ILJA LEMEŠKIN

Institute of the Lithuanian Language

Research areas: early Baltic literature and writing, comparative folkloristics, lexicography, history of Baltic studies.

“BUY ME AND READ ME.”

THE FIRST PRINTED ACROSTICS OF THE GRAND DUCHY OF LITHUANIA¹

“Buy me and read me”. First Printed Acrostics in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania

In memory of Anatolijus Nepokupnas

ABSTRACT

The first printed books of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania—the 1522 Little Travel Book and the 1547 catechism—made their way to Ruthenian and Lithuanian readers through acrostics. Books of the same format and similar purpose appeared one after another within the same historical and cultural space; nevertheless, the acrostics of Francysk Skaryna and Martynas Mažvydas have not yet been the subject of an in-depth comparative study. This article seeks to fill that gap. It first discusses Ruthenian acrostics from 1519–1522, which M. Mažvydas could potentially have taken as models. On the basis of analogy, it examines the features of the acrostics and discusses the source of the works created by M. Mažvydas.

KEYWORDS:

M. Mažvydas, P. Skaryna, acrostic, Catechism, paratext, book’s invocation to the reader, quatrain, personification of the book, language of advertising.

ANNOTATION

The first printed books in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania – The Small Travel Book in 1522 and Catechism in 1547 – paved their way to the Ruthenian and Lithuanian reader

¹Petras Kalibatas kindly presented the author with a facsimile of Martynas Mažvydas’s Catechism (Catechism..., copy no. 72). The publication, prepared through the efforts and under the care of Kamilė Kalibaitė, was very useful in writing this article. I sincerely thank the family of Lithuanian book publishers for this.

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though acrostics. The books of uniform format and similar purposes originated one after another in the same historical cultural domain; however, the acrostics by Francisk Skorina and Martynas Mažvydas have not until now been the object of a thorough comparative study. The article attempts to fill this gap. The Ruthenian acrostics of the period 1519–1522 from which M. Mažvydas could have potentially drawn his inspiration are first discussed. With reference to analogy, the characteristics of acrostics are analysed; the source of M. Mažvydas’ pieces of writing is discussed.

KEYWORDS: M. Mažvydas, F. Skorina, acrostic, Catechism, paretext, the book’s invocation to the reader, quatrain, personification of the book, language of advertising.

The first printed books of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania (GDL)—the 1522 Little Travel Book and the 1547 catechism²—made their way to Ruthenian and Lithuanian readers through acrostics. By means of this subtle device of combinatorial poetics, the texts convey the circumstances of their creation and, respectively, their relationship to the compiler, author, and publisher. The books, similar in format and close in genre and purpose, appeared one after another in the same historical and cultural space. It is therefore regrettable that the acrostics of Francysk Skaryna and Martynas Mažvydas have not yet been the subject of a thorough comparative study. This article aims to fill that gap. We will first discuss the Russian acrostics of 1519–1522, which the 1547 catechism might potentially have drawn upon. By analogy, we will inherit some features of the acrostics and discuss the sources of the works created by M. Mažvydas.

1. Having received a conventional university education in 1504–1512, P. Skaryna, like other Renaissance figures, was well versed in the subtleties of combinatorial poetics and poetry. He honed the skills acquired during his studies while publishing the Holy Scriptures in Prague in 1517–1520. For example, in the preface to the 1519 Book of Lamentations (книга рекла́м па́чѣ ѥме́нѣ (ѿстаромъ месте па҆чскомъ 1519), he discusses acrostics based on the Hebrew alphabet: пове́рь есть кдѣли иже сна книга замыкает все шесть азбукъ еврейскихъ. “One should know that this book contains six Hebrew alphabets” (f. 2v). He goes on to explain the structure of the Lamentations: in the first, second, and fourth lamentations there is “one alphabet each” (азбука єдина), while in the third, mournful song there are three.

²The first Lithuanian book is firmly associated with the person of Martynas Mažvydas, although the more modest publication presents itself as anonymous. The term “Mažvydas’s catechism” is consequential, since it implies that M. Mažvydas was the author of the entire book; however, we are certain only of his role in compiling the publication and authoring its prefaces. In this article, we use the title of the old printed monument—1547 catechism. This denotes the publication (named after its first printed source), which consists of two parts: the Catechism (up to f. 20r) and the Hymnal (from f. 20v).

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“Buy me and read me.” The first printed acrostics in the GDL (ὅτεθενι γαρε ἄζέγκι τω) (ibid.). The point is that the book’s third poem consists not of 22 lines (following the order of the Hebrew alphabet from aleph to tav), but of three times as many (66 lines), since three consecutive lines begin with each letter of the alphabet. The publisher maintained the acrostic principle in the preface by systematically indicating the names of all the letters (אָלֶף – בֵּית – גִּימֶל – דָּלֶת – הֵא – וָו – זַיִן, etc.) and their meanings (ἄλφα …). This sequence, consisting of one triple and three simple acrostics, reveals, in P. Skaryna’s view, the mystery of the Holy Trinity: назма тайнѣ живоначной троици, “marking the mystery of the life-giving Trinity” (from the book’s colophon, f. 12r). Later, P. Skaryna replaced the alphabetic basis with a different acrostic principle. The Byzantine akathist was composed of a short introduction and 24 stanzas forming an acrostic of the Greek alphabet. In the Little Travel Book printed in Vilnius, P. Skaryna published a Slavic work of a similar kind—ἄκαθιστον святой богородице апостолъ петровъ и павловъ и всемъ апостоломъ, that is, an akathist to St Peter and Paul. The hymn is attested in an earlier written tradition (Турнов 1989: 92). Here, five introductory stanzas are followed by stanzas whose initial letters form the Cyrillic alphabet from а to ω. Thus, the acrostic encompasses the first 24 letters of the Slavic alphabet:

1 pav. Akrostichą sudarančios raidės akatiste Šv. Petrui ir Povilui (1522)

In the same book, two original akathists by P. Skaryna were constructed in a similar way, but instead of the traditional alphabet they contain a different kind of acrostic. These are name acrostics, which indirectly reveal the authorship of the works (books) being published: п-н-с-а-л-λ-ω-к-т-ο-ο-с-к-ο-ρ-н-н-ц-ф-р-а-н-ц-к-с, “written by Doctor Skaryna Francysk” (Akathist to St John the Baptist—ἄκαθιστον чесномъ и всехвалномъ пророкъ предтечи и крестителю господню июанну поем) and а-ε-л-а-λ-δ-ω-к-т-ω-р-с-к-ο-ρ-н-н-ц-ф-р-а-н-ц-к-с, “made by Doctor Skaryna Francysk” (Akathist to the Most Sweet Name of Jesus—починается ἄκαθистъ пресладкомъ имене гдѧ нашего і҃са х҃а глаголемыи поста дны). The opening words п-н-с-а-л, “written,” and а-ε-л-а-λ, “made,” correspond to the five introductory stanzas of the other akathists in the Little Travel Book. The word sequences а-ω-к-т-о-р-с-к-ο-ρ-н-н-ц-ф-р-а-н-ц-к-с and

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A–ω–κ–τ–ω–ρ–κ–ο–ρ–ι–ν–ι–ψ–φ–ρ–α–η–ι–κ–ο–ς encompass the 24 positions customary in an akathist.

The hymns composed by P. Skaryna himself show how appealing and important the acrostic dimension was to him. This subtle mode of expression, in which the initial letters of hymn lines form sentences that convey certain information “secretly” (when read vertically), was used for the first time in a printed book in the GDL.

2. It is important to keep Skaryna’s acrostics in view when considering the subsequent development of printing in the GDL. The same artistic device was used for a second time in the 1547 catechism. In 1938, Jan Safarewicz discovered a personal acrostic by the “anonymous author” in the Lithuanian preface to the book—M-A-R-T-I-N-V-S-M-A-S-V-I-D-I-S (Safarewicz 1939). A similar situation applied to the Little Travel Book, since the acrostics in its akathists were deciphered only in 1979 by Anatolijus Turovas (Туров 1979: 75–76; 1981: 243–244). In this respect, the Lithuanian paleotype is very similar to the first book published in the territory of the GDL. The opposite is true of books printed in distant Prague: their title pages, prefaces, and colophons emphatically inform the GDL reader about the great learned man who “expounded” and published the Bible. The return to M. Mažvydas and P. Skaryna prompts us to consider the origin, purpose, and structure of these personal acrostics—that is, their structural similarities and differences.

2.1. As a publisher continuing the printing tradition of the GDL, M. Mažvydas had to take the Little Travel Book into account. It is important to note the similarities between the publications of 1522 and 1547 in terms of content and function. As far as can be judged from surviving copies, the entire Ruthenian publication comprised the Psalter, the Horologion (Часослов), eight akathists and eight canons, the Hexameron (Шестоднев), the Penitential Canon (Канон покаянный), the Order of the Church Council (Последование церковного собора), and the Paschal cycle of 1523–1543 (for more on the Ruthenian paleotype, see: Немировский 1990: 430–467; Temčinas 2007: 2017: 73). The publisher named this book as a whole, following the Latin liber viaticus, “book for the journey,” Little Travel Book (cf. the form in the final colophon: псалмы очи всем людям подобной книжце поданы катые положены суть). The collection’s structure and eloquent general title invite comparison of the 1522 publication with a short version of the Catholic breviary, which spread throughout Western Europe on the basis of the Breviarium Curiae, thanks to the Franciscan friars. Francysk Skaryna, a pupil of the Franciscans (or Bernardines), in turn prepared and published a version of the Offices intended for the Eastern Slavs. When the Psalter was bound separately, the Little Travel Book often also functioned as an Akathist Book (Акафистник, Канон), that is, as a much shorter collection of sung liturgical poetry. It is also beyond doubt that the 1547 catechism had in its composition

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„Pirkit mane ir skaitykit“. Pirmieji spausdinti LDK akrostichai

hymnbook – PRADESTYSE giesmes šventas. The beginning of liturgical poetry intended for singing is accompanied by the corresponding notes. Both booklets, conceived for daily reading and singing, are adapted to practical needs (the in octavo format is appropriate for this purpose), while their intended readership is broad for utilitarian reasons, namely to reach a larger circle of buyers. The books are aimed both at clergy and ordinary readers: they are intended for pastoral work, catechization, and popular instruction, as well as private study, personal salvation, and religious edification.

When comparing the books, it is worth bearing in mind that M. Mažvydas probably knew the official chancery language of the GDL, since otherwise it would have been difficult for him to work as a translator for the district governor in Ragnit (Zinkevičius 1988: 44–45). It is quite possible that the compiler of the 1547 catechism knew of the combinatorial skills of the pioneer of printing in the GDL. Undoubtedly, he could have—and perhaps should have—followed not only the example of the Ruthenian publisher but also the cryptographic experiments of other contemporaries, devised to encode their names.

2.2. In considering P. Skorina and the many other “anonymous” authors, one should not assume that they concealed their authorship for fear of a negative reaction. The writing of various acrostics became fashionable during the Renaissance and even something of a routine. This popular device of poets allowed writers to reveal their creative potential, their ingenuity in thought and expression, and, respectively, their belonging to a gifted and competent group. Contemporary readers were also well versed in the rules of hidden writing and, unlike modern readers, were fully prepared to grasp all the “secrets” of a text. Thus, the acrostic as an expression of the good taste of the time should be understood through the lens of pragmatics.

In works, it often appears as an essential part of a presented, authorial, or allographic paratext. For this reason, a person who wrote an acrostic cannot immediately be considered a writer without further argument, nor can a utilitarian text written according to the acrostic principle be considered a literary work. The term “poet,” sometimes applied to P. Skorina, is in this respect too laden with implications. The publisher himself would probably have been surprised to learn that this label is now attached to his name. M. Mažvydas would have reacted similarly. At the time, writing an acrostic was customary, and publishers, book compilers, and editors willingly included them when the occasion arose, without any ambition to attain the status of true poets (of whom there were already some at the time).

The pioneers of Ruthenian and Lithuanian printing did not conceal their acrostics at all. In the 1547 publication, we identify signs of combinatorial poetics only in the Catechism, specifically at its beginning and end (see Rahmenkomposition),

³On the basis of the Psalter and Horologion, Eastern Slavs learned the language; in the 1547 catechism this function is performed by Pygus ir trumpas mokslas skaityti ir rašyti.

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that is, in the Lithuanian preface and the Lithuanian quatrain Skaititaiap (more on this below). No such features were found in the final part of the publication, that is, the supplement of poetry intended for singing, entitled PRADESTYSE gieffmes schuentas. Thus, the location of the acrostics corresponds to the introductory section and the concluding words. It was precisely in these parts of the paratext that works of this kind were most often included and, respectively, expected, sought out, and usually found by readers.

The 1522 publication has no introductory section or concluding words. At the end of the book, the publisher printed only a detailed table of contents, писаны речи всей книжце, in which he listed all the constituent parts in sequence. Of course, a mechanical list of sources could not be reconciled with an acrostic, but there was no point in doing so. Acrostics of various kinds were widespread in the Latin tradition at the beginnings and ends of books. At that time, this was not yet customary among monuments of Cyrillic writing and printing. Ruthenian readers would hardly have looked for any “secret” texts here. To express his authorship, the publisher chose a much more suitable place, beyond the usual bounds of the paratext, which needs to be explained in our time.

FIG. 2. P. Skorina’s Akathist to the Most Sweet Name of Jesus (1522), opening 2v–3r; the letters forming the first acrostic lexeme

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“Buy me and read me.” The First Printed Acrostics in the GDL

Viewed from the perspective of Western European books, one might get the impression that the acrostics created by the publisher go unnoticed amid the abundance of liturgical hymns, but this is not the case. The position of acrostics is significant from a generic perspective. It is difficult to imagine another form of East Slavic literature that would have been as useful for P. Skorina’s purposes, since acrostics were predictable and expected in hymns with a fixed structure. In akathist collections, the use of this traditional poetic device is often revealed by a special note in the margins or even in the titles of works, for example: крєстожьно по аз-вькы “acrostic according to the alphabet” (Тупиков 1989: 92). Thus, Orthodox readers of that era generally expected an alphabetic composition of letters arranged vertically in an akathist; instead, they deciphered a name acrostic that disclosed the identity of the book’s compiler, publisher, and akathist author. It is interesting to note that the first word of the acrostic, а-є-л-л, has a combination of initial letters that correlates with the alphabetic sequence а – є. To make the acrostic easier to recognize, the first five stanzas, which make up the first lexeme, were fitted onto a single leaf opening (see Fig. 2).

Moreover, the publisher facilitates the subsequent reception of the acrostic through conspicuous typographic devices: instead of setting proper names in ordinary uppercase letters (as elsewhere), he uses elegant initials.

³ pav. Vardinį akrostichą sudarančios raidės Akatise Saldžiausiam Jėzaus vardui (1522)

⁴ Here, it seems, the compositor ran out of K letter initials.

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The position in which this popular poetic device is presented, along with the aids that considerably facilitate the recognition of acrostics and develop readers’ competence, encourages caution when speaking of an alleged concealment of authorship and a desire for anonymity.

2.3. In terms of form, the acrostics of P. Skorina and M. Mažvydas differ. This is because the Russian publisher was constrained by the strict framework of the akathist. The elaborate structure of the hymn required a complex, that is, very long, acrostic. In an effort to fill all 24 required acrostic positions, the publisher inserted his title а-ω-к-т-о-р, the longer possessive form of his nickname-derived personal name с-к-о-р-н-н-у (instead of the shorter form скоп or скопа), and the corresponding Latin ending crowned with φ-ρ-α-н-ψ-и-с-к-κ-с. By using the verbs п-н-с-а-л and а-г-л-а-л, he stretched his acrostics to the akathist’s 29 letters. M. Mažvydas had no such genre constraints, and so his concise work is simpler.

It is traditionally believed that the 1547 catechism contains an acrostic that begins with the third line of the preface and consists of 17 letters, but comparison with P. Skorina suggests that the matter may be somewhat different. A vertically inscribed work usually begins at the start of the text. There are far fewer acrostics that conclude works or appear in the middle of books; they often continue (semantically) an acrostic found at the beginning of a book. In our case, the preface KNIGIELES Pacias byla Letuvininkump ir Szemaitziump begins with two lines that form the letter combination BĮ:

Buy me and read me /

And so, reading it, become rich.

The indicated passage of text ends with a period, and semantically (coherently) this couplet, closely connected to the heading, can be regarded as optional and additional, since the text can be read beginning with the third line without significant loss:

The old fathers used to treasure this learning.

But they could not obtain it in any way....

A natural question arises: why did M. Mažvydas complicate the interpretation of his vertically inscribed work with this seemingly unnecessary fragment? Why was it so important? Perhaps because BĮ is used meaningfully, that is, it forms the beginning of an acrostic that has not yet been fully deciphered.

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“Buy me and read me.” The first printed acrostics in the GDL

Fig. 4. The first page of M. Mažvydas’s Lithuanian preface, f. 4v. VUB: Lr 5650

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What information might the first two letters convey? In terms of function (representational) and position (before the name), a title would be expected here. This is exactly what P. Skorina did in 1522, when, because of the acrostic format (within the bounds of the akathist), he was obliged to write out his full folio⁵: a-w-k-t-o-p-c-k-o-p-h-n-h-y-p-p-a-n-y-h-c-k-a-c. Of course, this required greater effort and time. As has already been noted, M. Mažvydas had no such necessity, and so took the easier route: he marked his existing academic folio with an abbreviation. The abbreviation B regularly denoted a bachelor at the time (Lat. baccalaureus), while the letter J could specify the type of bachelor’s degree—Lat. iuris, “of law” (cf. medieval Lat. J.C. – iuris consultus; Cappelli 1928: 171).

The abbreviated title baccalaureus iuris corresponds to baccalaureus in iure canonico, “Bachelor of Canon Law,” or utriusque iuris bacalaureus, “Bachelor of both [canon and civil] law.” The term used designated a person who, after studying the liberal arts, had completed the prescribed courses in the Faculty of Law and successfully passed the relevant examination. This qualification gave him the right to pursue a higher degree, that is, to defend a doctoral thesis in law. The title baccalaureus iuris appeared in university matriculation registers and is also found in publications of that time. As an example, we cite the publication issued in Wittenberg in 1509, Panegyricus Othonis Beckman Vūrbergi Artiū p[ro]fessoris... (Inpreſſum Witteburgi per Ioannē Viridi-|| montanū. Anno. M.D.IX.)⁶, which mentions the Bachelor of both laws, Andreas Crapus: Ad Eundē Andreas Crapus Guiten || bergius Vtriuq; iuris Bacalaureus.

Thus, deciphering the Latin acrostic on the basis of its analogy with the Russian acrostic would indicate that the erudite M. Mažvydas, who arrived in Königsberg, may previously have pursued higher studies at an educational institution of the Catholic Church, that is, somewhere canon law was taught (or, rather, that before beginning his studies in Königsberg, he had already studied for at least about six years at some university). As a proponent of another doctrine, M. Mažvydas may have experienced hostility there, because of which he may have described himself in 1548 as the first martyr (protomartyr). It is noteworthy that his predecessor had the same academic profile—the Doctor of Both Laws Abromas Kulvietis (M. Mažvydas’s years of study may also, in theory, be connected with the University of Siena).

3. The proposed reading of the Latin acrostic can be substantiated (as long as no direct documentary confirmation has been found) in only one way: by demonstrating that the letters BJ were deliberately selected and used. This possibility is afforded to us by

⁵ The abbreviation of this word could not be indicated here more precisely, since Eastern Slavs did not use German academic degrees, or, rather, did not abbreviate them.

⁶ References here and below are to the database: Verzeichnis der im deutschen Sprachbereich erschienenen Drucke des 16. Jahrhunderts (VD16). VD16 B 1407.

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Fig. 5. 1509 Panegiricus Othonis Beckman Vuartbergii Arti p[ro]fessoris, f. 23r

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a more detailed textual comparison with the source that directly determined the appearance of the first two lines of the Catechism preface.

We are inclined to believe that M. Mažvydas was directly influenced by a satirical publication printed in Coburg: Pasquillus. New Zeytung Vom Teuffel ([Coburg], 1546), or its reprint issued in 1546–1547. The title page shows that the book, like the 1547 catechism, outwardly assumes the role of an anonymous publication. In terms of genre, it pretends to be: 1) a news sheet of the time (Zeytung), supposedly depicting current events accurately, and 2) a pasquinade (It. pasquinata), posted on the statue of Pasquino in Piazza Navona in Rome. The latter circumstance explains why there is no indication of the place of publication alongside the year (also in later editions of the book). Be that as it may, on the title page the authorship of the work is nominally and firmly attributed to the legendary Roman cobbler named Pasquino.

The true authorship of the text is revealed by a simple cryptogram, presented at the very end of the publication: <...> Amen; Afanheffucaic [et]c.

⁶ FIG. Cryptogram in C. Schnauss’s 1546 Coburg relation, f. 12r

Read backwards, the anagram reveals the author’s first and last names and profession: A–fchnau–ciriauf–k, i.e. A[pote]k[arius] / A[pothe]k[er] Ciriacus Schnaus, or k–ciriauf–fchnau–A, i.e. k[oburgische] Ciriacus Schnaus A[potheker]. Around 1550, the same person published another book in Coburg, identifying himself (on the title page) with the abbreviation C.S.A. (= Ciriacus Schnauß Apotecker): Ein schon newes Lied/ von || deren schwatzen Hannen/ lernt wie die || warheit allzeit verhalt/ und offmals || mit dem todt gestrafft wird/ jm || Spen thon [et]c.|| Zucht ehr und lob/ Christlich || verendt durch C.S.A. Darin umb drey || Hauptstück zur geliget geben/ und || menschlich verdient ver=||worffen wirt. (In der Fürstlichen Stadt Coburg/ truts || Ciriacus Schnaus Apotecker, [1550]⁷. Abbreviations alongside personal names—A (apotekarius), P (pater), BA (baccalaureus artium), BI (bac. juris), BM (bac. medicinae), MA (magister artium), MD (medicinae doctor), DJU (doctor juris utriusque), and so on—were needed for purposes of self-presentation, to make clear to everyone that the creator of a book was no ordinary person, but someone who had attained an academic title and a certain social standing.

⁷ VD16 S 3185–3186. A copy of the edition is available online: http://digital.staatsbibliothek-berlin.de/werkansicht?PPN=PPN66835753&PHYSID=PHYS_005&DMID=

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“Buy me and read me.” The First Printed Acrostics in the GDL

Deciphering similar “cryptograms” posed no major problems, because contemporaries were able to read vertically and backwards. This is clearly demonstrated by all the book’s reprints (in the sixteenth century), in which the anagram is left intact in its place (rather than being removed as incomprehensible “abracadabra” or distorted and corrupted). The cryptogram was also understood in the 1547 Czech edition of the book, but was simplified somewhat. The publisher anticipated the final letter <k> and, for ease of reading, updated the author’s surname in the type: Asſuanchsſuca || ir. [etc]. (A–schnauſ–ciracu, i.e. A[pother] Schnaus Ciracus).

⁷ FIG. C. Schnauss’s cryptogram in the 1547 Czech edition, f. 21v

Like other intellectuals of his era, the Coburg pharmacist Cyriacus Schnauss (Ciracus / Cyriacus / Cirias Schnauß, 1512–1571), known as a publisher (1546–1564) and an ardent pamphleteer championing Luther, enjoyed exploring the resources of combinatorial poetics. Particularly notable in this regard is an undated booklet in which he responded to the Augsburg Interim of 1548: INTERIM• || Ein newes vnd || mit Heyler Schrifft wolge= || gründets Lied / Wider das ſchöne heuchliche || vnd gladtreichende Ketlein / gant / ſInterim. || ſampt d. auflegung des feligen worts [etc]. || Darbey. || Der erschrocklich / Teuflich / Antichristlich || Romanifch vnd recht Baptifch Ede / || So den armen Priftern (welche das || reyne wort Gottes verſchweeren || vnd das ſInterim an nemen || müſen) aufflegt wird. || Hüt dich (früher Christ) für den Katzen / || Die ſon lecken vnd hinten kratzen. [etc].⁸

The publication is based on a poem written on the foundation of Holy Scripture (mit Heyler Schrifft wolgegründets Lied) (ff. 2r–3v), in which we find a personal acrostic naming two people: C–I–R–I–A–C–V–S–S–C–H–N–A–V–S–Johannes–Bauer–Schmidt (Ciracus Schnaus, Johannes Bauerschmidt). Serving a paratextual function, the double acrostic of two different kinds (letter-based and lexical)

⁸ VD16 B 841. Available online: http://digital.bib-bvb.de/view/bvbmets/viewer.0.6.1.jsp?folder_id=0&dvs=151197665734~286&pid=420650&locale=cs&usePid1=true&usePid2=true#

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8 pav. C. Schnauso Interimo (po 1548. V. 15) titulinis lapas. Titulinis rėmelis tenka 1546 m. relacijai apie popiežių ir Velnią (galbūt jai ir buvo pagamintas): kairėje pavaizduotas popiežius (Alessandro Farnese krotoporetes), dešinėje – velnias, apačioje pragaro nasrai praryja katalikų kunigus

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“Buy me and read me.” The First Printed Acrostics in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania

the acrostic subtly indicates authorship, i.e., it identifies the author(s) of the line[s] and/or the publisher(s) of the book. Immediately after the poem, another combinatorial exercise is presented (f. 3v), explaining to the reader the true meaning of the word Intim:

Fig. 9. Fragment of C. Schnausso’s Intim (after 15 May 1548), f. 3v

Explanation of the word I N T E R J M, which had long been a hidden rhyme of the Antichrist in Rome and has now come to light through the final folly of a servant (G[od] b[e] p[raised]).

Jhr Nerrichen Teudſchen Eur Reich Jſt Mein.

C. Schnausso’s combinatorial textual devices accord with the habits, expectations, and skills of readers of that time. His acrostics and cryptograms are typologically important for the study of M. Mažvydas’s preface, but the textual connection is tangible on another level; therefore, we return to the publication: Pasquillus. New Zeitung Vom Teuffel ([Coburg] 1546).

The account of the Devil is a satirical work in which the form of humanist dialogue is ingeniously combined with an entirely different element. Two friends speak openly with one another about life and various current affairs: Pope Paul III (Alessandro Farnese) and the overseer of all Hell, the Devil. Having found common ground, they fraternally discuss the pope’s unenviable position, the course and prospects of the Schmalkaldic War, the negotiations of the Council of Trent, and many other political topics. Comedy is achieved in various ways. On hearing about the Bible, the pope is so frightened that his blood runs cold. Since the Catholic leader avoids the Bible and does not read it at all, the Evil One himself informs “dear little Paul” about the Holy Book, becoming much like a Christian preacher. The satirical conversation between the Devil and the pope is very far removed in content from the 1547 catechism, yet the two are linked by elements of their promotional language.

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Advertising related to publishing and book distribution pervades all editions of the account under discussion. This is done through unobtrusive artistic means. The pope secretly confides his greatest concern and fear to his like-minded interlocutor. Fifteen years earlier, M. Luther’s book Warnung an seine lieben Deutschen had been published in Wittenberg, and the reformers were still planning to reprint it. In the pope’s view, it would be better to lose 30 tons of gold than to have this book appear again; therefore, together with the cardinals, bishops, abbots, prelates, parish priests, and all his other subordinates, he buys up and burns copies. The Devil attacks the pope and, in turn, advises him not to spare any expense, so that even the last copy remaining in German lands might be found and destroyed in time. Otherwise, if the book were to circulate again, far fewer people would crowd into Hell. The book’s appraisal, uttered here by the Devil and the pope (ff. 5r–5v), functions as advertising, prompting a true Christian to acquire such a “dangerous” publication.

The account New Zeytung Vom Teuffel, published in Coburg in 1546, New Zeytung Vom Teuffel and its later German editions encourage readers to buy a book that is about to appear or has just been printed – Warnunge || D. Martini Luther/ an seine || lieben Deudchen/ vor etlichen Jaren ge= || schriben auff dien fall/ so die Feinde || Christlicher Wheit die Kirchen vnd || Land/ darinne eine Lehr des Euan= || gelii prediget wird/ mit Krieg || überziehen vnd zerstoren || wolten. || Mit einer Vorrede Philipi || Melanthon. || Wittberg/ || Gedruckt durch Hans || Lufft. || 1546¹⁰. In the same year, 1546, this edition was reprinted in Nuremberg (VD16 L 7345–7347), Strasbourg (VD16 L 7348), and Tübingen (VD16 L 7349); in 1547, it was reprinted once more in Wittenberg (VD16 L 7352). In the 1547 Czech edition (Pâqquilus: Nowiny o Čertu a Papežy…, discussed below), the pope’s and the Devil’s statements advertise the corresponding Czech version of the confession, printed later that same year, 1547, than the account: Weyfraha Doktora Marti||na Luthera k feym nileym Niemcom/ před niebil||ka Lethy fepana/ na takowey konecz/ kdyby nepřá=||tlé prawdy Křesťanſké na gegich Cýrkwe a || do gich Zemi wnichž ſe čiſté včení Swa||tého Euangelium káže wařeč||ně přitáhnuti / a gich z=||kázce býti chtěli yaké||ho wtom z=||pouſobu po=||žiti mieli. || Tež y Přemluwa a nebo napomenuti wysoce vče=||ného muže Fi||lipa Melanctona kterauž geſt učinil || na tuto weyſtrahu / Leta toho. 1547. w Wit||temberge [etc. O čež ſau fe ti dobří Towaryši Čert || ӡ Papežem welmi ſtaráli aby

⁹ This is the edition in question: Warnunge || D. Martini Lu=||ther/ An eine || lieben Deud=||schen (Gedruckt zu Wittemberg || Durch Hans Lufft || M.D.XXI). VD16 L 7340–7342.

¹⁰ VD16 L 7350–7351. Available online: http://digital.onb.ac.at/OnbViewer/viewer.faces?doc=ABO_%2BZ200418609.

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did not die. (Printed and completed [in Mladá Boleslav by Václav Oustský] in the year 1547)¹¹.

The papal faction and concern about Venlo are returned to once more in another part of the account (ff. 10r–10v). The title of the advertised book is again distinguished typographically here—it is printed in large letters. One man sincerely pities his friend and, indeed, all Catholics, because, as he understands the pope, the book will be very expensive; anyone who forgoes a tastier bite and drink will be able to buy it with the pennies saved. The pope agrees regretfully and offers a preliminary price list. As though he were a publisher or printer, he declares that the book will be cheap and will scarcely cost more than three kreuzers. With the preface it will be more expensive, but even so it will not exceed four kreuzers. The pope would be angry if it were sold for even three or four crowns, since in that case it would be beyond the reach of the curious people who yearn for the truth.

Thus, the account gives detailed information about the appearance of M. Luther’s book in the vernacular and encourages its purchase. As a publisher, C. Schnauss does not neglect his own literary work, providing it suitably with the means of advertising on the title page. Since the publication is not anonymous, the book itself addresses its readers (hereafter we shall call this passage “the invocation to readers”). It asks them to buy and read it:

Faithful Christian, buy and love me in faithfulness Your money will surely not make you regret it And if I do not freely speak the truth Then you may bring a complaint against me before the Pope

“Faithful Christian, buy and read me with confidence. You certainly will not regret spending your money. And if I do not speak the truth, you may denounce me to the pope.”

It is useful to compare the German original of 1546, examined in terms of the initial two [letters] in M. Mažvydas’s preface, with the Czech adaptation of the account, since in the latter, 1547 edition, the invocation to the reader under discussion functions somewhat differently. On the title page (f. 1r, see below), C. Schnauss indicated the book’s title (a), its brief contents in verse (b), and, finally, the book’s invocation to the reader (c), which he highlighted visually as an auxiliary advertising element. On the other

¹¹Here and below, references are given according to the “Knihopis” database. Knihopis 5126. Available online at: https://books.google.cz/books?id=NKP:100400497&printsec=frontcover#v=onepage&q&f=false.

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on the reverse side of the leaf (f. 1v), a preface in verse (d, e) appeared, in which Pasquino explains the circumstances surrounding the work’s creation and moralizes at length. The Czech publisher, Václav Oustský, arranged the listed units somewhat differently (a, c, b, d...), redirected the innovation toward readers (i.e., used plural forms), and interestingly modified the preface (f). Cf.:

1546 f. 1r 1547 f. 1r Pasquillus. a A new news-sheet about the devil. b How recently the pope and his companion, the chief Satan, held a speech in hell about their business and this war, and to whom they would grant victory—all by the Holy Trinity, whom the estates of the Empire also bitterly reviled, because they had taken up arms to defend themselves against the Emperor with great force. The pope, too, desires only one thing, while Satan listens for something; the pope’s concern is sure to come true, while Satan’s hope will fail completely. c Dear Christian, buy me and read me faithfully; your money will certainly not be wasted. But if I do not freely speak the truth, you may denounce me before the pope. 1546 Paſquillus: a News-sheet about Satan and the Pope: How the faithful and humble [were] … [and] … now … in common conversation … b … c Dear Christians, buy me and read me; you will not waste your money on me. If you are not able to speak the truth, you must denounce me before the Pope.

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FIG. 10. Title page of C. Schnauss’s 1546 Coburg account

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f. lv

f. lv

d

Paquill, ad lect. Chrj̄en. [e]c.

e

To Christians, rich and poor

Listen, and let yourselves be moved as well

How the Pope and his companions

Wish to destroy God’s word

I recently came upon, in a certain place,

And learned all their plans, word for word,

Especially what the Pope desires,

And what Jathan is listening for,

They would have been wary of me too soon.

That they do not complete it at all

But what of it I have retained

I will make known to young and old

In honor of my fatherland

To the highly esteemed free Germans

Especially to the Evangelical alliance

After whom these dogs snap

So that everyone, young and old

May fear the pope’s deceit, by force

And I keep watch for Jathan’s hope

May He help, and God, through His goodness

Who has all the false ones

The pope’s deceit, that fellowship’s deed

Will be revealed for the good of us all

Nor will He spare us any help

Only there lies the whole shortcoming

That we may improve not one hair

Therefore let us only do what we ought

So thut Gott widrumb was wir wölln

And stand by us in every need

That same dear, faithful God

Be eternally praised, despite all scorn.

A M E N

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„Pirkit mane ir skaitykit“. Pirmieji spaudinti LDK akrostichai

FIG. 11. C. Schnausso’s 1547 edition of the religious text in Czech, title page

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f. 2r

f. 2r

f

Bap[t. Ach weh O wehe... [relacjos tekstas]

b

Pasquillus: And just recently the Pope and his dear companion, Satan, came from Hell together. Now, in these present battles, having taken up arms, they agreed on this: whichever of them wins, they were both of one mind and united in their desire. So that the pious might be struck down before their eyes, because he always prophesied greatly against his Church. The Pope himself openly urged everyone to do this, and Satan truly helped him in this undertaking. Thus the Pope accomplished what he had long intended, and Satan took care and concern for such matters as he could.

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f. 2v

f. 2v

f

[text of the relation]

d

Pasquilus to the deceitful reader

f

Kdoƶ miluģes Prawdu a Rƶad Boƶij Nechtiey dele byti Plechaƶow podnoƶi. Wiƶ yak vkrtna Ɩtwa Ɩrde maji A na Boha ani geho Słowo nicƶ nedbaji. Cƶti / Wiƶ / a Ɩud’ co fe piƖƖe A wythni ƶ Babilona ƖpiƖƖe.

e

Christians all, poor people in the Lord. You, O foolish ones, and you who think yourselves wise, take pity. Like Paul the Pope now with his companions. The word of God cools the burning wrath of the cruel, strange contest. Not long ago I was present at a certain place and understood all these things very well. Then, what I heard, Paul the Pope proclaimed. The Satan’s servants watched carefully to see what he would do. Therefore they must know about me that I will not do everything they desire and wish. And what have I ever taken away from my memory? Old men and children know about it. And take all this as praise and profit. These old men and the noble people, and especially that evangelical crowd. They rage and wish to expose it to the root. And now all the old and young are already shamefully running about in the blood. And against such Satan there is no going, and his goods…

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Fig. 12. Schnauss’s report in the 1547 Czech edition, preface with a verse introduction, fol. 2v

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fol. 3r

fol. 3r

f

[text of the relation]

e

Vchovež nas wkrÿtu nam vçiniena Milot Boži A tak ty wſęcky Papežow faleſne rê I gho Towarſwa budu geweny tady Dle naſeho bauduho wſeho dobreho Ne opuſtit Boh a Pán pomocy ſdu ſweho Ale ten newietſy nedofatek prinas gft naten čàs Žie naſÿch żiwotow nelepſſugem ani żwalas Neſ geſti jie my to což naleži budeme çiniti Vçinijt nam Boh ẓaſe to coz my budeme chiti Gemuẓ w Trogicy nerozdilne bud çief a chwala Kteraẓ je gmu predwiekÿ wiekuow dala A ditj je bude wždy bezpreſtanj Nawieczne wiew bez ſkona[n]ji Amen

A comparison of the 1546 and 1547 publications reveals that the promotional quatrain devised by C. Schnauss was appealing and enduring (more on this in the next chapter). In the arrangement presented, the invocation to the reader initially played a supporting role (in the German original), which is why the Coburg publisher printed it in smaller Fraktur type. In the Czech edition, the promotional piece was “elevated,” that is, its status was made equal to that of the title: on the title page, this fragment of verse continued the work’s heading. Moreover, the quatrain influenced the preface. Following the example of the book being published, the Czech translator or publisher added a verse introduction to it, that is, fragment f, which we could translate as follows:

“Who loves truth and God’s order

Do not wish to remain with your back bare¹².

Look at the evil and deceitful hearts they have,

They pay no heed at all to God or his words.

Read, look, and understand the writing

And quickly tear it out of Babylon¹³”

It is easy to observe that the imperatives Čyti ‘read’, Wiz ‘look’, ʃud ‘understand, comprehend’, and wythni ‘tear out’ expand upon the book’s earlier appeals: German singular Kauff ‘buy’, lieβ ‘read’, and Czech plural Kupte ‘buy’ and czyte ‘read’. In other words, in the 1547 Czech publication, compared with the German original, we observe an interesting tendency: the vivid advertising text moves from the title page

¹² The people meant here (gen. sg. Plechačow) are Catholic clergy: tonsured priests and monks (nom. sg. Czech plechač ‘one with a bald patch; Catholic clergyman’). Nom. sg. Czech podnož ‘footrest’.

¹³ Out of the traps of the Catholic Church (an allusion to Matt. 1:11–18).

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continues onto the preface page. We are inclined to see a connection or consequence of this tendency in the 1547 catechism. It is noteworthy that the Czech verb jud‘ ‘form an understanding, reflect’ (the phrase jud’ co fe pijfe ‘understand what is written’) is semantically correlated with the imperative permaniek used by M. Mažvydas (thus reading permaniek), while the German plural BRalei feferis and the imperatives ikiet, ſkaitiet, permiekiet in turn correspond grammatically to the Czech plural Milí Křeťiané; Kupte, czťete. These circumstances allow us cautiously to hypothesize that M. Mažvydas knew and took account specifically of the Czech edition of the book, since it gives the impression of being an intermediary link (from the 1546 New Zeytung Vom Teufel to the 1547 catechism). From the standpoint of relative chronology, this possibility is plausible and merits consideration. Judging by the colophon, printing of the main text of the 1547 catechism was completed at the end of 1547 (VIII diena Menesſ Sauſia (= December)). The final gathering was printed then or later; it consisted of the title page, dedication, both prefaces, and primer (the additional octavo gathering A)¹⁴. The Czech account concerning the pope and Vilnius appeared no later than 1547. IV. 24 (that is, before the Battle of Mühlberg). It advertises M. Luther’s 1547 Czech publication (38 leaves in extent, in quarto). For the advertisement to make sense, it had to be made public some time in advance, probably at the very beginning of 1547.

Thus, there is reason to believe that M. Mažvydas knew the 1547 publication—Paſquillus: Nowin o Cžtu a Papež. Reading and understanding the Czech source would have posed no problems for the translators of J. Seklucian’s and J. Malecius’s catechisms, given the “expansion of literary Czech” (Havránek 1939) into Polish of the 14th–16th centuries. However, German versions of the account must also have been available to M. Mažvydas. In 1547 this was a readily accessible piece of printed news, widely known among Protestants. In 1546 it was published at least five times. The Koburg printer’s work (VD16 S 3180–381, and possibly also VD16 S 3175 and VD16 ZV 13961) was published twice in Augsburg in 1546

¹⁴ The primer Pygus ir trumpas mokſlas ſkaitity yr raſchty may have been added to the catechism for banal typographical reasons: after the prefaces, the space that would otherwise have remained blank in the printed sheet had to be filled. The size of the primer must also have been known.

¹⁵ Let us recall, for example, J. Malecius’s arguments set out in the language polemic Defensio verae translationis corporis Catechismi in linguam Polonicam, adversus calumnias Joannis Secleciani (1547): “But know this for certain: no one can ever truly and properly translate the Holy Scriptures into Polish without the aid of the Bohemian language and the Holy Scriptures published in the Bohemian language. For the Polish language is so greatly corrupted that no one knows how to speak Polish truly and properly unless he is familiar with the Bohemian language. I could put before you many Latin words that no Pole can translate into Polish truly and properly unless he is familiar with the Bohemian language. Such as pus, impius, beatus, benedictus, gloria laus, laudus, benedicamus, adoramus, glorificamus, etc.” (Warmiski 1906: 199; Lenartowicz-Zagrodna 2011).

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(VD16 S 317 = VD16 S 318; VD16 S 319), at least once each in Nuremberg (VD16 S 382) and Strasbourg (VD16 S 383). Another edition, not more precisely localized, appeared probably in 1546–1547 (VD16 S 376). All these broadsheets, as has already been noted, promoted and accompanied Warnung an seine lieben Deutschen. Because of Martin Luther’s authorship, the pair of books published in parallel was popular throughout Protestant lands. Smugglers carried them into Bohemia, where high demand led to the appearance of a Czech translation. There can be no doubt that both appealing anti-papal books were also widely read in Königsberg. It should be emphasized that this took place on the eve of the appearance of the 1547 catechism.

In this regard, it would be interesting to consider how the Lithuanian couplet affected—or was intended to affect—the contemporary reader. For the reading public, the personification of the book, expressed in the words of exhortation Fromer Chrift Kauff und lieb mich... and Milį Krezf- tie Kupąte a cžiete me... Cži / Wiz / a fu’ co fe piffe..., was thoroughly familiar from recent publications of 1546–1547. In readers’ eyes, the compiler of the 1547 catechism, relying on a fleeting¹⁶ literary allusion, reactivates this personification: Bralei fefes imiet mani ir skaitykiet || Ir tai skaitydami permani- kiet. It should be added that he does not do this mechanically—that is, he acts much as was done in the 1547 Czech edition. Although this is not a literal translation, the close relationship among the German original, the Czech adaptation, and the Lithuanian textual variation remains readily recognizable. Everywhere, the book’s exhortation begins with an address to the same addressee, expressed in the vocative: the reader/buyer (sg. Fromer Chrift / pl. Milį Krezfiane – pl. Bralei fefes); next come imperatives of identical or similar semantics (sg. Kauff / pl. Kupąte – pl. imkiet; sg. lieį / pl. cžiete / sg. Cžti – pl. skaitykiet; sg. fu’d – pl. permanikiet), together with the conjunction (und / a – ir), the pronoun (mich / me – mani), and their order of presentation within the phrase.

There is an obvious functional shift: the language of advertising >becomes the introduction to a conceptual preface. The verb Buy / Purchase, characteristic of elementary advertising, is replaced by M. Mažvydas with the more neutral take, although the original semantics do not disappear from the preface (verb. take ‘to seize, to lay one’s hand on, to finger’, but also ‘to buy, acquire; lend’). His contemporaries, with C. Schnauss’s advertising quatrain before them—that is, recognizing the intertextual connection—would have had to understand M. Mažvydas’s couplet in this sense too: “Brothers and sisters, buy me and read me...” Thus, given the text’s genesis, the trail of advertising by no means leaves the Catechism. At the same time, M. Mažvydas, probably following the 1547 Czech publication, also enveloped the purely utilitarian text in other intentions and meanings.

The only place where the author of the address diverges from the German-Czech source(s) is the form of address, cf.: Fromer Chrift / Milį Krezfiane – Bralei fefes. Precise

¹⁶ The mid-sixteenth-century readers’ perspective remains difficult for us to grasp today, and at times even inaccessible; as a result, once-current intertextual connections disappear.

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a literal translation would be Faithful / Beloved / Brave / Devout... Christians (or singular), but the Catechism lacks the expected and expectable opening of this kind. Instead of the standard form of address, M. Mažvydas uses the plural Bralėi feris or the singular Bralau milalis. Why? This question must also have occurred to the Catechism’s first readers. It was more relevant then than now, because the source from which the author had “departed” was known (that is, at the textual level he violates the reader’s horizon of expectations). The answer probably suggested itself to readers: the author’s evident departure from the conventional forms of address and the original was prompted by the effort to create the acrostic found here. In other words, at the beginning of the address—or acrostic (in the position before his name)—the author wanted to have the letter B (< baccalaureus), but he could not find an appropriate Lithuanian synonym for the German adjective Frommer or Czech Milý that would provide the necessary allusion¹⁷.

4. Thus, in composing the opening of the Lithuanian address—that is, an initial combination of two letters BJ that forms part of the acrostic and corresponds to a fragment of the 1547 Czech broadsheet ƒ—M. Mažvydas must have drawn on the appellative part of the paratext, characteristic of printed books of that period. A structural unit in the arrangement of books, which, lacking a better term, we have called an invocation to the reader, would inform readers concisely, attractively, and vividly (often in the form of a quatrain on the title page) about the publication, capture their attention, and finally encourage them to acquire the book. It is worth emphasizing that this category of texts also includes all those parallels that have previously been textually compared with M. Mažvydas’s couplet.

In 1983 Anatolijus Nepokupnas drew attention (Nepokupnas 1983: 173; 1994: 71–72) to a handwritten Russian-language dictionary and published the booklet Einn Russich Buch bin ich genannt, / Im deutschen Lanndt ganz unbekandt / Der mich hatt geschrieben den Lasse gott / Frolich Leben unnd sterben Amen. p. / Hilff got was ich beginne / Einn selig ende ich gewinne / Der dies hatt geschrieben / Got gebe ihm nach gottes willen zu Leben / Ahier Auff dieser erden / Das seine sehll gott zu theil werde / Thomas Schroue Ist ehr genant / Das er got musse werden bekannt. / Amen, Anno Domini / 1546 (shelfmark: MS. slav. quart. 18; cited according to: Glück, Pörzgen 2009: 157), compiled in German Upper Saxon and now held at the Jagiellonian Library in Kraków (before the war: Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin Preußischer Kulturbesitz). The Ukrainian Balticist drew on an older work by Mykhailo

¹⁷ A similar mechanism of combinations based on an allusion to a literary text known to everyone can be imagined in our own time. Imitating M. Mažvydas’s cryptography, the author of this article could have “signed” himself in place of his first and last name, for example, in the following ingenious way: Montego Bay, Montego Bay, I work as a Balticist in the Czech capital. The benefit would be even greater if, instead of the expected Montego Bay, there appeared a phrase such as Habana drive, which would indicate an academic title and make the person easier to identify.

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Alekseev’s conclusion was that the work’s copy was made to meet publishing needs (Алексеев 1951: 108). In his view, the linguistic source was planned / prepared for publication in 1546, and the book was to begin with a text corresponding to the invocation “read.”

M. Alekseev quite justifiably identified the invocation (which he called стихотворное напутствие) in the first quatrain (Алексеев 1951: 108):

I am called a Russian book, wholly unknown in the German land. He who wrote me, let him live and die happily. Amen.

Typologically and genetically, this quatrain is compared with, and derived from, the invocation quatrains of C. Schnauss and other publishers of the period.

In 1947, while considering a possible source for the quatrain, Vincas Mykolaitis-Putinas pointed to another advertising quatrain (Mykolaitis 1962: 197), which Paulius Tschackert had mentioned in passing in a footnote while discussing Hans Weinreich’s activities (Tschackert 1890: 92). A much fuller description of the publication Das Vater | unser... | Herr (VD16 B 5441) was provided in 1861 by Rudolph Reicke (Reicke 1861: 199–201), who cited the quatrain as follows:

Printed me in Königsberg, Hans Weynech, with great diligence, by the castle steps in the old town, where anyone who wishes to buy me can find me.

The Königsberg librarian noted that the quatrain was printed at the very end of the book—on the recto side of the last leaf. The researcher considered the question of dating the book, but, unlike G. Ch. Pisanski, did not reach a firm conclusion. Other arguments for dating it to 1524–1525 were based on weak reasoning, specifically the claim that the printer, having just arrived in Königsberg, had to announce his work and his schedule. After the printing house had “become famous”—that is, in all later books after 1525—he no longer used this quatrain. But it is equally possible to think in the opposite direction: the quatrain may have been published much later, once the initially uncertain publishing project had proved successful and yielded results, and the inhabitants of Königsberg had begun coming to the printing house itself to buy books (as if the printing house had already begun to expand its function into that of a larger book-distribution outlet, a bookshop).

The position of the invocation also raises questions. R. Reicke described a copy from the Königsberg Royal and University Library which, at the end,

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i.e., after the invocation (!), had two more songs. In disputing the conclusion of Michael Ch. Hanow, a professor in Gdańsk, the librarian determined that these hymns formed a separate part, which differed clearly from the first part even in its paper. It remains regrettable that we no longer have access to copies in either Gdańsk or Königsberg. A more detailed analysis of the book block in the opposite case would help clarify a question that R. Reicke, unfortunately, did not address: could the quatrain in fact have belonged to another unit of the Sammelband, one that contained the songs: 1) O Jesu Christ, deyn nam der ist, 2) Eyn geystlich lied von | den sieben worten die Got der Herr | sprach am stammen des hey-| gen Creutz (Reicke 1861: 201–202)? This requires taking seriously the real possibility that the quatrain did not conclude Mathias Bienwald’s Pater noster, but instead began a nearby, unidentified poetry booklet that has not been recorded. In the latter case, the quatrain would be the only prefatory element (opening the publication) to share features with C. Schnauss’s 1546 invocation: Kauff mich – ich mich wer lust zu kauffen hat.

Finally, let us bear in mind that publishers and printers who had learned their trade and practiced it for a longer time displayed a certain specificity and consistency in their prefatory elements; as a result, the invocation, as a kind of trademark, tended to recur. The little work of sporadically used lines by H. Weinreich is characteristic of this printer neither in form nor in content. Lev Vladimirov’s statement that “similar verses are also found in other early publications by H. Weinreich” (Vladimirovas 1979: 324) unfortunately does not correspond to reality (at least on the basis of the sources currently available).

Looking at Czech printing in the first half of the 16th century, we see that invocations created by different publishers are not uniform. A particular stylistic coherence and originality characterize Mikuláš Konáč’s appellative paratext, which other publishers also took as a model. The Prague humanist published about 50 works in 1507–1528. With a pragmatic orientation toward readers, who began and ended the main text, he most often wrote in verse, not disdaining acrostics (e.g.: Knihopis ČD 427). The publisher also distinguishes typographically invocations and other prefatory sections that frame the main text, i.e., by using type of a different size, but, unlike C. Schnauss, always addresses the reader in his own name (i.e., not in the name of the book). A pattern is discernible in the use of the invocations he created: at the beginning, the words Máš tu, Čechu milý... “here you have it, dear Czech...” introduce the book and seem to place it in the reader’s hands, while at the end the publisher wishes the reader well with měj se dobře “farewell.” This recurring formula has been observed 18 times in his books.

1520 m. leidinyje Mistra Jana Husy kazatele, slauhne dědice českého, Dvanácti článku víry křesťanské obecné, desí Božích přikázaní a modlitby Páně Očenáš etc. vykládové každému spasení žádajícímu křesťanu nepotřebnější. (V Praze, Mikuláš Konáč z Hodiškova 1520) (Knihopis ČD 326) Alongside the good wish, the publisher gives a practical note about where the book can be bought cheaply:

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Learn well and exercise yourselves with these little books; train your pupils, so that you may not be corrected and punished with Balaam and his donkey. Do not keep these little books in the great city of Prague.

“Fare well, and, guided by these little books yourselves, take care of your own disciples, so that you are not punished like Balaam with his donkey. In the great city of Prague, these little books are inexpensive to buy.”

Within the paratext, the publisher sometimes creates artistically effective quatrains, which include the usual imperatives and other encouraging (advertising) elements. For example, the 1514 invocation:

K Cžtenaržy. Nechceffli hlúpy na fwětie zwolati Nebýwázy fkipy Múdrofti zgednati Cžtiž Mudrce fobie a nebudels robie Prawint yá tobie. (Knihopis 1371) “And to the reader. If you wish to remain a fool in the world, do not be stingy in acquiring wisdom¹⁸. Read wisely for yourself and you will not be a child. I tell you the truth.”

M. Konáč’s contemporaries and followers were not as inventive, but their invocatory formulations likewise exhibit consistency in their stylistic features. The direct addresses to the reader / buyer and situationally appropriate imperatives are, of course, widely used: 1533 Mėj se dobre, čti a sud, uprímý čtenáři “Fare well, read and judge, sincere reader” (Knihopis 663); 1533 Protož kdožkoli miluješ pravú teologii, čti, roznevej a potom sud “Therefore, whoever loves true theology, read, distinguish, and then judge” (Knihopis 1709); 1541 Protož kdož by chtěl rad bludy a faleš te skutý poznati, čti sobě tuto knižku, jenž se počina štastně “Therefore, whoever would like to learn about the errors and falsehoods of that sect, read this little book, which begins auspiciously” (Knihopis 704), and so on.

An abstract, generalized invocation, i.e., one that would suit any publication, functions alongside appellative elements semantically tailored, as C. Schnauss also did, to a specific work. As an example, we may cite the trilingual dictionary published by Jodocus Gutknecht around 1535: Vokabular latěně, česky a německy každému mladému i staremu velmi potřebny a užitečny. Vocabu­laris rerum [Nürnberg, (Jodocus Gutknecht) ca. 1535] (Knihopis 1891):

¹⁸ I.e., “do not be stingy when buying a book.”

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If you wish to learn three renowned languages and save money and effort without leaving home, you now have the knowledge and the book.

Therefore, read for yourself and see with gratitude what has been written for you briefly, for without speaking and without understanding a person is nothing.

“If you wish to learn three renowned languages and save money and effort without depriving your home, you now have the knowledge and the book.

Therefore, read for yourself and reflect with gratitude on what has been written for you briefly, since without speaking and without understanding a person is nothing.”

A connection and consistent stylistic features are undoubtedly characteristic of K. Burg’s literature as well as of the publisher C. Schnauss, who modifies the innovation type discussed here¹⁹ according to specific needs:

a) 1550: Of the newly=|| born idol at Babel. A writ=|| ten account/ which the merchants from Ro=||dis sent to Venice and Italy as true news, || and later likewise from Rome on the last day of December in || 49 and from Venice on the 9th of January || of this fiftieth year, etc.|| Written to the merchants in Augs=||burg. 1550 (C.S.A.) (VD16 ZV 30501)

Buy me, O devout Christian, in faithfulness; let no effort of reading deter you. For much is at stake for you here, because of Satan’s cunning.

b) 1550: New newspaper.|| About the newly=|| born idol of Babylon. A letter=|| which, sent by the merchants of Rhodes,|| as the truth to Venice and Italy,|| and later also from Rome on the last day of December|| in ’49, and from Venice on January 9|| of this fiftieth year, etc.|| was written to the merchants in Au=gsburg. (C.S.A.) (VD16 ZV 13960)

Buy me, O devout Christian, in faithfulness; let no effort of reading deter you. For much is at stake for you here, because of Satan’s cunning.

¹⁹In C. Schnauss’s books we find typologically different innovations, whose content is adapted to other publications, for example: Another historical song/ || That a man should place all his hope and || trust eternally and solely in God || [etc. Solely in you, Lord || Jesus Christ. (1550, VD16 S 3184); The word of the LORD endures forever / || We shall let it hold sway. || May it henceforth in love and song / || Constantly build and preserve. ([1552], VD16 S 3174); With God’s help: yellow/ black/ green and white/ || Keep the prize in Saxony and Hesse. || God will gladly grant his grace / Grant him peace and a long life. (1555, VD16 S 3167); I have neither much gold nor silver/ || What God gives me, I am bound || To use in the service of everyone. || For as long as I live and can serve. (1564, VD16 S 3168).

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FIG. 13. Title page of C. Schnausso’s 1550 publication Von dem newgebornen Abgott zu Babel

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c) 1555: Something New: || A very devout sermon which || the holy Bishop of Bamberg || personally delivered at St. Martin’s, with sighs and tears, on Palm Sunday in the year 1555, on the blessed entry of our dear Lord and Savior || Jesus Christ into Jerusalem [et]c. || Also two exceedingly || wonderful dreams of the Holy Man, from || which one may artfully learn to cook and laugh [et]c. || Finally, a wonderfully beautiful story about the || blessing of the palms, by the bishop’s lieutenant [et]c. (my N., named C. Schnaub; Laus Deo Omnipotenti, Anno 1555 Adij 3 May) (VD16 S 3166) (fig. 14).

To the praise and honor of the highest God, to spite the Devil and his band. Buy and love me, (O) pious Christian; learn what your blessing and sermon are

Thus, according to the available sources, the four-line invocation quatrain Fromer Christ Kauff vnd lieb mich in Treuen C. Schnausso was first used in a 1546 account of the Devil and the pope—Pasquillus. New Zeyttung Vom Teuffel ([Coburg], 1546). The personification of the book arises from the author’s ostensible anonymity (as likewise in the 1547 catechism). The phrase cited below was modified several times and reused in a different form (adapted to a new publication). The books in which the same or a similar motif is attested—Fromer Christ Kauff vnd lieb mich in Treuen – Kauff mich O fromer Christ in trewen – Kauff vnd Lieb mich (O) frommer Christ—are not all listed here. It cannot be ruled out that C. Schnauss used this verse-forming model in his earlier publications too, which are still unknown to us or have not survived to our time. It is also possible that this structure was used before C. Schnauss.

The invocation to the reader under discussion was published with no substantial changes until the beginning of the seventeenth century. Later editions (e.g., 1580, VD16 ZV 11492; 1600, VD17 14:68686C; 1605, VD17 3:019348C) attest to the account’s extraordinary popularity. In 1546, Protestants read and circulated the political satire avidly because it responded to the most topical events of the Schmalkaldic War. All of Western Europe was watching them then. Fifty years later, the topical issues of those days were neither as interesting nor as comprehensible, yet readers continued to satisfy their literary needs through the appealing form of humanist dialogue. The new editions are accompanied by an engraving depicting the account’s timeless protagonists: the pope and the Devil (fig. 15).

5. In the Lithuanian paleotype of 1547, the Catechism ends on f. 20r. A new work in terms of genre and authorship begins on f. 20v—PRADESTYSE giełfmes schwentas. The Catechism concludes with the prose passage Upaminagimas, in which M. Mažvydas once again addresses the “brothers and sisters,” asking them humbly

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FIG. 14. Title page of C. Schnausso’s 1555 publication Etwas neus: Ein sehr andechtige Predig...

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FIG. 15. Early seventeenth-century edition of C. Schnauss’s account Newe Zeitung/ || Vom Teuffel uñ Bahst/ || wie sie untereinander Gesprech halten / || kurtzweilig vnnd sehr luftig zu lesen ([1605]) (VD17 3:019348C), title page

to accept the “short instruction” and learn it. Upaminagimą is crowned by a brief note, Gals, which marks the boundary between the constituent parts of the 1547 publication. At the bottom of the same leaf (f. 20r) is a striking quatrain, Skaititiaip, which corresponds to the invocation quatrains of C. Schnauss and other publishers:

Upaminagimas. PRaſchau aſch jus Letuwinikus ir ſße=maiczius miloſius bralius ir ſeſeris, preg=tam ir upaminaui jus per Pāną Ieſuſą Chriſtuſą at pirtkagi bei iſſanitagi muſu idant ta trumpa maſſla iſchmaktumbet ijr wiſada atmintumbet, ſunus iſuſu ir ſchei=mina turit iſchmakiti. A iſchguldimo pla=teſnia iſch kazanes ir patam iſch dideſnia katechiſmuſa makikietele. A ſchitą mana darba ijr prakaita uſz gier preimtumbet praſchau. Gals.

Skaititiaip. Dear brother, as you read this, know that my tongue now speaks clearly. Therefore, if you find any error, correct it without anger.

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FIG. 16. The end of M. Mažvydas’s Catechism (f. 20r)

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The four-line paratextual verse composed by M. Mažvydas is placed in the Catechism’s colophon and corresponds to the customary invocation of the content ad lectorem. From a formal perspective, an interesting connection can be observed between the Lithuanian preface and the end of the Catechism: the units framing the main text—both of them, and only them!—are versified in the same way. Another important unifying feature is also evident: the closing quatrain and the preface begin with an independent (i.e., period-terminated) couplet, which together form the same letter BJ combination. That this is no accidental coincidence is shown by comparing the first two lines:

BRBralei Šeferis: buy me and read me / Jfor those who read it, it will become clear.

Bralau milaſis, ſkaitidams tatai ſzinaſy / Jag taſſai lieſzuwis dabar reiſchkiefy.

The cited passages are introduced by plural and singular forms of address, which begin with the same lexeme BRalei / Bralau, followed by the plural and singular participial forms ſkaitidami / ſkaitidams and the pronoun tatai. This gives the impression that one couplet was composed with the other in mind. Given the printed source of the preface couplet, one must assume that the closing invocation modified the preface couplet, and not the other way around. The parallels listed can be explained in two ways.

First. The first two lines of the quatrain Skaititaiap were initially written for the preface at the beginning of the book. The Lithuanian preface may then have looked approximately as follows:

*Bralau milaſis, ſkaitidams tatai ſzinaſy / Jag taſſai lieſzuwis dabar reiſchkiefy. Makſla ſchito tewai [tavo] trakſzdawa tureti. Ale to negaleia ne wenu budu gauti. Regiety to nareia ſawa akimis / Taipyr ilchgirſti ſawa auſimis. Jau nu ka tewai nakada nereg eia / Nu ſchitai wiſs [tavimp] ateia. And so on.

Later, M. Mažvydas devised a more suitable opening for the preface, to which he added imperatives following C. Schnauss’s example. The fragment versified earlier was removed, but it seemed a pity not to use it anywhere.

Second. The beginning of the invocation Skaititaiap was composed on the model of the earlier couplet, that is, the preface couplet, since the author had again found the letter BJ combination relevant. This would mean that the quatrain concluding the Catechism consists of a small

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acrostic. The letters BJ, rendered as Baccalaureus Juris, would have identified (as earlier in the acrostic of the preface) the same bachelor of law, M. Mažvydas. The abbreviation TP, widespread in medieval Latin, would in turn stand for the phrase Titul[m] Posuit, “he placed the sign of the cross” (Cappelli 1928: 517). Thus, the combination of letters in the closing paratext, B–J–T–P, would correspond to the Latin Baccalaureus Juris Titulum Posuit, “the bachelor of law placed the sign of the cross,” or “M. Mažvydas gave the blessing.” An acrostic with this content and purpose would fit this place perfectly, since here the author concludes his work and “says farewell.”

Let us recall that M. Mažvydas was familiar with the acrostic placed at the end of a book. He presented himself in a similar way in the publication Forma Chrikſtima. Since the time of Jan Safarewicz, unfortunately, the view has become established that the 1559 acrostic is imperfect: “The acrostic is not perfect: after the name Martinus there is one more line, beginning with S–, and likewise after the surname Maswidas an M– appears as well” (Safarewicz 1946: 65). The Polish scholar tried to explain the “surplus” letters <S> and <M> by arguing that, constrained by the verse form—that is, stanzas of nine lines—M. Mažvydas failed to master the original. This explanation seems unconvincing to us, since an acrostic does not contain nonsystematic elements, that is, unmotivated letters that would disrupt a text whose vertical structure is strictly arranged. The last translated work, Giefme duchauna / ape muſu S. Chrikſta fuguldīta nūg D. Mart. Luthe-ra (f. CIIIr–CVv), concludes with three stanzas of equal length, two of which (the second and third from the end) give the translator’s and book-maker’s first and last names, but not only that: M-A-R-T-I-N-V-S-S – M-A-S-W-J-D-A-S-M. The combinatorial piece can be read (cf., for example, C. Schnauss’s use of a cryptogram in 1546) as MARTINVS-MASWJDAS–SM, that is, Martinus Maswid[iu]s significamus, “[we] signify / indicate Martynas Mažvydas” (pluralis auctoris / modestiae combined with the medieval Latin abbreviation SM; on the latter, see Cappelli 1928: 354). This would correspond to “M. Mažvydas gave the blessing” in the Catechism.

The next stanza (the final one in sequence) finally gives M. Mažvydas’s verbal “expression,” that is, what he “signifies” to the reader succinctly in the form of a short prayer:

Diewui Tewui ſchlowe dūkem Ir Jheſu Chriſtu garbinkem Bei Dwaſſe ſchwenta laupſin=kem Wienam Diewui dekawokem Kurs iſtates eſt Chriſkſtima Ant ghreku aptźiſtighima Bei amſzina iſchganima Nūg Chriſtaus apſſadeta Jem buk amſzina garba. Amen.

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Thus, one could conclude that in the 1547 publication we probably have two acrostics, written in Latin within the book’s verse Lithuanian paratext. The acrostic at the end of the Catechism semantically continued and expanded the acrostic in the preface: B-J-M-A-R-T-J-N-V-S-M-A-S-V-J-D-J-V-S – <the text of the Catechism> – B-J-T-P, “bachelor of law Martynas Mažvydas < – > bachelor of law gave the blessing.” In this way, within the anonymous compilation, the compiler delineated his own authorial contribution.

The realization of these combinatorial pieces using Latin resources testifies that their intended audience was not the ordinary peasant. An ordinary “user” of the Catechism—a Lithuanian who read, listened, sang, and learned to read and to grasp basic religious truths—would neither notice nor appreciate them. The acrostics are directed at a professional reader, a person of books, above all at clergy of various doctrines. We are inclined to think that this expressive device is closely connected with the preface to the first 1547 catechism, addressed to the same “shepherds and servants of the Church of Lithuania.” In the Latin dedication and preface, M. Mažvydas sharply reproaches the Grand Duchy of Lithuania and all its Catholic clergy for “protecting” the people from Holy Scripture (C. Schnauss also speaks of this). The Latin acrostic is directly contiguous with the dedication and the Latin preface; therefore, one cannot claim that the preface was unsigned.

A person in the sixteenth century who read Latin and understood combinatorial poetics was not constrained by atomistic thinking (sources were not separated on the basis of language, nor were they made to “stew in their own juices” as a Lithuanian or “foreign” object of study); accordingly, such a reader could not only read the Latin acrostic that follows, but also connect it with Latin paratextual elements nearby and elsewhere. A competent “signature” appropriately brought the Latin preface to a close. Having sharply criticized the Catholic clergy, M. Mažvydas signs accordingly—with the abbreviation BJ, he shows that this stern author is no novice. He has the right to speak sternly about priests who have strayed from the pure Church, since he himself knows the Church’s canons. As a bachelor of canon law, B. J. Martinus Masvidius recalls in his preface the order of the early Christian Church, promises not to touch (which means that he potentially could) on “the more secret and disputed questions of religion,” and so on.

In addressing the competent reader, M. Mažvydas did not limit himself to combinatorial devices in the paratext of his book. The author also made subtle literary allusions, taking into account the most current Protestant “bestsellers” of that year—in our case, a particularly popular account (judging by the number of editions in 1546 and the number of surviving copies) about the Pope and the Devil. The personification of the book in C. Schnauss’s 1546 publication proved useful and convenient when publishing an “anonymous” work, since the fictitious Pasquino shielded the real author, who could not promote the publication under his own name (as author and/or publisher). This task was successfully transferred to the book itself, which suddenly begins to speak to the reader.

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On the title page of the 1547 catechism, the creator of the book is likewise not identified. It is entirely possible that the Catechism became an anonymous publication under the influence of C. Schnauss’s publication. It seems that there is a close connection between the ostensible anonymity of the publications by C. Schnauss and M. Mažvydas and the personification of the book. M. Mažvydas creatively adapted the promotional invocation, specifically the key wording of the invocatory quatrain Fromer Christ Kauff und ließ mich, at the beginning of the Lithuanian preface and further on, developing the motif of the “speaking” book. Having adapted the invocation to the reader in Lithuanian, he composed a final rhymed piece, Skaiti- taip, following the same German and/or Czech model of an invocatory quatrain (and also taking into account the beginning of his Lithuanian preface). We deliberately use the plural when discussing possible source(s). There seems to be no reason to suppose that, when writing the Catechism, M. Mažvydas did not know German or could not draw on C. Schnauss’s German reports. The traditional view continues to be shaped by the interpretation of M. Mažvydas’s second letter (no later than February 1549), which seems to us too radical, literal, and removed from the broader context of the letter.

In a letter addressed to Duke Albrecht, the writer asks to be appointed as a priest in Labiau or Ragnit. In M. Mažvydas’s view, the former parish would be less suitable, because he does not know German at all (non calleo aliquantulum Germanice; M. Ročka’s translation: “I do not speak German at all”). It should be understood that by then many Germans already lived in Labiau, and he would not have been able to provide them with adequate spiritual care. A priest’s suitability was and still is judged by the ability to read not a book, but a sermon. Because of defects in pronunciation, a foreign priest often became an object of ridicule (recall the philological polemic of 1706). Lacking the necessary speaking skills, M. Mažvydas unobtrusively asks the duke to appoint him to a Lithuanian parish, although, having no other choice, he would also go to Labiau (that is, he would be forced to serve as best he could without the necessary language practice—and in German?). Thus, the letter discusses a pastor’s duties, that is, reading sermons, rather than everyday conversation and general comprehension of a language. Knowing a language, then as now, is a broad concept, and its functional purpose must be taken into account. In 1549 eruditus M. Mažvydas probably read German, Polish, Czech, Ruthenian, Prussian, and other languages fluently, but, having arrived in Prussia, was able to preach in his native language. The matters analyzed in this article also attest to a certain command of German and/or Czech.

LITERATURE

C a p p e l l i A d r i a n o 1928: Lexicon abbreviaturarum = Wörterbuch lateinischer und italienischer Abkürzungen. Leipzig: Weber.

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Glück Helmut, Pörzgen Yvonne 2009: Deutschlernen in Russland und in den baltischen Ländern vom 17. Jahrhundert bis 1941. Eine teilkommentierte Bibliographie. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz Verlag.

Havránek Bohuslav 1939: Expanze spisovné češtiny od 14. do 16. století. – Co daly naše země Evropě a lidstvu. Od slovanských věrozvěstů k národnímu obrození, red. V. Mathesius. Praha: Evropský literární klub, 53–59.

Catechismvsa – [Martynas Mažvydas], Catechismvsa prafty Sӡadei, Makſlas ſkaitima raſchta yr gieſmes del krikſczianijtes bei del berneliu iaunu nauiey ſugulditas...: [faksimilė] / [Martyno Mažvydo „Katekizmo“ faksimilės projekto vadovė Kamilė Kalibataitė]. [Vilnius]: [Petro ofsetas], [2017].

Lenartowicz-Zagrodna Anna 2011: „Defensio verae translationis corporis Catechismi in linguam Polonicam, adversus calumnias Joannis Secluciani” (1547) Jana Małeckiego. Przekład wraz z komentarzem. – Poznańskie Studia Polonistyczne. Seria Językoznawcza 18(2), 133–169.

Mykolaitis-Putinas Vincas 1962: Literatūriniai elementai Mažvydo ir jo amžininkų raštuose (1947). – Vincas Mykolaitis-Putinas. Raštai 8. Vilnius: Valstybinė grožinės literatūros leidykla, 147–200.

Nepokupnas Anatolijus P. 1983: Baltai slavų giminaičiai. Vilnius: Mokslas.

Nepokupnas Anatolijus P. 1994: „M. Mažvydo „Katekizmo“– bylojančio vadovėlio (knygelių) vaizdas istorijos ir kultūros kontekste. – Protestantizmas Lietuvoje: istorija ir dabartis, ats. red. Inge Lukšaitė. Vilnius: Apyaušris, 70–77.

Reiche Rudolf 1861: Ueber den ältesten Königsberger Druck und zwei in Wackernagel’s Bibliographie des deutschen Kirchenliedes nicht verzeichnete Liederdrucke. – Serapeum: Zeitschrift für Bibliothekwissenschaft. Handschriftenkunde und ältere Litteratur 13, 199–204.

Safarewicz Jan 1939: Un acrostiche de Mažvydas. – Prace Filologiczne 18, 7–8.

Safarewicz Jan 1946: Dwa drobiazgi litewskie. 1. Kilka uwag o wersyfikacji litewskiej, 2. Nie znany akrostich Maźwida. – Inter Arma: zbiór prac ofiarowanych Prof. Kazimierzowi Nitschowi w siedemdziesiątą rocznicę urodzin (1 II. 1944) przez przyjaciół, kolegów i uczniów. Kraków: Studium Słowiańskiego Uniw. Jagiell., 59–65.

Temčinas Sergejus 2017: Skorina ir Lietuva. Mažoji kelionių knygelė ir Apaštalų darbai ir laiškai. – Pranciškaus Skorinos Rusėniškajai Biblijai – 500, sud. S. Narbutas. Vilnius: Lietuvos mokslų akademijos Vrublevskių biblioteka, 69–77.

Tschackert Paul 1890: Urkundenbuch zur Reformationsgeschichte des Herzogthums Preußen 1. Einleitung. Leipzig: Verlag von S. Hirzel.

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Vladimirovas Levas 1979: Knygos istorija: Senovė. Viduramžiai. Renesansas. XVI–XVII amžius. Vilnius: Mokslas.

Warmiński Ignacy 1906: Andrzej Samuel i Jan Seklucyan. Poznań: Księgarnia Św. Wojciecha; Skład główny w Księgarni G. Gebethnera i Sp. w Krakowie.

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Темчин Сергей Ю. 2007: Происхождение названия Малой подорожной книжки Франциска Скорины в свете описи Супрасльского монастыря 1557 г. – Amoenitates vel lepores philologiae, pod. red. R. Laskowskiego, R. Mazurkiewicza. Kraków: Instytut Języka Polskiego PAN, Wydawnictwo Lexis, 456–464.

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Straipsniai / Articles

51

ILJA LEMEŠKIN

“Buy me and read me”. First Printed Acrostics in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania

SUMMARY

As a publisher continuing the tradition of printing in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania (GDL), Martynas Mažvydas should have taken into account The Small Travel Book by Francisk Skorina. The books by Mažvydas and Skorina compared in the article are of uniform format and similar purposes. The two books that were the first books printed in the GDL describe the circumstances of their origin, i.e. the relationship with the compiler, author, publisher, by means of acrostics – a subtle device of combinatory poetics.

The Ruthenian palaeotype of 1522 testifies to two principles of acrostic composition: alphabetical and personal. In the Lithuanian preface Mažvydas used a personal acrostic. The comparison with the Ruthenian acrostic shows that the position before the name and the representative function required an academic title. The combination of letters BJ comprised by the first two lines of the preface reveals the conferred academic title: baccalaureus juris, ‘bachelor of laws’.

When writing the first couplet in the Lithuanian preface, Mažvydas referred to the printed source of 1546 – a satirical relation of the devil and the pope by Schnauss in which the book addressed the reader in the following fashion: Fromer Christ Kauff und ließ mich (or its Czech translation of 1547 where relevant plural forms were used: Milij Krześtiane Kupugte a cztiete mne). The deviation from the original observed in the address (Fromer Christ/ Milij Krześtiane but BRalei ſeferis) is determined by an attempt of composing an acrostic. It was the intention of the author to have letter B (< baccalaureus) at the beginning of the preface, i.e. the acrostic, and in the position before the name.

A acrostic can be found at the end of the Catechism, in the place of a colophon: the combination of letters in the last quatrain B-J-T-P corresponds to Latin Baccalaureus Juris Titulum Posuit ‘the bachelor of laws made the sign of the cross,’ which means ‘Mažvydas gave his blessing’.

When writing the beginning of the acrostic, the author took into account the part of the paratext of appellative type characteristic of the books of that time – the invocation to the reader which often took the form of a quatrain on the title page. The quatrain by Schnauss dating to 1546, which also made influence on Mažvydas, gained popularity among Protestants in 1546–1547. The relation intended for Protestants informed on the end of the Schmalkaldic War, i.e. the fight between Protestants and Catholics. The multitude of editions of 1546 and the number of the surviving copies entail that it was read across the whole Protestant Europe.

Submitted on December 8, 2017.

ILJA LEMEŠKIN

Institute of the Lithuanian Language

5 Petro Vileišio Street, LT-10308 Vilnius, Lithuania

[email protected]

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Acta Linguistica Lithuanica LXXVII