East Baltic “father-in-law” and “mother-in-law”

Acta Linguistica Lithuanica 2026, vol. 94, pp. 1–7 Contents link / Turinio nuoroda ISSN 2669-218X (online / elektroninis) Copyright © 2026 Václav Blažek. Published by the Institute of the Lithuanian Language. This is an Open Access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution Licence, which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author and source are credited. // Išleido Lietuvių kalbos institutas. Šis straipsnis yra atviros prieigos, platinamas pagal „Creative Commons“ priskyrimo licencijos sąlygas, leidžiančias neribotai naudoti, platinti ir atkurti turinį bet kokioje laikmenoje, nurodant autorių ir šaltinį. Received: / Gauta: 2026-05-04. Accepted: / Priimta: 2026-05-11. 1 EAST BALTIC “FATHER-IN-LAW” AND “MOTHER-IN-LAW” Rytų baltų „uošvis“ ir „uošvė“ VÁCLAV BLAŽEK Masaryk University E-mail: [email protected] ORCID ID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-6797-7188 Fields of research: Baltic & Indo-European etymology and onomastics. https://doi.org/10.35321/all94-02 ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------ ANNOTATION The present contribution studies the Baltic kinship terminology, focusing on terms related to “parents-in-law”. Among them, one term is not transparent from the point of view of internal structure, nor etymology: Lithuanian m. úošvis ‘father-in-law, husband’s father’, f. úošvė ‘mother-in-law, husband’s mother’ and Latvian m. uôsis, f. uôse id. A new etymology operates with an East Baltic innovation, which assumes the primary determinative compound extended by the suffix *-iio-/*-iiā-. The first component would be represented by the IE kinship term *h2e h2o- ‘maternal grandfather’, continuing in Baltic in its derivative ‘maternal uncle’. For the second component, there would be two alternative possibilities: 1) Proto-Baltic *s eśru- *‘mother-in-law’ + -ā; 2) Proto-Baltic *śei ā ‘wife’. KEYWORDS: Indo-European, Baltic, kinship terminology, determinative compound. ANOTACIJA Šiame straipsnyje analizuojami baltiški giminystės ryšių pavadinimai, daugiausia dėmesio skiriant terminams, susijusiems su „uošviais“. Vienas iš jų nėra skaidrus nei vidinės formos, nei etimologijos požiūriu: lietuvių vyriškosios giminės daiktavardis úošvis ‘vyro tėvas’, moteriškosios giminės daiktavardis úošvė ‘vyro motina’ ir latvių vyriškosios giminės daiktavardis uôsis, moteriškosios giminės daiktavardis uôse ‘t. p.’. Naujoji etimologija remiasi rytų baltų inovacija, kuri daro prielaidą, kad pirminis determinatyvinis dūrinys išplėstas priesaga *-iio-/*-iiā-. Numatoma, kad pirmąjį komponentą reprezentuos ide. giminystės terminas *h2e h2o- ‘motinos senelis’, vartosimas baltų kalbose kaip vedinys ‘motinos dėdė’. Antrajam komponentui paaiškinti numatomos dvi alternatyvios galimybės: 1) protobaltų *s eśru- *‘uošvė’ + -ā; 2) protobaltų *śei ā ‘žmona’. ESMINIAI ŽODŽIAI: indoeuropiečių, baltų, giminystės terminija, determinatyvinis dūrinys. 1. The Baltic terminology devoted to “parents-in-law” is relatively rich. Let us summarise it. 1.1. Lithuanian šẽšuras m. ‘husband’s father, father-in-law; wife’s father, father-inlaw’, in Old Lithuanian also ‘brother-in-law’, all from Proto-Lithuanian *sešuras < ProtoBaltic *sešura- < PIE *s ekur-o- ‘husband’s father’; cf. Vedic śváśura- (*svaśura-), Avestan xvasura-, Persian xusur; Armenian skesowr (f.); Greek ἑκυρός; Albanian vjehërr; Old Latin socerus (*s okuro-), Latin socer, -erī; Old High German swehur (*swehura-); Church Slavonic svekъrъ ‘husband’s father’. The feminine counterpart appears in Vedic śvaśr -, Persian xusrū; Latin socrus, -ūs, Welsh chwegr; Gothic swaihro, Old High German swigar; 2 Old Church Slavonic svekry, -ъve ‘husband’s mother, mother-in-law’ < PIE *s ekru-h2 < *s ek r-h2 (Schneider NIL 672–675; ALEW 1024; Smoczyński 2018: 520; EWAhd VIII 1564–1566). 1.2. There is no apparent feminine counterpart to Lithuanian šẽšuras ‘father-in-law’ in Baltic, but Simas Karaliūnas (1999: 86–88) tried to demonstrate that such a lexeme really existed, identifying it in Lithuanian švašvà ‘daughter; sister’, deriving it from *švešva < *svešva < Proto-Baltic *s eśr ā = *s eśru+ā 1 and assuming the semantic shift. The loss of -ris perhaps comparable to its loss in Latvian âpsis, âpšis ‘badger’ vs Lithuanian opšrỹs id. < *āpś-r-iio- (see Klingenschmitt 2008: 426). 1.3. The feminine was replaced by the neologism anýta ‘husband’s mother, motherin-law’, which was derived from the IE kinship term *h2enH- ‘grandmother’ > Old Prussian ane ‘Altmut’ [Elbing Vocabulary 172], i.e. ‘grandmother’ (Mažiulis 2013: 57; Smoczyński 2018: 28 sees here a Germanism – see further); Old High Germanic ano ‘grandfather’, ana ‘grandmother’; Latin anus, -ūs ‘old woman; witch’; ?Messapic ana ‘lady’?; Greek ἀννίς· μητρὸς ἢ πατρὸς μήτηρ [Hesychius], i.e. ‘father’s mother’, besides Thessalian ἄνω ‘grandmother’; Armenian hani id.; Hittite ḫanna- ‘grandmother’, Lycian χnna id.; probably also Avestan niiākāid. and Common Slavic *vъnǫkъ ‘grandson’ < *h2n-h2en-ko- (Pokorny 1959: 36–37; Kloekhorst 2008: 285; de Vaan 2008: 45; ALEW 41– 42). 1.4. In Latvian, these kinship terms are derived from the terms ‘father’ and ‘mother’ respectively: tȩ vuocis ‘father-in-law; uncle’ vs t vs ‘father’ (ME IV 177–178) and mātīca ‘mother-in-law’ vs mãte ‘mother’ (ME II 587–589). 1.5. There are alternative designations in Latvian, which are periphrastic: vira / sievas tēvs / māte ‘husband’s / wife’s father/mother’ (Buck 1949: 124, §§ 2.61+62). 1.6. Old Prussian tisties ‘sweir’ (= Schwiegervater), i.e. ‘father-in-law’ [Elbing Vocabulary 184], reflecting the protoform *tistīs, was borrowed from Slavic – cf. Old Church Slavonic tьstь ‘father-in-law’ (Mažiulis 2013: 915; Komárková, ESJS XVII 1011– 1012). 1.7. Besides these terms, which are transparent from the point of view of internal structure or etymology, there is still one designation of “parents-in-law” limited to East Baltic, which seems to be isolated not only within Baltic, but also within the Indo-European kinship terminology at all. Concretely, Lithuanian m. úošvis, uošvỹs, -io ‘father-in-law, husband’s father’, pl. uošvia ‘parents-in-law’, f. úošvė ‘mother-in-law, husband’s mother’, corresponding to Latvian m. uôsis, pl. uôši and f. uôse, pl. uôses f. respectively, where the plurals mean ‘parents of son-in-law’ and ‘parents of daughter-in-law’. Cf. also Nehrung Curonian (Kurseniki) uoašvi, uoašve ‘parents-in-law’ (ME IV 421–422; ALEW 1154; Smoczyński 2018: 585–586). 2. Existing etymologies of Lithuanian úošvis / úošvė and Latvian uôsis / uôse 2.1. Josef Zubatý (1891: 249–250) tried to connect the Baltic forms with Sanskrit āśiná-, translated by Monier Williams (MW 157) as ‘aged (having reached old age)’, while Stephanie W. Jamison and Joel P. Brereton (2013: 126) translated it as ‘advanced (in years)’ 2 . It is perhaps a derivative of the verb aś- ‘to eat, consume’ (MW 112, 157); cf. Germanic *alđa- ‘old’, alđi- ‘age’, vs Latin altus ‘high’, ad-ultus ‘full-grown, adult’, if these 1 The ā-stem also appears in South Slavic: Bulgarian svekắrva, Macedonian svekrva, Serbo-Croatian svȅkrva, Slovenian svêkrva; plus Old Czech also svekrva ‘mother of husband’ (Vykypěl, ESJS XV 905). 2 RV 1.27.13. námo mahádbʰyo námo arbʰakébʰyo námo yúvabʰyo náma āśinébʰyaḥ „Reverence to the great ones and reverence to the small; reverence to the young and reverence to those advanced (in years).“ 3 forms are derived from the verb of the type Latin alō, -ere ‘to nourish’, besides e.g. Greek ἄναλτος ‘insatiable’ etc. (de Vaan 2008: 35; Kroonen 2013: 20). 2.2. Charles Bally (1903: 325), followed by Frederik Muller (1926: 524), Giacomo Devoto (1934/1935: 58–64) and others, speculated about a connection of Lithuanian úošvis and Latvian uôsis with Latin uxor ‘wife’ [Naevius+], reconstructing the primary root *ō -. Cf. also Alois Walde and Johann Hofmann (1954: 850). 2.3. Jarl Charpentier (1909: 242, fn. 3) tried to connect Lithuanian úošvis with Armenian owstr ‘son’. But already Oswalt Szemerényi (1977: 19) demonstrated that Armenian owstr ‘son’ originated from *unstr and, further, from *ūn(u)-str, with the extension added according to the semantic counterpart dowstr ‘daughter’. 2.4. André Vaillant (1958: 116) judged that the Proto-Baltic feminine *ōšvī < *ō ī was the primary form, deriving it from the meaning ‘fast, swift’, attested e.g. in Vedic āśú-, Greek ὠκύς, Latin (comp.) ōcior. His effort to explain the semantic motivation on the basis of the semantic chain ‘fast’ → ‘diligent, industrious’ → ‘mother-in-law’ remains rather unconvincing. 2.5. Bojan Čop (1974: 97–98) compared the East Baltic kinship term with FennoUgric *ewkkɜ ‘old woman; grandmother’ > Old Finnish euhko, Finnish eukko ‘alte Frau, Greisin, Frau; Mutter, Großmutter (väterlicherseits, mütterlicherseits); Mansi So. ēkwa, KU ēkwə, P jēk, TJ jük ‘Frau’, Old Hungarian ik(e), ük ‘Großmutter’, ükanya ‘Urgroßmutter’, ükapa ‘Urgroßvater’ (UEW I 76). B. Čop saw in this comparison a common heritage from the Indo-Uralic protolanguage. 2.6. O. Szemerényi (1977: 66) derived the East Baltic kinship term from ProtoBaltic *ōšvijas < *ō-sweios, interpreting it as ‘der zu den eigenen Sippenangehörigen hinzukommende’, formed by the particle *ō ‘near to’, while the second member should correspond to Old High German swīo ‘brother-in-law’. In the Baltic, there is the most exact counterpart in Old Prussian swais ‘suus’, while the Lithuanian cognate is rather different: sav s, sev s gen. ‘sui’ (Pokorny 1959: 882). Finally, abstracting from other circumstances, this solution does not explain Lithuanian -š-. 2.7. Gerd Klingenschmitt (2008: 410) introduced probably the strangest solution, reconstructing the Pre-Baltic starting-point *oh1-p -iiowith the primary semantics ‘der zu der Kleinvieh (Ziegen und Schafe) (als Mitgift oder als Kaufpreis) herbeibringenden (Braut) Gehörige (Vater)’. 3. New etymology None of these etymological attempts is convincing enough to be accepted without question. That is why it is legitimate to seek a new etymology. The following solution is based purely on the Baltic material. Proceeding from the premise that the analysed kinship terms represent a determinative compound with the accented component in the first place, while the compound is extended by the suffix *-iio-/*-iiā- (Larsson 2002: 204–227), it is necessary to determine both the components. 3.1. The first member is derivable from Proto-Baltic *a - with regard to the fact that this diphthong has two reflexes in East Baltic. Besides the standard continuant au, it may be changed into uo, cf. Lithuanian úogis & uõgis ‘shoot of a plant, sprout, growth’, derived from the verb áugti ‘to grow’ (Smoczyński 2018: 1564). If it were the case, the best candidate for the etymological identification of Proto-Baltic *a - is one of the best documented IndoEuropean representatives of the kinship terminology, whose semantic dispersion should be demonstrated. Baltic: Lithuanian avýnas ‘uncle, mother’s brother’ (ibid.: 79: derived from unattested *a as or *a is, extended by the suffix *-īna-), Old Prussian awis ‘Oeme’ [Elbing Vocabulary 177], i.e. ‘mother’s brother’ (*a as or *a ias). 4 Pre-Slavic *a iio- > Common Slavic *ujь ‘mother’s brother’ > Old Church Slavonic ui, gen. uja ‘uncle’, Bulgarian (v)újčo, Macedonian vujko, vujčo, SerboCroatian ȕjac, Slovenian ûjec, dial. ûj; Slovak ujec, coll. ujo, Old Czech ujec, Upper & Lower Sorbian wuj, Polabian va iă / voiiă, Kašubian uj, Old Polish (w)uj, Polish wuj; Old Russian (v)ui, Belorussian dial., Ukrainian dial. vuj (Vykypěl, ESJS XVII 1019). Proto-Germanic *awan- ‘grandfather’ > Old Norse afi id., ái ‘great grandfather’, and *awōn- > Gothic awo ‘grandmother’, plus West Germanic *awa-χaima- > Old English ēam ‘uncle (mother’s brother)’, Middle English ēm / eim / yem ‘uncle, nephew’, Old Frisian ēm ‘brother of mother, uncle’; Middle Low German ōm / oem / ohm / ȫme / ōhē(i)m, ōhem ‘Oheim, Onkel, Mutterbruder, Schwestersohn, Vetter, Cousin’, Middle Dutch oom / ome / oome / ohem ‘Mutterbruder, Vaterbruder, Verwandter (Großvater, Schwager)’; Old High German ôheim ‘mother’s brother, avunculus’, Middle High German oeheim ‘Mutterbruder, Oheim, Schwestersohn, Neffe, Verwandter’, German Oheim ‘uncle’ (Schuhmann, EWAhd VI 1147–1150). Celtic *a ā- > Gaulish αουα ‘granddaughter’ (stele of Cavaillon; see Delamarre 2018: 60: feminine to non-attested *a os); Goidelic *a io- > Ogam Irish gen.sg. avi, Old Irish. áue, úa, ó ‘grandson, descendant’, besides the vddhi-formation *ā iioin Middle Welsh (12th cent.+) yr ‘grandson, grandchild’ (GPC); Brittonic *a on-tīr/tro- ‘maternal uncle’ > Middle Welsh (14th cent.+) ewythyr, Welsh ewythr, Old Cornish euitor, Cornish ewnter‚ (Middle) Breton eontr; Celtic *altr-aon- > Middle Irish altra ‘foster-father’, Old Cornish altrou ‘stepfather’, Middle Breton autrou ‘lord’ etc.; Goidelic *a n-er- > Middle Irish amnair ‘mother’s brother, maternal uncle, avunculus’ (Schuhmann, EWAhd VI 1149). Italic *a o- > Latin avus ‘grandfather’, with derivatives as avia ‘grandmother’, avunculus ‘maternal uncle’ (demin. *a on-kelo-) [all Plautus+], avītus ‘belonging to a grandfather, ancestral’ [Cicero+] (Szemerényi 1977: 53; de Vaan 2008: 66). Armenian haw ‘grandfather, ancestor’, rare ‘uncle’ (Olsen 1999 185: *h2e h2o-; Martirosyan 2009: 399–400). Anatolian: Hittite ḫuḫḫa- ‘grandfather’ < *h2uh2ó-; Cuneiform Luwian ḫūḫaid., Hieroglyphic Luwian huhaid., Lycian χugaid. < *h2éh2o- (Kloekhorst 2008: 352–353). Tocharian B gen.sg. āwi, implying nom.sg. āwe* ‘grandfather’ (Adams 2013: 61: *h2e h2o-). The primary meaning of the Indo-European kinship term *h2e h2owas probably ‘maternal grandfather’. Its derivative *h2e h2iocould probably designate both ‘maternal uncle’ and ‘grandchild’. 3.2. For the second member of the hypothetical compound, there are two candidates. 3.2.1. One possibility is represented by the Lithuanian word švašvà ‘daughter; sister’, if it is derivable from *švešva < *svešva < Proto-Baltic *s eśr ā and the primary meaning was the feminine to Lithuanian šẽšuras ‘father-in-law’ (cf. § 1.2., following Karaliūnas 1999: 86–88). For the hypothetical determinative compound, the following maximal reconstruction may be proposed: *á -s eśr iiā *‘mother-in-law belonging to the house of the maternal grandfather’. It is expectable that this complex compound was simplified to *á -s eś iiā, via regressive assimilation to *áuś eś iiā and via haplology to *áuś iiā, leading to the real forms: Lithuanian úošvė, Latvian uôse ‘mother-in-law, husband’s mother’. The masculine counterpart would be formed analogically. 3.2.2. The alternative candidate for the second component could be a predecessor of Latvian siẽva ‘wife’ (ME III 861; Karulis 1992: 179), reflecting Baltic protoform *śei ā with regard to external cognates: Germanic *χīwa- > Gothic heiwa-frauja ‘master of the house’, Old Norse pl. hý-býli ‘homestead’, Old English adj. hīw-cund ‘domestic’, Middle High German adj. hīe ‘household member’; *χīwan- > Old High German hî(w)o ‘husband’, besides hî(w)a ‘wife, uxor’, Old Saxon hīwa id.; *χīwōnō > Old Norse pl. hjún, hjón ‘married couple, household’, Old English pl. hīwan id., Old Saxon hī(w)un ‘married couple’, Old 5 High German hīūn, hī(w)ôn id. etc. (Pokorny 1959: 540; EWAhd IV 1077–1082; Kroonen 2013: 227). Italic *kei i- > Old Latin ceivis [XII Tables], Latin cīvis ‘citizen’ [Plautus+], while Oscan ceus id. has been taken as the Latin loan (de Vaan 2008: 116). Indo-Aryan: Vedic adj. śéva- ‘dear, precious’ and sévya- ‘dear (as a friend)’, maybe connected with śivá- ‘auspicious, propitious, gracious, favourable, benign, kind, benevolent, friendly, dear’ (EWAI II 654–655, 640). Taking into account Baltic *śei ā as the second member of the hypothetical determinative Baltic compound *á -śei iiā ‘wife belonging to the house of the maternal grandfather’, it is necessary to explain the process of its shortening. The first step would be monophthongisation of the diphthong *ei > Lithuanian and Latvian ie → i. It has an analogy in the Lithuanian teens of the type vienúolika “11”, dvýlika “12”, trýlika “13”, keturiólika “14”, penkiólika “15”. Here, the second component represents nom.-acc.pl. liek , formed from nom.sg. in Lithuanian liẽkas ‘odd, not forming a pair; remaining, unnecessary, useless’, Latvian lìeks ‘untrue, false; additional, spare (about a wheel, a horse); without pair, odd; exceeding’ (Stang 1966: 188, 280; Smoczyński 2018: 696), all from the verb attested in Lithuanian liekù, l kti ‘to stay; abandon’, Latvian lìeku, likt ‘to let’ (see Kümmel, LIV 2001 [1998]: 406–408: *leik-). In Latvian, this tendency is documented in some dialects: vin vs viên ‘only’ and vi pacmit vs viênpadsmit “11” or lils vs liẽls ‘big’ (Endzelin 1922: 98; ME II 470). The second step would consist of syncopation of unstressed i, similarly to the dialectal variants vienúol’ka, dvýl’ka or dvýlka, trýl’ka or trýlka (Smoczyński 2018: 704). The same process may be identified in the development of the literary Lithuanian language: kélnės f. pl. ‘trousers, pants’, syncopated form of Old Lithuanian kẽlinės, representing the derivative with the suffix -infrom kẽlis ‘knee’ (ibid.: 1566–1567). Similarly, Old Lithuanian vẽlinas ‘devil’ vs later vélnas, today vélnias (ibid.: 1629). 4. Conclusion The result of this study is a new etymology of the isolated East Baltic kinship term represented by Lithuanian m. úošvis ‘father-in-law, husband’s father’, f. úošvė ‘mother-inlaw, husband’s mother’ and Latvian m. uôsis, f. uôse id. The new solution presupposes the East Baltic innovation, which should be the determinative compound consisting of two components, plus the appurtenance suffix *-iio-/*-iiā: (i) *á -s eśr iiā *‘mother-in-law belonging to the house of the maternal grandfather’ or (ii) *á -śei iiā ‘wife belonging to the house of the maternal grandfather’. 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