀

In one DP sentence (quoting the line Jn 4,49), a separated juxtaposed use of pirm neg is found (the punctuation of the Polish original is reproduced); cf.:

[...] come before / than my son dies. DP 355₂ [...] come before / than my son dies. W³ 366₁₂ [...] descende priusquam moriatur puer / filius meus. Jn 4,49 [...] κατάβηθι πρὶν ἀποθανεῖν τὸ παιδίον μου. Jn 4,49 [...] come before my child dies. VEE 122₁

Elsewhere, in the sentences quoting (BP II 474₁) or paraphrasing (DP 357₉) the sentence from Jn 4,49, there is a hyphen before pirm neg; cf.:

[...] come / before my child dies. BP II 474₁ [...] he hurried earnestly, so that he might bring him home, before his son died. DP 357₉ [...] and therefore he hastened, so that he might bring him home, before his son died. W³ 368₄₁

The sentences in BP I 126₆ and 133₉ describing the line Lk 2,21 are written differently; cf.:

Who was named by the Angel / before he was conceived. BP I 126₆ [...] who was named by the Angel before he was conceived. BP I 133₉Who was named by the Angel / before he was conceived. VEE 20₁₀ [...] quod vocatum est ab angelo, priusquam in utero conciperetur. Lk 2,21 [...] τὸ κληθὲν ὑπὸ τοῦ ἀγγέλου πρὸ τοῦ συλληφθῆναι αὐτὸν ἐν τῇ κοιλίᾳ. Lk 2,21

The punctuation of the DP 53₂₁ sentence describing the line Lk 2,21 differs from that of the Polish original; cf.:

[...] which was named by the Angel before he was conceived. DP 53₂₁Which was named by the Angel / before it was conceived in the womb. W³ 53₃

It also differs from the variants of this sentence found in the text of Išguldymai; cf.:

Which name was given by the Angel / before he was conceived. DP 423₁₃ [...] was named by the Angel / before he was conceived. W³ 437₄₃ (but cf. DP 423₃ and DP 423₆ sentences expressing the same idea in Išguldymai with similar punctuation).

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Punctuation most often indicates that adjacent uses of pirm neg could be interpreted as a complex conjunction³⁰, with a meaning close to while or until. The existence of sentences with non-adjacent uses of pirm and neg means that even adjacent uses of pirm could in certain cases be regarded as a correlative word, that is, an element belonging to the main clause, since the sound of pirm itself guarantees considerable prominence in the background and thus semantic prominence as well. The need for semantic emphasis may also explain this translation of a DP temporal sentence with non-adjacent pirm … / neg … from adjacent pierwey niż, cf.:

Atėio tad Saduceúbaí Wieβpátiesp / ir norėjo io raβtú pergalet’ / ródidami ióg kėlimas numireliu ne gal’ būt: nes’ kitáip wiena mote turėtų turėt’ septinius wirús / kuriús cze pirm’ turėjo / neg numire. DP 343₁₉

[...] ktore tu miálá / pierwey niż umártá. W³ 354₂₀

Punctuation variants, the strong background prominence of pirm, and the need for semantic emphasis suggest that pirm, before forming a complex conjunction with neg, was a correlative word belonging to the main clause. In that case, the subordinate clause with neg in a complex sentence beginning with pirm neg would be interpolated. If pirm neg is treated as a complex conjunction, sentences beginning with this formation would be classified as preposed (the possibility of a double grammatical interpretation is indicated by an arrow in Table 5).

Under the first interpretation, only subordinate clauses inserted into the main clause would be considered interpolated sentences; their subject is coreferential with the subject of the main clause, which is placed at the beginning of the sentence, cf.:

Likewise the Jews, before they came to the land flowing with milk and honey, or the land rich in milk and honey, endured much hardship as they traveled through barren wildernesses [...]. SP II 258₂₈So too the Jews, before they came to the land [...] had to travel through deserts [...]. SP II 258₂₈

Kaip anói neg mėl­dės įbėio iżg rubežių Jawú [...]. DP 117₁

Jáko oná / nižli Jie modlitá / wyβła z graníc swuch [...]. W³ 118₂

or subordinate clauses that specify the temporal adjunct belonging to the main clause, cf.:

ſche nakti pirm nei gaidis du kartu giedos / tu mane tris kartus uſſiginsi. BP I 365₄

If one adopts the view that, even in cases of adjacent use of pirm neg, only neg is assigned to the structure of the subordinate clause, only sentences would have the status of preposed sentences

³⁰ Here one can discern the operation of general principles of the pre-grammatical level of language (pre-grammar rules), for example, the laws of speech intonation and rhythm (elements conveying less predictable information are emphasized in speech; elements conveying more important information are emphasized; conceptually related stretches of information are merged into a shared melodic contour, while the duration of pauses between such information stretches corresponds to the cognitive connection) and the laws of spatial arrangement (spacing rules)—conceptually related stretches of information are placed closer to one another (Givón 2009: 326).

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with the single neg (2 such sentences are found in DP, 1 sentence in SP), cf. the example cited earlier

[...] before Abram had already acquired wealth DP 130₂₉

ir

Before someone acquires wealth, they must endure many harmful troubles and hardships.

DP 100₃₉

For before someone acquires riches, they must endure many empty and harmful troubles [...] W³ 101₅₃

and

For before the coronation arrives, they do much on the roads and in the streets for the glory of the king. SP II 164₂₆ And before it comes to the place of coronation, many things are done in the streets for the glory of the king. SP II 164₂₃

In either interpretation, there is a tendency to use subordinate clauses with (pirm) neg postpositively (the relative average frequency of postposed clauses with neg in BP, DP, and SP is more than 50%).

T A B L E 5. Positional possibilities of a subordinate clause with the connective neg³¹

Subordinate clause with | BP (19 instances) | DP (57 instances) | SP (11 instances) | Preposed | Interposed | Postposed | Preposed | Interposed | Postposed | Preposed | Interposed | Postposed | Connective (with modifier) | pirm(a) neg (according to the punctuation recorded in the sources) | 7 | 2... / pirm neg 1...pirm neg 1 | 8 | 2 | 23³² | 4 | 1 | – | neg | – | – | – | 2 | 4 | 3 | 1 | 1 | – | neg(i)... / pirma.... | – | – | – | – | – | – | – | 2 | pirma... / neg(i)... | – | – | – | – | – | 15 | – | – | 4

³¹ The index indicates the various possibilities for pirm to belong to the main or subordinate clause.

³² 14 instances... / pirm neg; 8 instances...pirm neg; 1 instance pirm / neg.

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Source clause | BP (19 instances) | Prepositional | Interpositional | Postpositional | DP (57 instances) | Prepositional | Interpositional | Postpositional | SP (11 instances) | Prepositional | Interpositional | Postpositional | Total | When pirm neg is considered part of the source clause structure | 7 ~36.8% | 3 ~15.8% | 9 ~47.4% | 10 ~17.5% | 6 ~10.5% | 41 ~72% | 5 ~38.5% | 4 ~30.8% | 4 ~30.8% | When only neg is considered part of the source clause | – | 10 ~52.6% | 9 ~47.4% | 2 ~3.5% | 14 ~24.5% | 41 ~72% | 1 7.7% | 8 ~61.5% | 4 ~30.8%

Predicate properties

Complex subordinate temporal sentences with neg convey a temporal relationship between two actions, in which the action expressed by the main clause is viewed as having occurred / occurring / about to occur before the boundary of the action expressed by the subordinate clause³³. The grammatical properties of the verbs functioning as predicates in the main and subordinate clauses indicate that these actions are generally viewed as factual³⁴.

Grammatical tense options for the predicates of the main and subordinate clauses

Texts from all three sources more commonly attest temporal sentences with predicates in the same grammatical tense in the main and subordinate clauses (see Table 6). The most frequent sentence pattern is V_būtasis, neg V_būtasis (mean relative frequency across all three sources ~52%), e.g.:

Ponas Krijfus po fawo prifjkėleimo ifch numiruju / bei pirm nei dangun βengė / iftate ir prifake Apafchtalams kojani fakiti po wilfą fwieta. BP II 111₂₄

³³ In typological studies, subordinate temporal relations between two predicates are described as expressing a before, after, when relationship (cf. Cristofaro 2005: 159). More detailed descriptions are better suited to Lithuanian; cf. the application of the concepts action time before / after a specified boundary to the description of the syntax of case and prepositional constructions (Gelumbeckaitė 2002: 198–202).

³⁴ About markers of factuality in subordinate clauses expressing relations of the before (before) type (Cristofaro 2005: 62).

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He knew everything beforehand, foresaw it, considered it and arranged it before it happened. DP 335₉

He knew everything beforehand, foresaw it, considered it and arranged it before it happened. W³ 345₅₀

The average relative frequency of use of the sentence pattern Vpresent, NEG Vpresent in the texts is ~6.7%; cf. the sentence examples:

[...] so that before it takes the breath, it takes the breath, its own spirit [...]. DP 203₂₅

foresee before he gives it / to use his Spirit [...]. W³ 211₄₂

[...] weighs words before he speaks [...]. SP II 5₁₃

[...] weighs words beforehand, before he says anything [...].SP II 5₁₃

The average relative frequency of use of the sentence pattern Vfuture, NEG Vfuture is ~10.3%; cf. the sentence examples:

[...] and what shall I eat before I reach the city? DP 126₃₄

[...] and what shall I eat before I reach the city. W³ 133₂₉

Before it passes, I will call you. DP 212₂₈

Before they call, I will hear them. W³ 220₄₇

When sentences contain the constituent idant, norint, temporal boundary subordinate clauses with neg in both clauses have predicates expressed in the subjunctive mood, e.g.:

[...] so that he might first endure a twofold cross, before he were hung on one [...] DP 174₁

[...] so that he might first suffer a twofold cross, before he were hung on one. W³ 183₅

In all three texts, versions of the sentence in Jn 8:58 are found with a present-tense predicate in the main clause and a past-tense predicate in the subordinate clause. This sentence pattern (before NEG / NEG V_būt, V_es) does not conform to the usual semantic standard³⁵ (where the time of the situation expressed by the subordinate clause is assessed as later than the action expressed by the main clause), since it also expresses a certain degree of simultaneity between the situations described; cf.:

Before Abraham was, I am. BP I 326₂

/ Before Abraham was, I am. BP I 320₇

[...] before Abraham was, I am. DP 127₂₈

[...] before Abraham was, I am. W³ 135₉

[...] before Abraham was, I am. SP II 109₂₃

[...] before Abraham was, I am. SP II 111₁₂

Before Abraham was, I am. VEE 53₂₁

³⁵On the fact that, with a before relation, the subordinate clause indicates an action later than the action in the main clause, see Cristofaro (2005: 159).

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[...] before Abraham came to be, I am. Jn 8,58

[...] before Abraham came to be, I am. Jn 8,58

TABLE 6. Grammatical tense choices in sentences with neg

Sentence patterns | BP | DP | SP Vbūt, neg Vbūt | 7 (~36.8%) | 28 (~49%) | 9 (~69.2%) Vbūt, neg Vtariam | – | 1 (~1.8%) | – Ves, neg Ves | 4 (~21%) | 6 (~10.5%) | 2 (~15.4%) Ves, neg Vbūt | 2 (~10.5%) | 2 (~3.5%) | 1 (~7.7%) Ves, neg Vbūs | 1 (~5.3%) | 3 (~5.3%) | 1 (~7.7%) Vbūs, neg Vbūs | 4 (~21%) | 5 (~8.8%) | – Vliep, neg Vbūs / es | 1 (~5.3%) (es) | 3 (~5.3%) (būs) | – Vtariam, neg Vbūs | – | 4 (~7%) | – Vtariam, neg Vtariam | – | 5 (~8.8%) | –

Characteristics of predicates in the main clause

Most temporal subordinate clauses with neg have a predicate of epistemic modality in the main clause (cf. the data presented in Table 7). Negation is used extremely rarely—one sentence each in the texts of Daukša and Sirvydas³⁶. Moreover, negation is used non-standardly in these sentences (not as sentential negation, but only as constituent negation³⁷). The structure and meaning of the temporal clause in DP 435₃₃ depend on the predicate of the main clause of the noun clause of which it is a part: a predicate of evaluative³⁸ modality, representing the text author’s opinion and presenting a claim attributed to another author as non-factual³⁹, neutralizes the negation in the temporal clause (in terms of the assessment of propositional truth), cf.:

[...] dared to blaspheme / that he had not been before he was born of the Virgin Mary. DP 435₃₃

[...] dared to blaspheme / that he was not before he was born of the Virgin Mary. W³ 451₁₆

³⁶ The sentence in DP 278₂₃ can be interpreted as affirmative, cf.: kurié pirm neò intikéio / ne turéio bùt prìwérftí nei futremtí / bęt malōnei turéio bùt ildáit’ ir pralidétí [...].

³⁷ Sentential negation is considered a morphosyntactic construction whose function (associated with the main verb) is to negate a sentence. Constituent negation can affect only one constituent of a sentence, cf. Miestamo (2005: 3t).

³⁸ Apie vertinamuosius predikatus žr. Holvoet, Judžentis (2003: 168–169).

³⁹ On the effect of negation or a negative element in the main clause on a subordinate clause, cf. Cristofaro (2005: 31; 36–37).

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In the SP I 143₂₇ sentence, the main negative force is attracted to pirm⁴⁰, so the proposition expressed by it can also be interpreted as affirmative (the function of the sentence is to say when God appeared in the church); cf.:

and God himself was not the first to appear in the church of Salamonas / until it was perfectly made and finished. SP I 143₂₇ And God not first appeared in the church [...] / until⁴¹ it was perfectly made and completed. SP I 143₃₁

(In contemporary language, this sentence would have a different structure⁴².)

The epistemic-modal predicates functioning as predicates of the main clause and the rare use of negation may be connected with one of the more important functions of temporal clauses with neg: these complex sentences convey information about a sequence of actions (that has occurred or is yet to occur), whose factuality the narrator does not doubt.

Characteristics of predicates in the subordinate clause

In the temporal clauses with neg found in BP, DP, and SP texts, the predicates of the subordinate clause are expressed only by finite⁴³ verb forms. Negation is not used in the subordinate clause.

The predicates of the subordinate clause are most often eventive verbs expressing the resultative or bounded aspect of an action; cf.:

But you were thus called not by two men, but by God himself, through the holy Angel Gabriel / before you began to live. BP I 135₂ Speak, O King, Lord / come / before my child dies. BP II 474₁

Reference to an action that has taken place is sometimes also conveyed by past-tense imperfective verbs; cf.:

⁴⁰ According to Talmy Givón, the scope of negation in sentences containing optional / facultative sentence elements, such as adverbs, changes. In sentences with negation, such facultative elements attract the full force of the negation (Givón 2001 I: 381–382). In sentences without such elements, the force of negation is primarily associated with the verb; cf. Givón (2001 II: 230). On the linear nature of the scope of negation, cf. Huddleston, Pullum (2002: 717, 782).

⁴¹ Apie samplaikinį nie pierwszy aż pobūdį plg. Klemensiewicz ir kt. (1955: 468).

⁴² In contemporary language, variants in which the sentence elements are arranged differently are generally used; cf.: [...] appeared in the church no earlier than when [it] had been perfectly made or [...] did not appear in the church before [it] had been perfectly made.

⁴³ Vytautas Ambrazas gives examples of sentences with Biblijos “Bible” used in Bretkūnas’s translation, containing pirm nei and participles (Ambrazas 2006a: 453).

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Temporal subordinate clauses with the connective word (first) neg in old Lithuanian writings of the 16th–17th centuries

[...] before God gave the Jews manna / he sent the wind / so that the earth might fall. SP II 91₃₂

[...] before God gave manna to the Jews / he sent the wind [...]. SP II 91₃₂

TABLE 7. Grammatical features of subordinate temporal clauses with neg

Clauses with (pirm) neg

BP

DP

SP

Relative frequency of use

Does the clause with neg have adjacent or non-adjacent use of pirm

19 (100%)

48 (84,2%)

11 (84,6%)

(~89,6%)

Positive predicate of the main clause

19 (100%)

56 (~98,2%)

12 (92,3%)

(~96,4%)

Main-clause predicate with negation

–

1 (~1,8%)

1 (7,7%)

(~3,2%)

Main-clause predicate with epistemic modality

17 (~89,5%)⁴⁴

45 (~78,9%)⁴⁵

12 (~92,3%)

(~86,7%)

Main-clause predicate with deontic modality

2 (~10,5%)

11 (~19,3%)

–

(~10%)

Semantic possibilities of temporal clauses with the connective (pirm) neg

Clauses with neg emphasize the sequence of actions, which may be expressed iconically⁴⁶, for example:

— — — — — — — — — — — — — — — —

⁴⁴ Of these, 4 have future-tense predicates.

⁴⁵ Of these, 6 have future-tense predicates.

⁴⁶ Iconicity is understood as a tendency to shape linguistic structures according to their similarity to experience; for example, in an iconic sequence of actions, a narrative presents the actions in the order in which they occurred / are expected to occur. For more on iconicity, see Croft (1990: 164, 194); for principles of iconicity in syntax and the biological basis of iconicity codes, see Givón (1990: 966–984); for iconic motivation as a correspondence between linguistic structure and linguistic meaning, whereby the order of clauses in a complex sentence corresponds to the logical relations between actions, see Haiman (1985: 11), Cristofaro (2005: 8).

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[...] look first / lest my death come. DP 355⁴⁷₂

or non-iconically, for example:

[...] who did not establish a person as king and lord before making houses beautiful and decorated for him [...] made. SP I 143₁₇

Clauses with neg allow two types of semantic representation (and functional use): describing usual and exceptional sequences of actions. A usual (unmarked) sequence of actions describes the customary relationship between two actions in reality, for example:

[...] and our forefathers were such before God sent them His Holy word. BP I 154₂

A considerable proportion (on average ~44%) of temporal clauses with neg in BP, DP, and SP describe an unusual (marked) course/sequence of actions:

Christ was before he was born of a maiden. DP 44₃₄ Christ was before he was born of the Virgin. W³ 243₄₁

Who was named by the Angel before life began. BP I 126₆

[...] kurís wiſſa péržino pirm’ neg tâm pa. DP 235₃ [...] ktory wβytko prze wie / pierwey niż ſię oſtanie. W³ 243₄₀

[...] who, before anyone prayed to him, himself [...] anticipated their prayers [...] SP II 103₂ [...] who, before anyone prayed to him, himself [...] anticipated their prayers [...]. SP II 103₂

[...] ghis ſcho ſerganczio žmogaus apſjim / ghi netiktai žódeis prieſch Phariſeuſchus uſſto-dams / bet ir io ligga prawaridams / pirm nei ghi ſerganſis meldz [...]. BP II 425₂₃

[...] this will all happen before it comes to pass. DP 235₂ [...] he deigned to relate all this before it happened. W³ 243₃₉

The twofold semantic potential of temporal clauses with neg indicates a close relationship between the structure of these clauses and their use in discourses of a specific kind: clauses with neg could describe not only the usual sequence of actions, intended to draw attention to the ordering or proximity of actions in relation to one another, but also an unusual sequence of actions associated with the distinctiveness of the subjects being described.

The use of clauses with (pirm) neg in the texts under discussion was reinforced not only by the authors’ efforts to adhere as closely as possible to the clause model proposed by the primary sources,⁴⁸

⁴⁷ The originals of the sentences already quoted are not repeated.

⁴⁸ On specification and interpretation in translating biblical texts, cf. Aleknavičienė (2008: 31).

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but also by the needs of the sermon genre, which called for repeating important pericope quotations when interpreting the primary sources.

T A B L E 8. Temporal clauses with neg: semantic strategies for expressing the sequence of actions

Sequence of actions | BP | DP | SP | Non-iconic | Iconic | Non-iconic | Iconic | Non-iconic | Iconic | Unmarked | Marked | Unmarked | Marked | Unmarked | Marked | Unmarked | Marked | Unmarked | Marked | Unmarked | Marked | Grammatical tense options | Past | 2 | – | 2 | 3 | 4 | 1 | 8 | 16 | 6 | 1 | 2 | – | Present | – | 1 | – | 3 | 1 | 2 | 2 | – | 1 | – | 1 | – | Future | – | 4 | – | – | 4 | – | 1 | – | – | – | – | – | Conditional mood | – | – | – | – | – | – | 5 | – | – | – | – | – | Mixed | – | 3 | 1 | – | 3 | 2 | 4 | 4 | 1 | 1 | – | – | Total | 2 | 8 | 3 | 6 | 12 | 3 | 20 | 22 | 8 | 2 | 3 | – | 10 (~52.6%) (marked sequence ~42.1%) | 9 (~47.4%) (marked sequence ~31.6%) | 15 (~26.3%) (marked sequence ~5.3%) | 42 (~73.7%) (marked sequence ~38.6%) | 10 (~76.9%) (marked sequence ~15.4%) | 3 (~23.1%)

CONCLUSIONS

In Old Lithuanian, temporal clauses with the connective (pirm) neg were still used quite frequently in the texts of the sermon collections of Jonas Bretkūnas, Mikalojus Daukša, and Konstantinas Sirvydas (on average, they account for about one fifth of all clauses indicating a temporal boundary in these writings).

Temporal clauses with neg, now extinct in the language, and without correlative words are still used in Daukša’s Postilė and Sirvydas’s Punktai sakymų. In Daukša’s Postilė, clauses with neg are in some cases still used independently of the Polish original.

The temporal clauses in the pericopes with the connectives pirm neg and neg correspond to Vulgate temporal clauses with the connectives priusquam or antequam, and to temporal clauses in the Greek NT with πρὶν or πρὸ τοῦ, but there is no consistent connection with the sentence patterns offered by anti-

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-cal languages. Greater structural similarity is observed among the subordinate temporal clauses describing identical Bible verses in different Lithuanian sources with (pirm) neg: the temporal connectives used in them, neg or pirm neg, coincide (only variants of neg itself differ) and correspond to the choice of the single form neng or the adjacent-use form pirm neng found in Vilentas’s Evangelijų bei Epistolų.

The varying spellings of the connective pirm (...) neg in terms of position and punctuation in the writings of Daukša and Sirvydas can be regarded as a sign that the connective neg combines with the correlative word pirm to form a single compound connective. The Postilė first neg of Bretkūnas can be considered an already established compound connective: in temporal clauses with pirm neg, a punctuation mark is used, if at all, only before the entire pirm neg, not to split pirm neg in two.

The semantic possibilities of temporal clauses with (pirm) neg point to a close connection between the structure of these clauses and their use in discourse of a specific kind: clauses with (pirm) neg could express not only the usual sequence of events, but also an atypical sequence, used to characterize the distinctiveness of the subjects being described.

ŠALTINIAI

BP – Bretkūnas Jonas 1591: Postilla Tatai elti Trumpas ir Prafas Iſchguldimas Euangeliu [...] Per Jana Bretkuna [...] Karaliaucziuie. – Jono Bretkūno Postilė. Studija, faksimilė ir kompaktinė plokštelė, par. Ona Aleknavičienė. Vilnius: Lietuvių kalbos instituto leidykla, 2005.

DLKT – Kompiuterinės lingvistikos centro Dabartinės lietuvių kalbos tekstynas. http://donelaitis.vdu.lt

DP – Adamonytė Veronika, Lučinskienė Milda, Pajėdienė Jūratė, Šinkūnas Mindaugas, par., 2008: Mikalojus Daukša, Postilė, 1599: elektroninė tiesioginė ir atvirkštinė žodžių formų konkordancijos. Vilnius: Lietuvių kalbos institutas.

LKŽe – Lietuvių kalbos žodynas, elektroninis variantas, redaktorių kolegija: Gertrūda Naktinienė (vyr. red.), Jonas Paulauskas, Ritutė Petrokienė, Vytautas Vitkauskas, Jolanta Zabarskaitė. Vilnius: Lietuvių kalbos institutas, 2008. www.lkz.lt.

NT – Nestle Eberhard, Aland Kurt ³1999: Novum Testamentum Graece et Latine. Stuttgart: Deutsche Bibelgesellschaft.

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Acta Linguistica Lithuanica LXII–LXIII

Prijungiamieji laiko sakiniai su jungiamuoju žodžiu (pirm) neg senuosiuose XVI–XVII a. lietuvių raštuose

SP II – Punkty Kazan na Post wielki Językiem Litewskim Przez W. X. Constantego Szyrwida [...] W Wilnie [...] Roku 1644 in Śyrwids Punktay sakimu (Punkty kazań) [...] litauisch und polnisch mit kurzer grammatisher Einleitung herausgegeben von Dr. Franz Specht. Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1929.

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Acta Linguistica Lithuanica LXII–LXIII

Prijungiamieji laiko sakiniai su jungiamuoju žodžiu (pirm) neg senuosiuose XVI–XVII a. lietuvių raštuose

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Temporal Clauses with Conjunction neg in Old Lithuanian Writings

S U M M A R Y

The article gives an overview of the structure and semantics of subordinate clauses of time boundary with the conjunction (pirm) neg in Old Lithuanian writings (in texts of J. Bretkūnas’ Postilla (1591), M. Daukša’s Postilla (1599) and K. Sirvydas’ Punktai sakymų (I – 1629, II – 1644)). Temporal clauses with the conjunction (pirm) neg were used to express a usual (unmarked) or unusual (marked) temporal relationship of events (posteriority). In all these texts most frequent are temporal clauses with the compound conjunction pirm neg (only the compound conjunction pirm neg is used in temporal clauses in Bretkūnas’ Postilla). Temporal clauses introduced by the single conjunction neg (no longer used as temporal conjunction in Modern Lithuanian) are fixed in Daukša and Sirvydas. Some temporal clauses of Daukša and Wujek have divergent conjunctions. One such clause with neg in Daukša’s pericopes has a structural similarity with its equivalent in Vilentas Euangelijos bei Epistolos (1579)).

Įteikta 2011 m. sausio 3 d.

JŪRATĖ PAJĖDIENĖ

Lietuvių kalbos institutas

P. Vileišio g. 5, LT-10308 Vilnius, Lietuva

E. paštas - [email protected]

Straipsniai / Articles

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