On South Estonian placenames in Ludza (Lutsi) region in Eastern Latvia (Latgalia)

Acta Linguistica Lithuanica 2026, vol. 94, pp. 1–28 Contents link / Turinio nuoroda ISSN 2669-218X (online / elektroninis) Copyright © 2026 Simonas Noreikis. Published by the Institute of the Lithuanian Language. This is an Open Access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution Licence, which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author and source are credited. // Išleido Lietuvių kalbos institutas. Šis straipsnis yra atviros prieigos, platinamas pagal „Creative Commons“ priskyrimo licencijos sąlygas, leidžiančias neribotai naudoti, platinti ir atkurti turinį bet kokioje laikmenoje, nurodant autorių ir šaltinį. Received: / Gauta: 2026-02-14. Accepted: / Priimta: 2026-06-04. 1 ON SOUTH ESTONIAN PLACENAMES IN LUDZA (LUTSI) REGION IN EASTERN LATVIA (LATGALIA) 1 Dėl pietų estų vietovardžių Ludzos regione rytų Latvijoje (Latgaloje) SIMONAS NOREIKIS University of Helsinki E-mail: [email protected] ORCID ID: https://orcid.org/0000-0003-2895-5880 Fields of research: Finno-Ugric historical and comparative linguistics, onomastics. https://doi.org/10.35321/all94-07 ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------ ANNOTATION The article investigates Estonian toponyms in the Ludza area of Latvia’s Latgale region. Lutsi Estonians were a group of Estonians who moved to this area in the 17th and 18th centuries and were ultimately assimilated into the local population in the 20th century. The sources of the material studied include: toponyms presented in earlier research (5), the Estonian Language Institute (EKI) toponym card index (54), the book Eesti murded IX, which contains samples of Lutsi Estonian language (1), and the database of the Latvian Geospatial Information Agency (LĢIA) (1). The investigated toponyms are compared primarily to those from the South Estonian dialect area and toponyms in other Finnic territories. The Estonian etymology of three toponyms presented in earlier research is rejected. Two toponyms can be considered Estonian because no alternative etymologies were found. The EKI card index contains 98 cards. Some of these are transparent Finnic toponyms that require no further explanation. A total of 54 toponyms were selected, formed from specific Lutsi Estonian appellatives or South Estonian words, while the others are adapted Latvian or Slavic toponyms. Toponyms found in Eesti murded IX and the LĢIA database can be explained as specific South Estonian toponyms. The vast majority of the investigated toponyms no longer exist, as the Lutsi Estonians were multilingual and likely used different versions of these toponyms depending on the language spoken. Following the extinction of the Lutsi Estonian language, the Estonian versions of the toponyms also disappeared. KEYWORDS: onomastics, toponyms, Latgalia, Ludza, South Estonian language islands. ANOTACIJA Straipsnis skirtas estų vietovardžių tyrimui Ludzos apylinkėse Latgalos regione Latvijoje. Ludzos estai – XVII–XVIII a. atsikėlusi arba atkeldinta estų grupė, kalbėjusi pietų estų tarmėmis, ir galutinai asimiliuota XX a. Tiriamos medžiagos šaltiniai yra šie: ankstesniuose tyrimuose aptarti vietovardžiai (5), Estų kalbos instituto (EKI) vietovardžių kartoteka (54), leidinys Eesti murded IX su Ludzos estų tarmių tekstais (1) ir Latvijos geoerdvinės informacijos agentūros (LĢIA) duomenų bazė (1). Tiriami vietovardžiai pirmiausia lyginami su pietų estų tarmių arealo vietovardžiais, taip pat su kitų finų kalbų arealų vietų vardais. Ankstesniuose tyrimuose aptartų vietovardžių estiškos kilmės galimybė atmesta, tačiau dviejų iš jų kilmė gali būti estiška, nes argumentų dėl kitokios etimologijos nėra. EKI kartotekoje yra 98 kortelės. Dalyje iš jų užrašyti aiškūs finiški vietovardžiai, nereikalaujantys papildomo paaiškinimo. Iš viso tyrimui pasirinkti 54 vietovardžiai, 1 The study has been financed by Kone Foundation (Koneen säätiö, Finland). 2 sudaryti iš savitų Ludzos estų tarmės apeliatyvų ar pietų estų žodžių; kiti – adaptuoti latvių ar slavų vietovardžiai. Eesti murded IX ir LĢIA rasti vietovardžiai gali būti aiškinami kaip saviti pietų estų vietų vardai. Didžioji dalis tiriamų estų vietovardžių neišliko, kadangi Ludzos estai buvo daugiakalbiai ir kitos kalbos vartosenoje panaudodavo atitinkamą vietovardžio variantą kita kalba. Sulig estų kalbos išnykimu tiriamame plote išnyko ir vietovardžių variantai šia kalba. ESMINIAI ŽODŽIAI: onomastika, vietovardžiai, Latgala, Ludza, pietų estų kalbų salos. 1. Introduction 1.1. Aim This study focuses on South Estonian placenames in the Ludza (Lutsi) 2 region of Eastern Latvia (Latgale). The aim is to analyse their etymologies and structures, comparing them primarily to toponyms in the South Estonian language. 1.2. Historical Background of Latgalia Latgalia (Lv Latgale, Ltg Latgola) has a different historical background from other parts of Latvia (see Zubko-Melne 2018). During the period when Latgalia was part of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, the region was referred to as Polish Livonia (Pl Inflanty Polskie). Historian Gustaw Manteuffel (1879: 21) begins the first chapter of his magnum opus, Inflanty Polskie: “The early history of Polish Livonia is shrouded in darkness that no light has yet illuminated. Whether Latvians were the earliest indigenous inhabitants here, or whether Finnic tribes displaced the local population during the migration of peoples, remains unresolved to this day.” 3 Since that publication, archaeologists and linguists have been attempting to address this question, though many related issues remain unresolved. Currently, the local language of the region is Latgalian, whose status as a dialect or a separate language is still debated (see Stafecka 2025). In any case, Latgalian exhibits distinct phonological traits and specific vocabulary compared to standard Latvian (e.g. Lv valoda ~ Ltg volūda ‘language’, Lv peldēties ~ Ltg mauduotīs ‘to swim’) and due to these differences, they are not completely mutually intelligible. Unlike other parts of Latvia, where Lutheranism predominates, Catholicism is the dominant faith in Latgalia. This region has been multicultural for centuries (Manteuffel 2020: 243). In addition to Latgalians, a significant Polish community is present. Due to the proximity of Russia and Belarus, there are also Russian and Belarusian communities. Among the Russian-speaking inhabitants, communities of Orthodox Old Believers exist, each with a different historical background from other Russians. Furthermore, Lithuanian communities have been located in various parts of Latgalia, particularly within the Subate-Tiskādi-Sarja triangle (Garšva 1989: 64). There was also a South Estonian-speaking community that was assimilated in the 20th century. 1.3. Historical Background of Lutsi Estonians Ludza (Est Lutsi) Estonians lived in the area around the town of Ludza. Their language was a variation of South Estonian (Ariste 1963: 177). Besides Lutsi, South Estonian includes Võro, Seto, and Leivu variations (Kallio 2018). The origin and timing of the arrival of Lutsi Estonians remain unclear. Latvian researcher Saulvedis Cimermanis (2017: 9) mentions three different hypotheses: 1. They are descendants of the region’s ancient Finno-Ugric inhabitants, who are ethnically mixed and preserved their language for an extended period. 2 For the town name here, the Latvian form Ludza will be used, whereas for the Estonian dialect, the form Lutsi will be used. 3 Translated from Polish by the author. 3 2. They were newcomers from Estonia who, fleeing the oppression of German nobility and serfdom, found refuge in Polish-conquered Latgalia after the 1629 Armistice of Altmark; however, returning to Estonia was not easy. 3. They were Estonian peasants bought or exchanged for other goods by Polish or German noblemen, and later settled in their Latgale manors. In addition to these hypotheses, it is believed that Estonians arrived in the Ludza region at the beginning of the 18th century during the Northern War (Ojansuu 1912: 23). Multiple waves of migration brought Estonians to Latgalia, which explains the variation in their subdialects (Balodis 2022: 45). According to Petri Kallio, Estonians could not have settled in Ludza before the first half of the 17th century, as sound changes occurring in Lutsi Estonian align with those in South Estonian by the mid-17th century (e.g. plural ending -d > -q, Kallio 2018: 113). Map 1. Movement of Estonians to Ludza according to Heikki Ojansuu (1912: 21) (map made by Darya Donskaya) Recent research suggests that there may have also been Estonian settlements in the Rēzekne region (Balodis 2023). 2. Earlier Research on the Finnic Toponyms of Latgalia and Starting Points of the Study In his book Lutsi maarahvas, Oskar Kallas (1894: 31–33) dedicated a paragraph to placenames. He asserted that an Estonian village has three names (see Appendix 2): 4 1) the original Estonian name; 2) a Latvian or Russian name that is either a) a direct translation, b) an adaptation, or c) an unrelated original name; 3) a secondary Estonian form derived from the Latvian or Russian name. H. Ojansuu (1912: 21–22) found parallels (see Appendix 1) between toponyms in the Ludza and Vastseliina regions, indicating historical and linguistic connections, and proposed that Lutsi Estonians originally migrated from the Vastseliina area. The toponyms he mentioned are largely the same as those noted by O. Kallas. In addition to comparing these toponyms to those in the Vastseliina region, he also commented on O. Kallas’s original proposals. Later investigations did not strictly focus on the Ludza region; rather, they encompassed all of Latvia, or at least Latgalia. In the 1920s, Lithuanian linguist Kazimieras Būga sought to find parallels between Latvian and Finnic toponyms, and his etymological proposals were cited in subsequent research. In 1968, Marta Rudzīte wrote an article titled Somugriskie hidronīmi Latvijas teritorijā, citing 247 toponyms from across Latvia, with 15 located in Latgalia and only 3 in the Ludza region. In the 1970s and 1980s, Antons Breidaks conducted extensive research into the toponyms of Latgalia (e.g., Влияние прибалтийско-финских языков на латгальские говоры Лудзенского района Латвийской ССР (En: The Influence of the Baltic-Finnic Languages on the Latgalian Dialects of the Ludza Region of the Latvian SSR, 1970), Прибалтийскофинские названия рек в Латгалии (En: Baltic-Finnic Names of Rivers in Latgale, 1973a), Славянские названия рек в Латгалии (En: Slavic Names of Rivers in Latgale, 1973b), Ezera nosaukuma S'iv'ers' etimoloģija (En: Etymology of The Lake Name S'iv'ers', 1983), Baltijas somu izcelsmes hidronīmi Latgalē (En: Hydronyms of Baltic-Finnic Origin in Latgale, 1989)), alongside American Latvian researcher Valdis J. Zeps (e.g., A critique of proposed Finnic hydronyms in Latgola (1977) and Pre-Latgalian hydronyms in East Latvia (Zeps, Rosenshield 1995). However, most of the research weight has leaned toward possible Finnic toponyms that likely predated the migration of Estonians and even the Baltic settlement. A robust debate ensued, evident in V. J. Zeps’s 1977 article, where he critiqued the etymologies proposed by M. Rudzīte (1968) and A. Breidaks (1970; 1973a), and in A. Breidaks’s 1989 follow-up where he countered V. J. Zeps’s (1977) remarks. Some of the etymologies proposed by M. Rudzīte, A. Breidaks, and V. J. Zeps were subsequently commented on by Bušs and Balode in the 2000s (e.g., Bušs, Balode-Anelauskaite 2005; Balode 2007; Balode, Bušs 2009). Finnic etymological suggestions are also recorded in the Latvian toponym dictionary (LVV) volumes. 3. Methods and Materials In this study, historical-geographical, substrate onomastic, and etymological methods are used. Given that the hypothesis of Lutsi Estonians as a relocated population is the most widely accepted, it is necessary to apply settlement-historical onomastic methods. Denis V. Kuzmin (2014: 28) summarises that the main idea of settlement-historical onomastics is that a migrating population carries new toponyms to their new settlement area, using the same constructional, vocabulary, and semantic models of toponyms from their previous home. This concept is based on the works of Eero Kiviniemi (1977; 1978). Consequently, a comparative study of the structural and semantic typology of toponyms in substrate languages or languages related to them will be applied, aiming to identify shared naming models and motivations (Saarikivi 2007: 58). Here, the term “substrate language” refers to the Lutsi Estonian dialect, while related languages primarily include other South Estonian dialects and other Finnic languages. Finally, as parts of the investigated toponyms do not have transparent meaning, it is necessary to find their etymology and source 5 language by comparing them to appellatives and proper names in the related languages (other Finnic languages) as well as other languages spoken in the area of investigation (Latvian, Lithuanian, Russian, Polish, Belarusian). As the study focuses on toponyms in a minority language surrounded by other languages (Baltic and Slavic), it is also essential to investigate the potential influence of the dominant languages on the toponyms of the minority language. Therefore, a contact onomastics method will be employed. Berit Sandnes (2016) describes the phenomena of name adaptation (e.g., phonological, morphological, semantic, and lexical) and translation that occur when a proper name is transferred from one language to another. The constructions of Lutsi Estonian toponyms are analysed by comparing them to other Finnic toponyms (Finnish and Estonian), using works by E. Kiviniemi (1971; 1975; 1977; 1978), which describe Finnish toponymy, and Eesti murded ja kohanimed (EMjK) for Estonian toponyms. Material for this study comes from various sources. The first source is earlier research literature that identifies possible Finnic toponyms in the Ludza region, with etymological proposals briefly reviewed. The primary resource for this study is the toponym card index of the Estonian Language Institute (EKI kohanimekartoteek), which contains 98 cards of Lutsi Estonian toponyms. Additionally, one proper name will be taken from Eesti murded IX, which includes transcriptions of Lutsi and Leivu Estonian recordings. This toponym was chosen because it was not mentioned in earlier research or in the card index. In this study, toponyms from the EKI card index and other sources will be compared to toponyms from the historical Võrumaa region based on the following literature and sources: a) the PhD dissertation by Evar Saar, Võrumaa kohanimede analüüs enamlevinud nimeosade põhjal ja traditsioonilise kogukonna nimesüsteem (En: An Analysis of Place Names in Võrumaa on the Basis of the Most Common Name Elements, 2008), provides the most common name formants in the Võrumaa naming system, which helps to identify similar formants in names presented in the EKI card index, b) the Kohanimeandmebaas (KNAB) Estonian placename database allows for the search of toponyms and provides their exact locations in Estonia, c) the Eesti kohanimeraamat (EKNR) Estonian toponym book presents Estonian toponyms along with their etymological explanations, d) the Eesti murrete sõnaraamat (EMS) and Väike murdesõnastik (VMS) Estonian dialect dictionaries explain the meanings of toponyms formed from specific dialectal South Estonian appellatives. e) the Ajaloolise Võrumaa kohanimede andmebaas (AVKA) placename database of the historical Võrumaa which documents vernacular Võro-language place name usage as recorded from local inhabitants during fieldwork in the 1990s–2000s. Given that the study area is located in Latvia, relevant Latvian resources will also be used. The key Latvian sources include: a) the Toponym Database of the Latvian Geospatial Information Agency (LĢIA), which allows users to search for toponyms and find their exact locations on maps of Latvia. Unfortunately, it has the drawback that while names can be searched, it is not possible to select a specific location on the map to display the name of the chosen place, b) the eight-volume LVV, which provides Latvian toponyms along with possible etymological proposals, c) the database of Latvian surnames (LU) offers insights into possible etymologies for surnames that may have influenced the formation of toponyms. The etymology of surnames can significantly alter the meaning of toponyms, d) the Latvian toponym card index from the Latvian Language Institute, e) 18th and 19th century maps of Latvia, which can be viewed in vesture dodies.lv. 6 4. Analysis 4.1. Some Etymologies from Earlier Research 4.1.1. Auneja (river), Aunejis azars (lake) A. Breidaks (2007 [1989]: 385) compares Auneja and Aunejis azars with Finnish Ounasjoki and Ounasjärvi, located in northern Lapland. Terho I. Itkonen (1920: 49) records the Sámi form a´vdnesjohka and relates it to Aunus (Rus Олонец), although Jalo Kalima (1942: 161–163) points out that the etymology of Aunus is problematic. While hydronyms beginning with Aunare relatively common in North Finnic, they are not attested in the South Finnic area, including Estonia. From an areal-typological perspective, this weakens the comparison between Auneja and Finnic Auntoponyms. A propos, Aunus (Livvi Karelian Anus, Rus Олонец 4 ) initially probably had *Alnroot, which changed to Aununder the influence of Vepsian (l > u shift, e.g. Fi pelto ~ Veps pöud ‘field’). In LVV (I 54–55), numerous Auntoponyms are listed in different parts of Latvia (Courland and Vidzeme), related to the Latvian appellative auns ‘ram’. At first glance, this explanation seems less convincing for Latgalia, where the corresponding word is vucyns. For this reason, Auneja cannot be straightforwardly associated with the Auntoponymic group. However, the presence of place names such as Auni (farm) and Aunāji (forest ranger station) in Latgalia (Zeps 1984: 28) indicates that the Aunroot is not entirely absent from the region. A. Breidaks’ attempt to propose a Finno-Ugric etymology for Auneja may have been motivated by this dialectal discrepancy (vucyns vs. auns). Nevertheless, the proposed comparison remains unconvincing. The aim of the present study is to scrutinise the FinnoUgric etymology, and this hypothesis must be regarded as unlikely. Formulating an alternative etymology would require a more detailed analysis and thus falls outside the scope of this study. The origin of Auneja and its possible connection with Auni and Aunāji should be addressed in a separate investigation, considering historical forms such as Ауйни (village) and Ауиня (river) documented in Tsar Russian maps (dodies.lv). 4.1.2. Ņukšu ups’ (river), Ņukši (village) A. Breidaks (2007 [1989]: 380) compares Ņukšu ups’ to Sámi njukča ‘swan’, which at first glance may seem logical both phonologically and semantically. However, this comparison is incorrect because the cognates of the Sámi appellative begin with j (SES; UEW) (cf. Finnish joutsen, Komi, and Udmurt joś). The Sámi form is rather an exception; in other Finno-Ugric words with an initial j, the Sámi cognates also retain the j (e.g., Finnish jää ~ Sámi jiekŋa). Thus, the comparison with Sámi njukča is unjustified. Nevertheless, the toponym Ņukši still warrants consideration as Finno-Ugric despite A. Breidaks’ faulty comparison. Notably, Nukštoponyms are found in other Finnic areas of Latvia, specifically in the Krevinian and Livonian regions (see Map 3). Before analysing and comparing these names further, it is important to review the historical forms of Ņukši and determine whether the river name or the village name is primary. Ņukšu ups’ appears to be a secondary name derived from the village name. It designates a segment of the Pilda River between Lake Pilda (Pildas ezers) and the Great Lake of Ludza (Lielais Ludzas Ezers). This segment is also documented as Pilda, Nukša, Iļža, and Isnauda (LĢIA), with the last name related to a village of the same name. Therefore, the primary name in this case is the village name Ņukši, which, on some maps, is marked as Nukši (Zeps 1984). *Nukš-/Ņukštoponyms can be compared to the Estonian nugis ‘marten’ or Finnish *Nois-/Noki-, which is encountered in Finnish toponymy but not preserved as an appellative (SES s.v. nokko; EES s.v. nugis). Another Latvian appellative for comparison is *nuka/*ņuka/nuks (ME), which means ‘a large, wedge-shaped piece of bread; 4 On the etymology of Олонец see also D. V. Kuzmin (2021: 52), who proposes a Sámi origin (*ōlō ‘flood waters’ + suffix -nčē → *ōlōnčē → Олонец), which would make a Finnic etymology of Auneja even less certain. 7 also a piece of cheese or butter; a lump’ and has an equivalent in Livonian nukā, Estonian nukk ‘id.; top, end’. V. J. Zeps (1962: 157–159) marked it as a Finnic loanword in Latvian. However, it is limited to the Vidzeme, Courland, and Semigalia regions and is not encountered in Latgalia at all. The appellative nukk is used in all Estonian dialects (VMS), but in toponyms it appears only as a generic part of compound place names (e.g., Mõtsa-nukk). Therefore, if a Finnic etymology is to be proposed, a more suitable appellative would be nugis, which has variants nukas, nugus, and nukus in South Estonian dialects. Additionally, in another Estonian-language island (Kraasna), there is a village named Ночево, which previously had another name, Нюкши (SnpRI 2016). In summary, while the comparison with Sámi njukča is flawed, the possibility of a Finnic etymology remains worth considering, taking into account the appellative nugis and the toponym Нюкши in the Kraasna language island. Map 2. *Nukš-/Ņukštoponyms in Finnic areas of Latvia (map made by D. Donskaya) 4.1.3. Pilda, Pylda (manor, river, and lake) Latvian linguists M. Rudzīte (1968: 189) and A. Breidaks (1970: 162; 1973a: 100) consider the name of this lake to be a borrowing from Estonian. A. Breidaks suggested that the oikonym Pilda muiža is derived from Estonian põldemõis (< Est põld ‘field’ + mõis ‘estate’). This explanation seems plausible from a semantic perspective. The connection between Pylda and põld can be logically substantiated, as the vowel õ in Lutsi Estonian is pronounced as y, which is also present in Latgalian, suggesting that the term was borrowed from Lutsi Estonian. However, V. J. Zeps (1977: 432–433) noted that the estate of Pilda existed before the 18th century, as G. Manteuffel (1879: 154) mentioned that the estate was under rule in 1572. V. J. Zeps proposed two possibilities: (a) the name predates the arrival of the Estonians, or (b) Estonians were present in the 16th century (the same issue applies to the aforementioned name Ņukši, Zeps 1977: 431). According to O. Kallas (1894: 32), the name Pylda was not originally used by Estonians but was later adopted into Estonian use without further explanation. 8 As previously mentioned, the connection between Pylda and põld seems logically grounded. However, semantic objections arise. Previous research failed to consider that in South Estonian, the native Finnic word nurm is more commonly used for ‘field’ than the Germanic loanword põld (in Livonian, only nuŗm is used, and a cognate of Finnic *pelto is absent). Comparing the terms for ‘grey partridge (Perdix)’ in North Estonian and South Estonian reveals this difference. The North Estonian form põldpüü uses põld, while South Estonian employs nurm to form the equivalent term nurmpüvi. Thus, if the names for the lake, river, or estate were bestowed by South Estonian speakers, they would likely have been formed with the appellative nurm. This observation may reasonably support O. Kallas’s (1894: 32) contention that Pylda was not named by Estonians and suggests that possibility (a) from V. J. Zeps (1977: 433) is more probable. Even if the Estonians arrived earlier, the toponym would likely have been created using the appellative nurm. This implies that if the name predates the arrival of Estonians, it would have an alternative etymology. Baltic etymology should not be dismissed, especially since August J. Bielenstein (1892: 17) mentions Pylda without argumentation as a Latvian proper name. At first glance, it could be associated with Lt pilti (‘to pour’), Lv pilēt (‘to drip’), and the Baltic roots *pilnas (‘full’), *pild- (‘to fill’). However, this comparison appears problematic, as there are no hydronyms in Baltic toponymy with the stem pild-. If the stem was pilmeaning ‘to pour, drip’, the meaning of the suffix -da remains unclear, as it is not productive in Baltic toponymy. Notably, in the Leivu region, there is a river named Pilupe, which in Leivu is known as Põllupi. Daina Zemzare (1940: 80) suggests the element pilresults from the assimilation of ln > ll in local Latgalian dialect (e.g., piln- > pill- > pil-), as in Lv pilns ‘full’ and Ltg pylns. The Leivu version, Põllupi, may have been adapted due to its phonetic similarity to Est põld ~ põllu. Thus, Pilda might also be linked to Lv pilns ‘full’ or Lv pildīt ‘fill’. In Latvia, the surname Pildavs is found in Vidzeme, though its origin remains unexplained (LU). Finally, in Rõuge parish, there is a lake named Põldalotso järv (KNAB), which has other North Estonian forms such as Põldalane or Põldealane (KNR). The latter seems to be a full form, while the others appear elliptic. Põldealane combines the elements põlde ‘field (pl. GEN)’ + NEst alane / SEst alanõ ‘a place, area, or space located under or near something’. Thus, while nurm is more widely used, põld remains a productive appellative in South Estonian. Regarding its potential connection to Pilda, it might be postulated that it represents an elliptic form of a toponym containing the elements Põldeand another beginning element that was later lost. In any case, the association of Pilda with the root põlderepresents the best available etymological explanation, as no other well-grounded etymology can be found. Further investigation into the etymology of Pilda could help determine which of V. J. Zeps’s (1977: 433) possibilities is more probable: (a) that the name predates the arrival of the Estonians, or (b) that the Estonians were already present in the 16th century. Strong arguments for the South Estonian etymology, coupled with weak arguments for the Baltic origin, suggest a higher probability of (b). However, clarifying the timing of Estonians’ arrival in the Ludza region warrants a separate study to explore this issue further. I propose a possibility (c): that Pilda might have had a different name prior to the arrival in the 18th century, although this, too, requires further investigation. 4.1.4. Rauzu azars (lake), Rauzi (village) Finnic etymology for Rauzi (as well as the river name Rauza in Vidzeme) was suggested by K. Būga (1961: 562), comparing it to an Estonian appellative rõusk (gen. sg. rõusa) and rõuzane, rauzane, rauskane meaning ‘lumpy frozen ground, broken and piled-up hummocky ice’. K. Būga’s proposal was supported by A. Breidaks (1970: 162; 1977: 29; 1989) but criticised by V. J. Zeps (1977: 434). Later, Benita Laumane (1996: 216) supported the proposal of a Finnic etymology for the toponyms in Vidzeme while also 9 suggesting a Baltic etymology (cf. Lt rauzis ‘dug land’, etc.). These suggestions were summarised in LVV (VI 122). It is crucial to remark on the comparison with Estonian rõusk, rõusane, etc. These are dialectal forms (EKSS) used in the Western dialect of North Estonian (EMS; VMS), while the toponyms Rõusa and Rõuste are found in the Pärnumaa region associated with the aforementioned dialect. The Ludza and Vidzeme regions predominantly spoke South Estonian. Therefore, the comparison with rõusk is inadequate from an areal-typological perspective. A Baltic etymology appears more convincing. In the Latvian database (LU), the village of Rauzu ciems (Rauzi) is compared with the Lithuanian surname Rauza (< rauza ‘crying, weeping person’). 4.1.5. Soidu ezers (lake), Soidi (village) M. Rudzīte (1968: 191) compares Soidu ezers to Сойда in Karelia, which, according to Max Vasmer (1934: 56), is of Finnic origin and related to the hypothetical Soitojoki. A. Breidaks (1970: 162; 1977: 29) supported this proposal. V. J. Zeps (1977: 434) had no objections but noted that the lake name is secondary to the village name Soidi. A. Breidaks (2007 [1989]: 386–387) did not reject this possibility. However, the comparison with Сойда and the hypothetical Soitojoki is doubtful. As for Сойда, it may be Finnic but phonetically modified (ou > oi, cf. Лойга < Louhi) and connected to Karelian hydronyms such as Совдозеро and Совда (< Finnic sout- ‘to row’) (personal correspondence with Karelian toponym researcher Irma Mullonen). In LVV (VII 10) there was a comparison to South Estonian soine ‘marshy’ (genitive soidsõ) (cf. Soitsejärv near Tartu), but it does not look plausible as a Latvian version in this case should be *Soicu ez. or *Soici. Ultimately, the lake name Soidu ezers likely derives from the village name Soidi, which in turn may have been named after an anthroponym (Zeps 1984: 468). The surname Soida is relatively common in the area under investigation and is comparable to the Lithuanian surname Saidys (LU). 4.2. EKI Card Index The card index of the Estonian Language Institute (Eesti keele instituut, EKI) contains 98 cards featuring Lutsi toponyms in Estonian (some cards are repeated; see Appendix 3). A significant part of these cards are transparent, meaning the meanings of their generic and specific parts are clear, reflecting typical Finnic toponymy (cf. Kiviniemi 1975; EMjK). Some entries include distinctly South Estonian elements. The toponyms from the card index include the following generic elements: • järv ‘lake’ (3) • jõgi ‘river’ (1) • külä ‘village’ (15) • kerk ‘church’ (1) • kivi ‘stone, boulder’ (2) • kraav ‘ditch, canal’ (1) • late ‘spring, source’ (3) • lump ‘small pond, depression’ (1) • mäe ‘hill (gen), mound (gen)’ (3) • mägi ‘hill, mound’ (10) • mõts ‘forest’ (2) • mõiza ‘manor’ (1) • niit ‘meadow’ (8) • ots ‘end, tip’ (2) 16 4.2.38. Skriini (#77) The Latvian form is Skrini (with a short i). LU records the surname Skrins in Vidzeme, but no etymological explanation is provided; the variant Skrīns is also attested without location or interpretation. Historical Russian map forms include Скрыни (18th century) and Скрины (19th century), suggesting variation in vowel representation. The Lutsi form may derive from an earlier Russian naming form with initial-syllable stress, which likely influenced vowel reduction and adaptation in the local phonological system. In this case, the Lutsi toponym would represent a continuation of the Russian name base rather than an independent Latvian development. 4.2.39. Sliva mägi (#78) Similar to Ltg šliva (cf. Lv plūme), Polish śliwa, and Russian слива ‘plum’. In Estonian (including South Estonian), forms of the Germanic loanword ploom/loom are used, whereas in Lutsi Estonian, it may be replaced with sliva, which is also prevalent in other languages in the area. Semantically, this aligns well, as it could refer to a hill where a plum tree grew. 4.2.40. Säzemäe (#86) The interpretation of Säzemäe remains uncertain. A comparison with sääsk ‘mosquito’ is problematic lexically and phonologically. In South Estonian, including Lutsi, the expected term for ‘mosquito’ is kihulanõ (EMS), making a direct lexical derivation unlikely. Additionally, the phonological structure of Säze- (with a short ä and intervocalic -z-) does not correspond well to South Estonian sääseforms. Broader comparisons may be drawn with South Estonian and Võrumaa toponyms such as Sääsämägi, Sääskmägi, Sääseorg, Sääskeorg, and Säässaare (AVKA), though these parallels mainly reflect variation within a broader naming pattern rather than providing a direct etymology for Säzemäe. Currently, no secure lexical explanation can be proposed. 4.2.41. Tati (#88) Potentially linked to tatt ‘Boletus’ (Balodis 2020: 201). In standard Estonian, tatt means ‘nasal secretion’; however, in South Estonian, it refers to Boletus or is often used in mushroom names (e.g., kikkatatt ‘chanterelle’) (VMS). 4.2.42. Tulba tükk This field name can be compared with the appellative tulp: tulba ‘hinging post, frontier post’, as well as with the village and farm names Tulba (Rõuge Kasaritsa, Rõuge Veclaicene (Estonian side), Tulbasuu (Rõuge Haanja Jaanimäe), Tulba järv (Rõuge), Tulbamäe (Rõuge) (KNAB). This suggests that Tulba could represent a vanished byname (EKNR) of a family that migrated. 4.2.43. Tunduri’ (#91) Likely derived from dundur/tundur ‘1. horsefly; 2. uninvited guest’, a term documented only in Leivu (meaning 1) and Lutsi Estonian (meaning 2) (EMS) < Lv dundurs ‘horsefly’ (this appellative may also have inspired the popular Latvian surname Dundurs (LU)). The Latvian name for the village is Abricki. The card notes that the village name is Estonian, implying that it was bestowed by Estonians. 17 4.2.44. Vaarkali (#93) Although H. Ojansuu (1912: 21) also found this name in Vastseliina, it has a Latvian origin (EKNR). Cf. Latvian vārkalis/varkalis ‘bronze smith’. 4.2.45. Vaaska niit (#94) Likely related to a Russian diminutive of the personal name Васька (< Василий). Lutsi Estonians also used Russian personal names. 4.2.46. Vastalo (#95) This is likely an ellipsis from South Estonian vastne ‘new’ + talo ‘house’. 4.2.47. Verema suu (#96) Possibly a form of the East Slavic personal name Верема (< Иеремия, ‘Jeremias’). 4.2.48. Väha (#97) (#98) Likely derived from vähk ‘crab’. O. Kallas (1894: 31) noted that the original form was Vähä külä, which was translated into Веженки and adapted into Estonian as Vezenki. H. Ojansuu (1912: 21) had another opinion: while Vähä village exists in the Vastseliina region, Vähä külä in the Ludza region is a translation “from Latvian.” 4.3. Eesti murded IX 4.3.1. Vanaraha suu In Eesti murded IX (221), informant Ossip Jakimenko described the natural surroundings of Šķirpāni village in 1960, mentioning several lakes, primarily in their Latgalian forms, as well as a bog called Vanaraha suu. This name has not been documented in earlier research, so it will be examined here. To begin, I attempted to identify this bog using various maps and located a marked bog near Šķirpāni; unfortunately, its name was not provided. The name Vanaraha suu appears to be a compound: vana ‘old’ + raha-suu (where raha is a weak grade form of rahk, cf. Fi rahkasuo ‘sphagnum bog, peat bog’). This suggests that Vanaraha suu can be interpreted as “Old Sphagnum Bog” or “Old Peat Bog,” reflecting the natural characteristics of the area. 4.4. LĢIA 4.4.1. Kurma, Kūrmas ezers Kurma and Kūrmas ezers were not mentioned as possible Finnic toponyms in earlier research. They were chosen for analysis because they are located near other Lutsi Estonian villages. This case is confusing, as the village name contains a short u, while the lake name, Kūrmas ezers, features a long ū. These forms are recorded in the LĢIA database, but the question remains as to which form is primary. In LVV (II 180), Kurma is mentioned (without an etymology proposal), while the lake name is not listed. According to the Latvian Language Institute card index, Kūrmas ezers was previously known as Kurmas ezers, but the name changed after an expedition recorded the current form. This indicates that the primary form was likely Kurmas, which may have been distorted by an informant. In South Estonian, the term kurm means ‘isolated piece of land; muck; corner’ (EKNR) or ‘isthmus’ (EMS). This is particularly relevant in the Põlva region, where names like Loko-kurm (EKNR) and Kahru-kurmu, Paju-kurmu (KNAB) are found. This South 18 Estonian dialectal appellative is fitting, as the village is situated on an isthmus between two lakes (Lielais and Mazais Kūrmas ezers). Graphic. Kurma lakes and village (graphic by D. Donskaya) 5. Results In this part, the results of the investigation of the toponyms of the Ludza region are summarised: 1) etymological proposals in earlier research; 2) analysis of the EKI card index and Eesti murded IX; 3) new findings. 5.1. Etymology proposals in earlier research A. Breidaks (2007 [1989]: 386–387) presented 31 toponyms as Finno-Ugric in the historical region of Latgalia and partially Vidzeme. Only 5 toponyms were taken into consideration, all found in the study’s area of investigation. 3 of them (Auneja, Rauzi and Soidi) have a weak Finno-Ugric explanation and are rather Baltic. 19 Concerning Pylda, the Finnic etymology proposal is the best explanation despite objections, because it cannot be explained as Baltic, Germanic, or Slavic due to the lack of similar toponyms in those proper name systems. The Finno-Ugric etymology proposal for Ņukši in earlier research was erroneous (a comparison with a Saami appellative), but it can be explained in another way (comparison to Estonian and Finish appellatives and toponyms). In this study, a new starting point was found for further investigation of this toponym in another, separate, deeper research work. 5.2. EKI card index and Eesti murded IX The EKI card index contains 98 cards (with some repeating entries), and in this study, 54 entries (55%) were chosen to analyse. The rest of the entries did not need deep analysis due to their clear meaning and typical Finnic structure. The rest of the entries can be divided into 3 groups: 1) specific Lutsi Estonian names; 2) specific South Estonian names; 3) Latvian or Russian names adapted to the local Estonian variation. The first group consists of appellatives documented only in the Lutsi Estonian variety. Generally speaking, the card index contains microtoponyms characteristic of the Lutsi Estonian linguistic environment. Many of these place names probably coexisted with corresponding Latvian or Slavic variants, and Lutsi Estonian speakers likely used different forms depending on the language used in a particular communicative context. In Eesti murded IX, a bog name Vanaraha suu was mentioned, which had a relatively transparent etymology and was not very hard to explain. It was taken into consideration because in Eesti murded IX, despite a large amount of corpus, there were mentioned just a few toponyms. Unfortunately, despite the quite precise description of the location by the informant, it was impossible to identify it on the LĢIA map because there was no option to view the object’s name. 5.3. New findings A new finding was the lake name and the village and lake name Kurma, which was not mentioned in any primary (EKI card index) or secondary (earlier research literature) sources as a possible Finnic toponym. The idea that it might be Finnic came from the fact that it has no etymology proposal (LVV) and it is located near a place with a high concentration of Lutsi Estonian speakers. Finnic etymology suggestion seems to be plausible due to the correlation of the meaning of the dialectal appellative kurm ‘isthmus’ and the location of the village on an isthmus. 6. Conclusion In this article, the toponyms of the historical Lutsi Estonian-speaking area in eastern Latvia were investigated. The study focused on the etymology, structure, and linguistic background of place names recorded in both earlier research and primary archival sources. The analysis of the toponyms discussed in earlier research demonstrated that phonological similarity alone is insufficient for establishing Finnic etymology. In several cases, previously proposed Finnic explanations appear weak from semantic and arealtypological perspectives. At the same time, some toponyms still admit plausible Finnic interpretations, although the question of whether these names originated before or after the arrival of South Estonian speakers in the Ludza region remains unresolved. Clarifying this issue would require a separate investigation based on historical maps, archival records, and broader comparative material. The analysis of the EKI card index and the material from Eesti murded IX showed that the Lutsi Estonian toponymic system consisted of several different types: 1) typical 20 Finnic formations; 2) specifically South Estonian toponyms; 3) names containing distinctive Lutsi Estonian dialect elements; 4) phonologically or lexically adapted Latvian and Slavic names. Some names nevertheless remain unexplained, demonstrating the fragmentary character of the preserved material and the complexity of the multilingual contact situation in the region. The study also identified a previously uninvestigated toponym that had not been mentioned in either earlier research or the EKI card index. Although its Finnic origin was not immediately obvious, comparison with South Estonian material made it possible to propose a new direction for interpretation. Today, the Lutsi Estonian language is extinct, and the place names recorded in the archival sources are no longer used in everyday communication. These materials, therefore, represent important testimony to the historical naming practices and multilingual landscape of the Ludza region. Further research should continue investigating those toponyms with plausible Finnic etymologies, while also seeking to clarify the origins of names that remain unexplained. In addition, fieldwork among descendants of Lutsi Estonian speakers may still provide valuable information about forgotten place names and their locations. As most remaining informants are elderly, such documentation would be particularly urgent. ABBREVIATIONS Est – Estonian; Fi – Finnish; Lt – Lithuanian; Lv – Latvian; NEst – North Estonian; Pl – Polish; Rus – Russian; SEst – South Estonian; Veps – Vepsian DATA SOURCES AVKA: Ajaloolise Võrumaa kohanimede andmebaas [Placename Database of the Historical Võrumaa]. Internet Access: https://wi.ee/et/kohanimed/. dodies.lv: Historical Maps of Latvia. Internet Access: https://vesture.dodies.lv/. EES: Eesti etümoloogia sõnaraamat [Estonian Etymological Dictionary]. Internet Access: https://arhiiv.eki.ee/dict/ety/. EKI: Eesti keele instituudi kohamnimekartoteek [Placename Card Index of the Institute of the Estonian Language]. Internet Access: https://arhiiv.eki.ee/kohanimed/. EKNR: Eesti kohanimeraamat [Estionan Placenamebook]. Internet Access: https://arhiiv.eki.ee/dict/knr/. EKSS: Eesti keele seletav sõnaraamat [Explanatory Dictionary of the Estonian Language]. Internet Access: https://arhiiv.eki.ee/dict/ekss/index.cgi. EMS: Eesti murrete sonaraamat [Dictionary of the Estonian Dialects]. Internet Access: https://arhiiv.eki.ee/dict/ems/. ISNwP: Internetowy Słownik Nazwisk w Polsce [Online Dictionary of Surnames in Poland]. Internet Access: https://nazwiska.ijppan.pl/. KNAB: Kohanimeandmebaas [Estonian Placename Database]. Internet Access: https://arhiiv.eki.ee/knab/knab.htm. KNR: Kohanimeregister [Estonian Placename Register]. Internet Access: https://xgis.maaamet.ee/knravalik/knr. LĢIA: Latvijas Ģeotelpiskās informācijas aģentūra [Latvian Geospatial Information Agency]. Internet Access: https://vietvardi.LĢIA.gov.lv/lv/search. 21 LKŽe: Lietuvių kalbos žodynas [Dictionary of the Lithuanian Language] (1–20, 1941–2002), el. variantas, redaktorių kolegija: G. Naktinienė (vyr. redaktorė), J. Paulauskas, R. Petrokienė, V. Vitkauskas, J. Zabarskaitė; programuotojai: E. Ožeraitis, V. Zinkevičius, Vilnius: Lietuvių kalbos institutas, atnaujinta versija, 2018. Internet Access: http://ekalba.lt. LPe: Lietuvių pavardės [Lithuanian Surnames] (1–2, 1985, 1989), el. variantas, A. Vanagas, V. Maciejauskienė, M. Razmukaitė, atsak. red. A. Vanagas; programuotojas V. Satkevičius, Vilnius: Lietuvių kalbos institutas, 2018. Internet Access: https://pavardes.lki.lt/. LU: Latviešu uzvārdu vārdnīca [Dictionary of Latvian Surnames]. Internet Access: https://uzvardi.lv/. 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Zubko-Melne Andra 2018: Administrative-Territorial Reforms in the Eastern Region of Latvia – Latgale (1917–2016). – Võro instituudi toimõndusõq 33: Valitsõmisjaoutusõst 25 keeleaoluuni haldusjaotusest keelajalooni / From Administrative Division to Historical Linguistics, toimõndanuq J. Sullõv, Võro: Võro institut, 79–106. APPENDICES Appendix 1. Parallels between Lutsi Estonian and the Vastseliina region toponyms by H. Ojansuu (1912: 21–22) No. Latvian/Russian Lutsi Vastseliina 1. Воркали (Vorkali) Varkali/Vaarkali Varkali 2. Цяпищи (Tjapši) Tsäpsi Tsäpsi Jaanikülä Jaanimäe 3. Шкирпаны (Šķirpāni) Kirbu (küla) Kirbu 4. Кукуево (Kukujeva) Kukli külä Kuklaiste 5. Веженки (Veženki) Vähä külä Vähä külä 6. Путыново (Putinova) Tsirgu külä 7. Райбакозы (Raibakozi) Kirivakitse külä 8. Гярмы (Germi) Mõtsa külä Mõtsamäe 9. Боровушки (Borovuška) Palokõrdzi küla Palovere, Palo-otsa 10. Малые Пиковы (Mazā Pīkova) Mäeküla Mäe 11. Большие Пиковы (Liela Pīkova) Alakülä Alamäe Appendix 2. Toponym table based on the list by O. Kallas (1894: 31–32) with possible comments and comparisons to Vastseliina region toponyms by H. Ojansuu (1912: 21–22) Original Estonian name Latvian5/Russian (translation from Estonian) Estonian adaptation of the Latvian / Russian version Possible comparison and/or remark by H. Ojansuu (1912) Kirivä-kidze Райбакозы Räbakoza The Latvian version is the original one Vähä külä Веженки Vezenki Vähä; the Latvian version is rather the original one Vahtsene kulä Новая Деревня Nova d’erevna Kirbu külä Шкирпаны Kirbani Kirbu Loodi külä Лоциши Kukli külä Кукуево Kuklaiste Latvian/Russian (original) Parke külä Боровая Barava Mõtsa külä Гермы Mõtsamäe Mägize külä Барисы Tati külä Счастливые Mäe külä Малые Пиковы Väiku Piikova Ala külä Большие Пиковы Suure Piikova Jaani külä Большие Цяпши Suure Tsäpsi Jaanikülä, Jaanimäe; Tsäpsi Kiriv külä Райполь Raiba Vahtsalo Сальники Sal’nigi Шалаи Salai Рузары Ruuzinova Барановка Baranova 5 O. Kallas presents the toponyms as Latvian and writes them in Cyrillic orthography.