Dėl Marijampolės apskrities agronimų – priesagos „-in-“ vedinių

DALIA SVIDERSKIENĖ Institute of the Lithuanian Language Research areas: onomastics (studies of the formation and origin of proper names). ON THE AGRONYMS OF MARIJAMPOLĖ COUNTY – DERIVATIVES WITH THE SUFFIX -in- On the Agronyms—Derivatives of the Suffix -in- in Marijampolė County ABSTRACT This article aims to take a closer look at one part of the toponymy of Marijampolė County recorded in the interwar period: agronyms, derivatives with the suffix -in-. Drawing on valuable supplementary information recorded in the Land Names questionnaires, an attempt was made to determine as precisely as possible how the place names under study were formed, to identify and name the common nouns with which the etymologized forms of the agronyms can be associated and from which they may derive, and to supplement and refine existing explanations of the formation and origin of place names in the southern Lithuanian-speaking area. The findings of this study could be incorporated into the context of Lithuanian and Baltic studies. ANNOTATION The article attempts to take a closer look at the part of toponymy of Marijampolė County recorded in the interwar period – agronyms as the derivatives of the suffix -in-. Based on the valuable additional information recorded in Field-Name questionnaires, the author sought to identify the type of formation of the place names under analysis, to identify and name the common words, which can be associated with the etymologised agronym forms and from which they can be derived, to supplement and revise the existing interpretations of the formation and origins of the place names in the southern area of the Lithuanian language to the most accurate way possible. The research data can be included into the context of the research of the Lithuanian and Baltic linguistics. KEYWORDS: interwar period, place names, agronyms, base word (etymon), common noun (appellative), place-name formation, suffix, derivative. KEYWORDS: interwar period, place names, agronyms, base word (etymon), common word (appellative), formation of place names, suffix, derivative. Straipsniai / Articles 81 DALIA SVIDERSKIENĖ 0. INTRODUCTION Data on the distribution and productivity of derivatives with the suffix - in- in various classes (subclasses) of Lithuanian toponyms are rather uneven. According to Aleksandras Vanagas, “hydronyms with the suffixes -inė and -inis are, generally speaking, found throughout Lithuania. They are somewhat less common only in the central part of northern Lithuania (roughly, with Vabalninkas, Kupiškis, and Subačius as its centre), in southeastern Lithuania, and in Žemaitija” (Vanagas 1970: 164). This is also borne out by the cartographic representation of the distribution of hydronym suffixes provided by the onomast (ibid., p. 407). The author gives the total number in Lithuania of derivatives with the suffix -in- formed from appellatives and personal names as 522: 178 with -inė and 344 with -inis (ibid., pp. 381, 385). Given the total number of suffixed hydronyms—about 4,000 (ibid., p. 277)—the proportion of derivatives with the suffix -in- in the hydronym class was determined to be 13%. According to research on Lithuanian oikonyms, the second most productive of the more general-purpose suffixes (after -išk-) is the suffix -inė. According to Marija Razmukaitė, “oikonym derivatives with this suffix are widespread over a considerable area of Lithuania; they are less characteristic of the western Dzūkai and the southern outskirts of Trakai District. With the exception of the southeastern corner of the dunininkai dialect area, derivatives with this suffix are unpopular in Žemaitija and also in northern Lithuania, between the Venta and the Mūša” (Razmukaitė 1998: 113). As the author writes, -iniai are not especially productive. The “area where derivatives with this suffix occur is more pronounced in the very north of Lithuania” (ibid.). This is also borne out by the cartographic representation of the distribution of oikonym suffixes presented by the researcher in Appendix No. 1, Map No. 2. In the ranking of suffix productivity, based on the overall percentages of the productivity of the derivatives counted (formed by suffixation), derivatives with the suffix -in- account for: 5% for -inė derivatives (323 oikonyms found) and 1.25% for -iniai derivatives (83 oikonyms found) (ibid., p. 111). Based on research into suffixed helonyms, it is clear that all the inflectional variants of the suffix under discussion are used in the formation of these names, yielding different numbers of derivatives. “The most productive are the suffixes derived from *-no-: 47 suffixes form 45.9% of all names denoting possessors of a feature; -inė accounts for 32.4% (in terms of all derivational categories), -inis for 6.9%, -inės for 3.4%, -iniai for 0.6% [...] and so on” (Bilkis 2008: 262). According to the researcher, there are 104 names of action results, constituting 1% of all helonyms with explicit suffixal derivation. Of these, 14.4% are -inė derivatives, and 3.8% each are -inės, -inis derivatives (ibid., pp. 269–270). According to research on Lithuanian oronyms formed by suffixation, derivatives with the suffix -in- account for 18.2%. They are formed with the inflectional variants of this suffix: 10.28% of the derivatives were formed with -inė, 1.85% with -inės, 0.51% with -iniai, and 5.56% with -inis (Kačinaitė 2009: 141). In earlier studies of place names recorded in the interwar period in Marijampolė County, particular attention was not paid to derivatives with the suffix -in- from the perspective of their formation and origin. It was noted, however, that toponyms with the suffix -in- occur in all 82 Acta Linguistica Lithuanica LXVI Dėl Marijampolės apskrities agronimų – priesagos -in- vedinių classes of place names: hydronyms, names of inhabited places, and especially land names. They are formed from both appellatives and proper names. A study of one subclass of land names in Marijampolė County, anthroponymic agronyms (Sviderskienė 2010: 97–127), found that derivatives with the suffix -in- account for 12% (47 place names were found, of which 46 are -inė(s) and one is an -inis derivative) (ibid., p. 122). Attention was later drawn to the concentration in this area of derivatives with the suffix -in- of appellative origin. Here, 328 were recorded, i.e. about half (~50%) of all suffixed agronyms derived from common nouns. Although derivatives with this suffix are often formed in other areas of Lithuanian as well (cf. Mickienė 2001: 117–118; 2006: 27–30, Endzelytė 2004: 80–89; 2005: 145–146, Bartkutė 2008: 157–159), far fewer were recorded in the places they studied than in the area under investigation. Attention was also drawn to the fact that very few (about thirty) compound genitive agronyms of appellative origin were recorded in the Žemės vardų questionnaires1 of Marijampolė County. Given that in the standard language adjectives with the suffix -in- spread by displacing one of their grammatical synonyms—the genitive of a noun (cf. Kniūkšta 1976: 196; 2000: 36)—it may hypothetically be supposed that toponymy, too, may be connected with linguistic laws operating in the context of appellative vocabulary. Thus, the quantitative predominance of derivatives with the suffix -in- most likely attests to the specificity of this class (subclass) of place names in the area under investigation, as well as to proper names’ tendency to expand in favour of the derivatives under discussion.2 This article aims to take a closer look at part of the toponymy of Marijampolė County recorded in the interwar period—derivatives with the suffix -in- of appellative origin. Using supplementary information from the Žemės vardų questionnaires, the study seeks to determine as accurately as possible the word-formation type3 and base words of the place names under investigation, and to supplement and refine existing explanations of the formation and origin of place names in these areas. It is hoped that such studies, carried out systematically in preparation for a synthetic work on Lithuanian toponymy, Lietuvos vietovardžių žodyną (hereafter LVŽ), will help determine more precisely the land names’ 1 Plačiau apie tarpukario Lietuvos anketų duomenis žr. Sviderskienė 2005: 93; Sinkevičiūtė 2006: 497. 2 These are considered to be place names composed of two independent words, the first of which, the defining element, is the genitive of a common noun; the second word in genitive place names is the name of a feature of the earth’s surface, which the first distinguishes from other identical features (cf. Vanagas 1970: 258–259; see also Savukynas 1963: 235–246). 3 This refers to agronyms whose derivational base may be either an unsuffixed appellative (the formation is considered a derivative, and its suffix a derivational affix) or a suffixed appellative. In the latter case, the agronym is considered primary. In Lithuanian toponymy, primary place names are those that acquire no derivational features during toponymization, when common nouns (or other proper names) become place names. For this term as applied to hydronyms, see also Vanagas 1970: 24. For example, based on information in the questionnaire for the village of Būdninkai, Gudeliai rural district, in the county under study (Long ago, this meadow was beside a grove, which has now been cut down), the meadow name Pagirinė is thought to derive from Lithuanian pagirinis, -ė ‘situated near a forest’, cf. Pagirinis šonas Klvr (LKŽe); the land name is considered primary. Thus, this agronym is not included in the list of place names under investigation. Straipsniai / Articles 83 DALIA SVIDERSKIENĖ their origin, the place of an individual place name within the formations of name nests, and so on. Moreover, in order to preserve the smallest names of landscape features as a specific and most changeable part of the lexicon, place names of this class are intended to continue to be studied and published. The article presents authentic place names recorded from spoken language. If a place name in the interwar-period material is unaccented, or its accentuation is unclear or unreliable, it is left unaccented in the article. As is customary in studies of this kind, each place name is accompanied by references identifying the objects it names and their locations. The origin of each agronym is then explained: the presumed base word (etymon) and its meaning are indicated. Since the part of Marijampolė County toponymy selected as the object of study and recorded during the interwar period is fairly authentic and untouched by word-formation models from foreign languages, in every case, after finding and identifying the common nouns with which the forms of the agronyms being etymologized are associated and from which they are derived, and specifying the meanings of the appellatives, the electronic edition of the Dictionary of the Lithuanian Language (hereafter LKŽė) was consulted. Taking into account the parts of speech to which the base words belong, the article distinguishes two groups of the toponyms under study: I. Derivatives from nouns (desubstantives) and II. Derivatives from adjectives (deadjectives). In the vicinity of Marijampolė, 13 of the latter derivatives were recorded (4%). In terms of number of representatives, desubstantives substantially outnumber deadjectives. A total of 315 were recorded (96%) (see also the appendix, Diagram 1). According to their base words, these derivatives are divided into several lexico-semantic groups: those derived from various physiographic terms, names of plants and animals, and names of other things and phenomena in the natural and social environment. 1. DERIVATIVES FROM NOUNS (DESUBSTANTIVES) 1.1. Derivatives from physiographic terms –ine: Akmen-inė e.g. Klvr, Krsn, Lbv: Lith. ãkmenas (akmuõ) ‘hard rock or a separate piece of it’; Angl-inė village Šil: Lith. anglis ‘remnant of wood that has not completely burned’; Buiz-inė or., village KzR: Lith. buizà ‘large muddy bog, quagmire, marshy place’; Daub-inė e.g. Klvr: Lith. daubà ‘valley, hollow, ravine’; Dub-inė e.g. Krsn, Ldvn: Lith. dùbė ‘depression, valley’, cf. Lith. dubùs, –ì ‘pitted, full of hollows’; Duõb-inė e.g. Lbv: Lith. duobė ‘a dug or otherwise sunken place in the ground’; Dùrp-inė e.g. Klvr, Ldvn, Ss: Lith. dùrpa, dùrpos ‘compressed and carbonized remains of marsh plants⁴’; Gal-inė or. 4 Meadow names may be formed directly from Lithuanian dùrpinė (noun) ‘a place where peat is or was dug; a pit in a peat bog’. 84 Acta Linguistica Lithuanica LXVI Dėl Marijampolės apskrities agronimų – priesagos -in- vedinių KzR, meadow Igl, 2 meadows Klvr, meadow Krsn, 2 meadows Ldvn: Lithuanian gãlas ‘the place where an elongated object ends; the end part of an object (beginning, end)’; Išdag-inė meadow Ldvn, Mrj: Lithuanian išdaga, išdagà ‘a place in a meadow, forest, or peat bog burned out or scorched by the sun; a burn’; Kaln-inė meadow Klvr: Lithuanian kálnas ‘a high elevation of land’; Kañp-inė meadow Klvr; Kamp-inė meadow Prn; Kamp-inė2 meadows Igl, Klvr, meadow Ldvn, Mrj, 2 meadows Prn; Kamp-inė2 meadows Igl, meadow Prn: Lithuanian kañpas ‘edge, side; half; area, plot; outskirts; piece’; Klón-inė meadow Gdl; Klon-inė meadow Brb: Lithuanian klónis ‘valley-like place, valley, bend, hollow, ravine’; Krant-inėfield Ss: Lithuanian krãntas ‘the edge of land by a river, lake, or sea; a steep bank’; Kriauš-inė meadow Klvr: Lithuanian kriaušis ‘a steep, precipitous bank, a sharply rising place’; Kūpst-inė2 meadows Brb, 6 meadows Gdl, 2 meadows Klvr, 4 meadows Lbv; Kupst-inėmeadow Brb, Gdl, 3 meadows Klvr, 6 meadows Lbv, meadow Ldvn, 8 meadows Krsn, meadow Ss; Kupst-inėnear a farmstead, meadow Prn; meadow Brb, Gdl, Igl, 3 meadows Klvr, 2 meadows Krsn, meadow Lbv, Šil: Lithuanian kùpstas ‘some small elevation, mound, tussock, hummock; a sheaf of grain (10 or 12 feet)’; Mišk-inėfield Vv: Lithuanian miškas ‘a place covered with trees; forest’; Mol-inėfield Krsn: Lithuanian mólis ‘brown earth, clay (when wet), used in construction, pottery, modelling, and the like’, mõlė ‘clayey soil, clay ground’; Pagir-inėmeadow KzR: Lithuanian pagirė, pagirỹs ‘a field beside a forest’; Pakel-inėnear a farmstead, meadow KzR, meadow Klvr, Ldvn: Lithuanian pakelė, pakelỹs ‘a place beside or along a road; roadside’⁵; Pakriaus-inėmeadow Ldvn: Lithuanian pakriáušė, pakriáušis ‘a steep, precipitous bank or mountain slope, kriaušis, steep slope’; Paupel-inėnear a farmstead, meadow KzR: Lithuanian paupelė, pāupelis ‘a place along a stream’; Paup-inėmeadow KzR: Lithuanian paũpė, paupỹs ‘a place along a river, riverbank’; Pavieškel-inėmeadow Lbv: Lithuanian pavieškelė, pavieškelỹs ‘a place along a main road’; Piesk-inėfield Ss: borrowed word pieskà, piẽškas ‘sandy soil, sandy ground’; Pratekul-inėnear Krsn: Lithuanian *pratekul(is) or similar, cf. Lithuanian pratekliai ‘source, outflow (?)’; Prūdel-inėmeadow Brb: Lithuanian prūdėlis, cf. prūdas ‘pond’; Prūd-inėmeadow Gdl: borrowed word prūdas; Šaltin-inėmeadow Lbv: Lithuanian šaltinis ‘a spring flowing from the ground’; Rubež-inėnear KzR: borrowed word rubėžius ‘boundary of a strip of land or field, field boundary’; Rūd-inėfield Vv, meadow Krsn; Rūd-inėmeadow Prn: borrowed word rūda ‘poor, marshy soil mixed with peat, boggy ground; soil containing ore’; Tak-inėmeadow Igl: Lithuanian tãkas ‘a narrow path for walking; figuratively, a narrow plot of land’; Tūrp-inėmeadow Brb: borrowed word tùrpės ‘peat’; Valak-inė2 meadows Igl; Valak-inėmeadow Prn: borrowed word valãkas ‘a plot of land measuring about twenty desetinas’; Žiegždr-inėnear Gdl: Lithuanian žiegždra, žiegždrás ‘coarse sand, gravel, shingle’; Žiog-inėmeadow Ss: Lithuanian žiogỹs ‘a flooded riverside area, backwater, stagnant pool; a bog or quagmire at the edge of a river or lake’; alternatively, it may derive from Lithuanian žiõgas, žiógis ‘a leaping insect of the order Orthoptera (Tettigonia)’; Žvirgžd-inėmeadow Igl: Lithuanian žvirgždė ‘gravelly ground’; 5 It should not be overlooked that land-feature names may be formed directly from Lithuanian pakelinis, -ė ‘located [...] beside a road’. Straipsniai / Articles 85 DALIA SVIDERSKIENĖ -ine: Angl-inès field Krsn: cf. anglìs6; Durp-inès meadow KzR: cf. dùrpė, dùrpės; Kamp-inès meadow Ss; Kamp-inès meadow Igl: cf. kāmpas; Kėms-inès meadow Krsn: cf. kėmsas ‘a stump or mound overgrown with moss or grass, a mossy mound’; Valāk-inès meadow Klvr: loanword valākas; Žiegžd r-inès meadow Gdl: cf. žiegždra, žiẽgždras; -iniai: Krašt-iniai meadow, roadside, Krsn: cf. krãštas ‘end, extremity, boundary, wall; a small piece, a small plot; a little’; -inis: Kamp-inis field, meadow Mrj, meadow Prn: cf. kāmpas; Pagir-inis meadow, woodland edge KzR: cf. pagirė, pagirỹs ‘edge of a forest; field by a forest’7, Pavieškel-inis meadow Ss: cf. pavieškelė, pavieškelỹs. It was observed that, in the area under study, the largest share (40%) of formations with the suffix -in- is derived from physiographic terms (see Appendix, Diagram 2). In this group, the suffix -inė formations are the most productive. They account for 91% of all place names in this group. The remaining formations are made with variants of the suffix -in-: 5% are formed with -inės, 3% with -inis. One formation with -iniai was recorded. There are particularly many agronyms in the study area derived from Lith. kùpstas ‘mound’. Formations with the suffix -in-, whose base word is the appellative mentioned above, were recorded in almost all municipalities of the county under study (Balbieriškis, Gudeliai, Kalvarija, Liubavas, Liudvinavas, Krosna, Sasnava, and Šilavotas). This may testify that in flatland areas every unevenness in the earth’s surface was noticed and given some kind of name8 (in the formation of agronyms, a mound). Formations in common use are quite often derived from the appellative rūdà; apparently, it denotes not only poor, marshy land mixed with peat, a peat bog, or land containing ore. There may be cases in which rūdà means bog iron9. Kampas ir gãlas (‘corner’ and ‘end’) are two other appellatives from which formations with the suffix -in- are often derived. No agronyms whose base word is the nomenclatural term for the named object have been recorded in these localities. 6 The meanings of recurring common words associated with, and serving as the sources for, the etymologized forms of agronyms are not indicated in the article. 7 The place name could have been formed directly from Lith. pagirinis, -ė, but the place-name recorder for the questionnaire from the village of Senovė in Kazlų Rūda municipality provides no such data. Since the derivational base of the agronym is a non-suffixed appellative (pagirỹs), the formation is considered a derivative with the suffix -in- (cf. footnote 3). 8 In the study of another toponym subclass of Marijampolė County—compound oronyms—it was observed that, in this area, place names are often (89%) formed by compounding with the lexeme kálnas in the second component (see Sviderskienė 2006: 57). 9 Dar žr. Vanagas 1996: 94–97, kur aiškindamas miesto vardo Kazlų Rūdà, priklausančio tiriamam arealui, kilmę, plačiai aptaria antrojo vietovardžio dėmens Rūdà kilmės aiškinimo galimybes. 86 Acta Linguistica Lithuanica LXVI Dėl Marijampolės apskrities agronomų – priesagos –in- vedinių 1.2. Derivatives from plant names -inė: Alksn-inė e.g. KzR, Ldvn: Lithuanian alkšnis ‘a tree of the birch family (Alnus)’; Arel-inė e.g. Klvr: Lithuanian ārelis ‘a marsh plant with long, strongly scented leaves (Acorus calamus)’; Aržuol-inė e.g. Klvr, Aržuol-inė e.g. Lbv: Lithuanian āržuolas ‘a leafy tree with very hard wood (Quercus)’; Asiūkl-inė e.g. Brb, Gdl, 2 examples Klvr, Krsn, examples Lbv, Prn, Šil; Asiūkl-inė e.g. Krsn; Asiūkl-inė e.g. Klvr, Ldvn, 2 examples Prn: Lithuanian asiūklis ‘a spore-bearing plant of the horsetail family with small scaly leaves, horsetail (Equisetum)’; Aviž-inė e.g. Prn: Lithuanian aviža ‘a cultivated plant whose grains are used as fodder and food (Avena); the grain of that plant’; Baland-inė e.g. Mrj: Lithuanian balánda ‘a plant of the goosefoot family (Chenopodium)’10; Berž-inė e.g. Gdl, 4 examples Krsn: Lithuanian béržas ‘a leafy tree with white bark (Betula)’; Bulb-inė dialectal Igl: borrowed bùlbė ‘a vegetable whose tubers contain much starch (Solanum tuberosum); the tuber of that vegetable’; Búož-inė 2 examples Mrj: Lithuanian búožė ‘reed mace, crowberry (Typha)’; Cibul-inė 3 examples Ldvn: borrowed cìbulis ‘onion (Allium cepa)’; Česnak-inė e.g. Gdl: borrowed česnākas ‘a pungent-smelling vegetable (Allium sativum)’; Dilgėl-inė e.g. Mrj: Lithuanian dilgėlė ‘a herb whose stems and leaves have stinging hairs (Urtica)’; Dirs-inė e.g. Ldvn: Lithuanian dirsė ‘a grass weed, usually growing among rye (Bromus)’; Drebul-inė e.g. KzR: Lithuanian drebulė ‘a tree with trembling leaves, aspen (Populus tremula)’; Egl-inė 2 examples Krsn: Lithuanian ẽglė ‘an evergreen conifer with dense branches forming a cone-shaped crown (Picea)’; Geguž-inė 2 examples Krsn; Geguž-inė examples Igl, Prn: Lithuanian gegužė (gegužės rūtós) ‘a type of grass growing on fallow land’, gegùžis ‘horsetail, field horsetail (Equisetum)’; Glúoks-ninė e.g. Prn: Lithuanian glúoksnis ‘a tree of the willow family, osier (Salix)’; Glúos-ninė e.g. Brb, 2 examples Prn: Lithuanian glúosnis ‘a tree of the willow family, osier (Salix)’; Karkl-inė e.g. Krsn, Lbv; Karkl-inė e.g. Klvr: Lithuanian kãrklas ‘a tree or shrub of the willow family (Salix cinerea)’, cf. Lithuanian kãrklės ‘a kind of grass’; Klev-inė or.; e.g. Šil: Lithuanian klėvas ‘a tree of the maple family with broad, lobed leaves, sycamore (Acer)’; Kopūst-inė dialectal Igl, e.g. Klvr: Lithuanian kopūstas ‘a leafy vegetable of the crucifer family (Brassica)’; Lapūg-inė 3 examples Klvr; Lapūg-inė e.g. Krsn: borrowed lapūgas ‘marsh marigold (Caltha palustris)’; Lapūk-inė 3 examples. 10 For the origin of place names, see also LVŽ I 322–333, where the possibility of explaining the origin of place names from Lithuanian balandė, balandis ‘such a bird, a dove; a wild dove (Columba)’ is presented. In the article author's opinion, another interpretation of the place name's origin is also apparently possible. Based on data from the Atlas of the Baltic Languages, it was established that the common noun balandis is used throughout the Samogitian dialect area, in adjacent Western Aukštaitian dialects and in some Eastern Aukštaitian Panevėžys subdialects (p. 89). The appellative karvėlis is used in the Lithuanian area under investigation; according to the aforementioned atlas, it is widespread across most of Lithuania: throughout the Aukštaitian area, as well as in some southern and eastern South Samogitian Raseiniai subdialects (cf. p. 90; see also the map on p. 149). In view of this, the meadow name is associated in the article with Lithuanian balánda and assigned to the section on denominal formations, in the semantic group of derivatives from plant names. Straipsniai / Articles 87 DALIA SVIDERSKIENĖ Krsn: borrowed lapūkas ‘marsh marigold (Caltha palustris)’; Léndr-inė 2 examples Lbv: Lithuanian léndrė ‘an aquatic plant of the grass family with a long hollow stem; common reed (Phragmites communis)’; Néndr-inė 2 examples Gdl, e.g. Lbv; Nendr-inė 2 examples Gdl, 4 examples Krsn, e.g. Lbv, Ldvn; Nendr-inė e.g. Igl, Klvr: Lithuanian néndrė ‘an aquatic plant of the grass family with a long hollow stem (Phragmites communis)’; Papart-inė e.g. Klvr: Lithuanian papartis ‘a spore-bearing plant with large divided leaves (Dryopteris)’; Pupelaišk-inė e.g. Ldvn: Lithuanian *pupelaiškė or similar, cf. Lithuanian pùpalaiškė ‘a medicinal plant of the gentian family growing in bogs (Menyanthes trifoliata)’; Pùš-inė, Puš-inė e.g. Krsn: Lithuanian pušis ‘an evergreen tree with long needles and round cones (Pinus)’; Rug-inė e.g. Klvr: Lithuanian rugiai, rugýs ‘a grass crop (usually winter-sown) whose grain flour is used to bake bread (Secale); a field growing this crop’; Sãman-inė e.g. Brb; Saman-inė 3 examples Krsn, e.g. Lbv; Sama-ninė 2 examples Klvr, e.g. Šil: Lithuanian sãmana ‘a spore-bearing plant of damp places, with rhizoids instead of roots (Bryophyta)’; Serbent-inė e.g. Lbv, Ss; Serbent-inė e.g. Ldvn: Lithuanian serbentà, serbẽntas ‘a fruit-bearing shrub with edible, sweet-and-sour red, yellowish or black berries (Ribes)’; Siūkl-inė 2 examples Lbv; Siūkl-inė e.g. Klvr: Lithuanian siūklė, siūklis ‘a spore-bearing plant of the horsetail family with small scaly leaves, horsetail (Equisetum)’; Skrobl-inė dialectal Ss: Lithuanian skroblas ‘a birch-family tree with hard wood (Carpinus)’; Smilg-inė e.g. Lbv; Smilg-inė e.g. Ldvn: Lithuanian smilga ‘a grass of the grass family with a panicle-like inflorescence (Agrostis)’; Smukn-inė e.g. Krsn, Smukn-inė e.g. Igl: Lithuanian smùknė, smuknià ‘a lowland grass resembling a sedge’; Spālgen-inė e.g. Lbv: Lithuanian spālgena ‘cranberry’; Stadal-inė e.g. Ldvn: Lithuanian stadalė ‘a perennial ornamental shrub or tree (Cornus)’; Šeltėkšn-inė e.g. Igl: Lithuanian šeltėkšnis ‘a shrub or small tree of the buckthorn family (Frangula)’; Šer-inė e.g. Klvr, Mrj: Lithuanian šerys ‘a poor, coarse grass’¹¹; Šermukšn-inė e.g. Ldvn: Lithuanian šermùkšnis ‘a tree of the rose family with red berries (Sorbus)’; Šlyn-inė e.g. Brb: Lithuanian šlýnas, šlýnė ‘grayish-blue or whitish, slippery clay containing organic matter; soil consisting of such clay’; Švėndr-inė e.g. Ldvn: Lithuanian švėndrė ‘reed (Phragmites)’; Uos-inė e.g. Brb: Lithuanian úosis ‘a tree of the olive family with pinnately divided leaves and hard wood (Fraxinus)’; Viksu-inė e.g. Brb, Klvr, Lbv; Viksu-inė e.g. Klvr: Lithuanian viksva ‘a perennial herb of the sedge family (Carex)’; Vikšr-inė e.g. KzR: Lithuanian vikšris ‘sedge (Carex); this plant as grass or hay’; Vingir-inė e.g. Šil: Lithuanian vingiris ‘a genus of perennial herbs of the meadow-rue family (Thalictrum)’; Vinkšn-inė e.g. Krsn: Lithuanian vinkšna, vinkšnà ‘a tree of the elm family (Ulmus)’; Žolyn-inė dialectal Mrj: Lithuanian žolýnas ‘any herbaceous plant, growing or cut’, Lithuanian žolýnė ‘a place overgrown with herbs’; -inė̀s: Nendr-inės e.g. Lbv: Lithuanian néndrė; Saman-inės e.g. Gdl: Lithuanian sãmana; Smilg-inės e.g. Gdl: Lithuanian smilga; 11 Meadow names may be formed directly from Lithuanian šėrinis, -ė ‘coarse, hard like bristles’. 88 Acta Linguistica Lithuanica LXVI Dėl Marijampolės apskrities agronomų – priesagos –in- vedinių -inis: Aržuol-inis pv. Igl: Lithuanian áržuolas; Brōk-inis dr. Ss: Lithuanian brōkas ‘such a vegetable; the tuber of that vegetable; beet (Beta)12; Rōp-inis dr. Ss: Lithuanian rōpė ‘a cultivated or edible vegetable of the crucifer family, with a long or round, thick root (Brassica rapa)’; Saman-inis pv. Gdl: Lithuanian sāmana; Skirp st-inis ar. Krsn: Lithuanian skirpštas ‘beech (Fagus)’; Skrobl-inis l. Lbv: Lithuanian skrōblas; Skruobl-inis pv. Gdl: Lithuanian skrūoblas ‘a tree of the birch family with hard wood (Carpinus)’; Tabok-inis l. dalis Ss: Lithuanian tabokà, tabōkas ‘a plant of the nightshade family (Nicotiana)’. It was observed that among agronyms derived from plant names, derivatives with the suffix -inė are the most productive. They constitute 91% of all place names in this group. The other derivatives are formed with ending variants of the suffix -in-: 2% of derivatives are formed with -inės, and 7% with -inis. No derivatives with -iniai were recorded. In the area under study, agronyms are derived from tree names (alksnis, áržuolas, skirpštas, skrōblas, vìnkšna, vinkšnà) and from the names of plants growing in various locations: wet places (ārelis), fields (asiūklis), gardens (brōkas, rōpė), meadows (smilga), and fields (avižà). The most frequent base words are the following lexemes: asiūklis, réndare, sāmana, viksva. Records of place names of the subclass under study, used in living speech in the interwar period, show that in the same local area at the same time, names of places with the suffix -in- and its ending variants were formed from variant forms with asiūkl- and siūkl-, indicating a connection with Lithuanian asiūklis and Lithuanian siūklė, siūklis; with lapūk- and lapūg-, indicating a connection with the loanwords lapūgas and lapūkas; with lendr- and nendr-, indicating a connection with Lithuanian lėndrė and Lithuanian nénd-rė; with skrobl- and skruobl-, indicating a connection with Lithuanian skrōblas and Lithuanian skrūoblas. It is suggested that the diversity of varying lexemes revealed by this study may be regarded as a feature specific to the area under investigation. 1.3. Derivatives from animal names -inė: Ánt-inė pv. Gdl: Lithuanian ántis ‘domestic or wild waterfowl (Anas)’; Barsuk-inė ar. Šil: Lithuanian barsūkas ‘a predatory small mammal with coarse fur, a badger (Ursus meles)’; Dėl-inė pv. Brb; Dėl-inė pv. Brb; Dėl-inė pv. Ldvn: Lithuanian dėlė ‘a blood-feeding freshwater worm, a leech (Hirudo medicinalis)’; Gaid-inė pv. Ldvn: Lithuanian gaidỹs ‘a domestic bird, a male chicken (Gallus gallinaceus)’; Gyvat-inė pv. Krsn; Gyvat-inė pv. Klvr: Lithuanian gyvātė ‘a long-bodied, legless reptile with venomous fangs, a viper, a poisonous snake, a hissing snake (Vipera berus)’; Jarub-inė pv. Prn: Lithuanian jarubė ‘a bird of the grouse family, hazel grouse (Tetrao bonasia)’; Ožk-inė pv. Klvr: Lithuanian ožkà ‘a small horned ruminant (usually domestic), kept for milk and meat’; Pemp-inė pv. KzR: Lithuanian pėmpė ‘a small marsh bird of the plover family (Vanel- 12 On the other hand, the possibility that the place names derive from the surname Brōkas (LPŽ I 312) cannot be ruled out. Straipsniai / Articles 89 DALIA SVIDERSKIENĖ lus vanellus)’; Turkl-inė village name, Klvr: Lithuanian turklỹs ‘an insect of the cricket family that lives in damp soil, a mole cricket, a field cricket (Gryllotalpa gryllotalpa)’; Vārl-inė 2 village names, Lbv; village name, Ldvn; Varl-inė village name, Klvr: Lithuanian varlė ‘an animal of the amphibian class with long hind legs (Rana)’; Žvirbl-inė village name, Klvr: Lithuanian žvirblis ‘a small bird of the finch family found around homesteads and in towns (Passer)’; -in ė: Ang-inės village name, Šil: Lithuanian angis ‘a long-bodied, legless reptile with poisonous fangs; [...] a wicked woman, a shrew (Vipera berus)’, compare Prussian angis ‘snake, viper’ (Mažiulis 1988: 77)13; Gaīd-inės village name, Ldvn: Lithuanian gaidỹs; Vārn-inės village name, Krsn: Lithuanian vārna ‘a bird of the crow family with grey and black feathers (Corvus corone)’; Vilk-inės village name, Klvr: Lithuanian vīlkas ‘a dog-like predatory forest animal (Canis lupus)’, compare kap vilkai ‘very dark’ Mrj (LKŽe). -ine: Vanag-inis village name, Gdl: Lithuanian vā nagas ‘a species of the subfamily of hawks, a bird of prey with a short hooked beak and sharp talons’. In the Marijampolė area, the suffix -inė is most commonly used to derive agronyms from animal names; 77% of the derivatives are formed with it. Of the other ending variants of the suffix -in-, -inės and -inis account for 18% and 5%, respectively, of all derivatives in this group. No derivatives with -iniai were recorded in the area under study. The diversity of minor landform names derived from animal names is considerable. Derivatives from the names of birds (domestic and wild) are particularly varied (ántis, gaidỹs, jarubė, pémpė, vā n agas, vārna, žvirblis). They are also derived from the names of reptiles (angis, gyvatė), insects (turklỹs), domestic animals (ožka), and wild mammals (vīlkas). It was observed that the derivatives with the suffix -inė(s) discussed in this section are most often formed from the lexemes dėlė and varlė. This may suggest that the fields, meadows, arable land, and other similar land features in the Marijampolė area whose names were recorded in interwar questionnaires lay in wet, flood-prone locations. 1.4. Derivatives from other appellatives (names of objects, phenomena, etc. from various natural and social environments) -inė: Audekl-inė meadow, Krsn: Lithuanian áudeklas ‘material woven or produced by weaving, fabric’; Barag-inė meadow, KzR; Barag-inė meadow, KzR: borrowing barāgas ‘a shelter for hay, straw, or peat, suspended from four poles and raised or lowered; a riding hall shelter; a lean-to’14; Bravor-inė meadow, Igl, Šil: borrowing brāvoras ‘distillery or brewery’ 13 For another discussion of the origin of such place names, see also LVŽ I 98–99. 14 For another discussion of the origin of such place names, see also LVŽ I 362. 90 Acta Linguistica Lithuanica LXVI Dėl Marijampolės apskrities agronomų – priesagos -in- vedinių brewery’; Gelež-inė meadow, Lbv: Lithuanian geležis ‘the most widespread metal in nature (Fe)’; Guñb-inė meadow, Lbv: Lithuanian guñbas ‘a growth or thickening on a tree (plant), a swelling at some point; some kind of puffiness’; Járd-inė meadow, Ldvn: Lithuanian járdas ‘a unit of length [...]’; Kačerg-inė meadow, Lbv: borrowing kačérga ‘fire poker, stirrer’; Kapč-inė meadow, Klvr: borrowing kãpčius ‘a mound of heaped-up soil (a heap) marking a field boundary, balk, or wall; a boundary mound, a ridge’; Kūgėl-inė meadow, Lbv: Lithuanian kūgėlis ‘small mound, elevation’; Lakšt-inė meadow, Krsn: Lithuanian lãkštas ‘something flattened, a slab’; Lap-inė or., Šil: Lithuanian lãpas ‘the respiratory organ of a plant, usually a thin, green, plate-like outgrowth of the stem or branch (folium)’; Lazd-inė meadow, Krsn: Lithuanian lazdà ‘a shrub or tree on which nuts grow (Corylus avellana)’; Mūr-inė meadow, Klvr: borrowing mūras ‘a wall, enclosure made of cement, stones, or bricks’; Pabarzd-inė meadow, Klvr: Lithuanian pabarzdė ‘the longer uncut grass or grain stubble left along the edge of a windrow’; Padaž-inė meadow, Mrj: Lithuanian pãdažas ‘food sauce, dip’; Patãš-inė meadow, Klvr: Lithuanian pãtašas ‘liquid manure, slurry’; Plauš-inė 2 meadow, Krsn: Lithuanian plaušė ‘splinter, shard, fragment’, cf. Lithuanian plaušas ‘fibres of a fibrous plant’; Plien-inė meadow, Klvr: Lithuanian pliẽnas ‘ferrous metal—an alloy of iron, carbon, and other elements’; Pravor-inė 2 meadow, Gdl; Pravor-inė meadow, Igl: borrowing prãvoras ‘distillery or brewery, brew house’; Pùs-inė meadow, Klvr, Mrj; Pus-inė meadow, Lbv: Lithuanian pùsė ‘the middle of a place or object; a place usually situated at one of its two sides or edges; an edge, side, region’15; Saul-inė meadow, Mrj: Lithuanian sáulė ‘the rays, light, warmth of the celestial body’; Sidãbr-inė or., meadow, Krsn: Lithuanian sidãbras ‘a precious, non-rusting white metal’; Smãl-inė der. field name: borrowing smalà ‘tar, obtained by heating’; Sodyb-inė meadow, Ldvn: Lithuanian sodyba ‘a place where farmsteads once stood, a former homestead site’16; Sói̇́est-inė meadow, Lbv: Lithuanian sói̇́estas ‘solid fat obtained from cream’, cf. Žemė kai sviestas (fertile, well-cultivated land)17; Šulin-inė meadow, Klvr: Lithuanian šulinỹs ‘an artificial deep pit (usually lined) protected from soil particles, used to obtain water from water-bearing layers of the earth’; Tašl-inė meadow, Igl: Lithuanian tašlà ‘a mass of flour mixed into liquid’; Triėdal-inė meadow, Ldvn: Lithuanian triėdalas ‘liquid excrement’; Trūb-inė meadow, Lbv: borrowing trūbas ‘pipe’; Var-inė meadow, Ldvn: Lithuanian vãris ‘a reddish-yellow metal (Cu)’; Vidur-inė meadow, Klvr: Lithuanian vidurỹs ‘a place equally or approximately equally distant from all sides or from two sides; the center or approximate center of an object, body, or place’, other 15 Meadow names Pùsinė, meadow, Klvr, Mrj, may be formed directly from Lithuanian pùsinis, -ė ‘belonging to two in equal halves, held or used jointly by two’. 16 The additional information provided by the place-name collector in the questionnaire for the village of Armoniškiai, Liudvinavas rural district, supports the established method of suffixal formation of the place name and its derivational base: “There used to be a homestead in that place.” 17 It should be noted that, according to LKŽe, this illustrative sentence was recorded not from living speech but from the Lithuanian Written Language Dictionary, Lithuanian-German section, vols. I–V, Heidelberg, 1932–1968 (compiled by M. Niedermannas, A. Sennas, F. Brenderis, and A. Salys). Straipsniai / Articles 91 DALIA ŠVIDERSKIENĖ alternatively, it may derive from Lith. vidurinis, -ė ‘equally or approximately equally distant from the edges toward the center on all sides or on two sides; situated in the middle of something or between things (in terms of location)’; Vopn--inė e.g. Krsn: loanword vopnà ‘lime’; Žagar-inė e.g. Brb: Lith. žãgaras ‘a leafless twig (usually dry), brushwood’; –inė: Ariėlk-inės e.g. Klvr: Lith. arielkà ‘vodka’; Grebl-inės e.g. Lbv: Lith. greb̃lÿs ‘a hand-held agricultural tool for raking hay, grain, etc., and loosening soil’; Smal-inės or. Krsn, e.g. Lbv: loanword smalà; –inis: Karčem-inis drb. ž. Mrj: loanword karčemà ‘tavern’; Pus-inis e.g. Prn: Lith. pùsė18; Smal-inis in Ss: loanword smalà; Sodyb-inis dr. Ldvn: Lith. sodýba ‘a place, land around a house with all its outbuildings; a place where farm buildings stood, a homestead site’19 As the study showed, the productivity of the suffix -in- with the ending variants -inis, -inė(s) varies within the group of toponyms discussed. Derivatives in -inė are formed most often here—84%; -inės and -inis each account for 8% of the derivatives. In this group of derivatives, the number and variety of base words are quite large. Derivatives formed from some (with gùmbas, kūgėlis, lākštas, etc.) with the suffix -in- have distinguishing meanings; those formed from others (with vopnà, žãgaras, etc.) have taxonomic meanings; and those formed from still others (with barãgas, brãvoras, karčemà, etc.) have possessive meanings. As the data discussed in the toponym section show, among the -in- derivatives formed from noun bases (de-substantives), physiographic terms (40%) and plant names (39%) are much more frequent than names of various natural and social-environment objects and phenomena (14%); derivatives from animal names are the least frequent (7%) (see also the appendix, Diagram 2). This is apparently determined by the nature of the object under study—the names of ploughed fields, soils, fields, meadows, or pastures. 2. DERIVATIVES FROM ADJECTIVES (DEADJECTIVES) A few recorded derivatives with the suffix -in- are deadjectives: –inė: Dilg-inė e.g. Krsn; Dilg-inė or. Klvr, e.g. Krsn, Mrj; Dilg-inė e.g. Ldvn: Lith. dilgùs, -i ‘sharp, keen’; Dvirāt-inė e.g. Ldvn: Lith. dvirãtis, -ė ‘with two wheels’; Pailg-inė e.g. Igl: Lith. pailgas, -à ‘longer than it is wide, elongated’; Plik-inė e.g. Mrj: Lith. plikas, -à ‘without natural covering (hair, wool, feathers— 18 The meadow’s name may be derived directly from Lith. pùsinis ‘belonging to two parties in equal shares, held or used by two people’. 19 The field’s name could be derived directly from Lith. sodýbinis, -ė ‘located at a homestead site’. Since the toponym collector provides no such information in the questionnaire for Kirkiliavas village in Liudvinavas rural district, the formation is considered a derivative with the suffix -in-. 92 Acta Linguistica Lithuanica LXVI Dėl Marijampolės apskrities agronomų – priesagos -in- vedinių -nų, augmenijos, lapų)’; Rudāž-inė e.g. Lbv: *rudāvas, cf. Lith. rūdas, -à ‘dark yellow’; Šakót-inė e.g. KzR: Lith. šakótas, -a ‘branched, with offshoots, not continuous’; Šalt-inė e.g. Krsn: Lith. šáltas, -à ‘slow to warm up, spring-fed (of soil)’; Vėlyv-inė e.g. Ldvn: Lith. vėlyvis, -ė ‘late, the late one’; -inės: Dilg-inės ditch, e.g. Ss: Lith. dilgùs, -ì. As can be seen, besides base words describing form (dvirātis, -ė; pailgas, -à; šakótas, -a), colour (rūdas, -à), and certain soil properties (šáltas, -à), derivatives with the suffix -inė(s) are most often formed from Lith. dilgùs, -ì, which describes plant properties. Clearly, the productivity of the suffix -in- ending variants -inė and -inės varies within the group of toponyms discussed. An absolute majority (12 of 13) of these land names are derivatives with the suffix -inė. Derivatives in -inis and -iniai are not formed from adjectives in these localities. According to the study’s findings, the productivity of the ending variants -inė, -inės, -inis, -iniai of the suffix -in- varies considerably (see Appendix, Diagram 3). Most derivatives in the area studied are formed with -inė—89%; -inės accounts for 5%, and -inis for 4.5%. The fewest derivatives are formed with -iniai—0.3%. 3. CONCLUSIONS This further study of Marijampolė County place names has enabled a closer examination of the region’s onymic and appellative vocabulary. The areal toponymic studies conducted to date have not attested such extensive use of the suffix -in- in forming derivatives from appellatives as was attested in the interwar questionnaires from Marijampolė County. This is a new finding that complements research on toponyms in the southern Lithuanian language area. On the basis of the valuable information in the Žemės vardų questionnaires, the formation patterns of the place names under study are believed to have been determined precisely. The agronyms in question are those whose derivational base may be either an appellative without a suffix (in such cases, the formation is considered a derivative, and its suffix a derivational affix) or a suffixed appellative. In the latter case, agronyms are regarded as primary forms and are not included in the list of place names under study. In the future, the base words (etymons) of the agronyms identified through this derivational analysis will be important in preparing the synthetic work on Lithuanian toponymy, the Lietuvos vietovardžių žodyną. They will help establish more precise explanations of land-name origins and the place names’ positions in the lexical families being compiled. Following the selected classification criteria, the group of noun-based derivatives (desubstantives) was found to be the largest in terms of the parts of speech to which the base words belong. It accounts for 96% of all derivatives with the suffix -in-. The remaining 4% of the land names studied are adjective-based derivatives with the suffix -in- (deadjectives). Straipsniai / Articles 93 DALIA SVIDERSKIENĖ The identified base words of the agronyms under study show that this area has a particularly large number of place names derived from Lithuanian kūpstas ‘mound’. Suffix -in- derivatives whose base word is this appellative have been recorded in almost all the townships of the county under study. This may indicate that in lowland areas every irregularity in the earth’s surface was noticed, and that many field names were formed from the words used to designate them. Suffix -in- derivatives from animal names are often formed from the lexemes dėlė ‘leech’ and varlė ‘frog’; moreover, derivatives from physiographic terms are frequently formed from the appellative rūdā. This suggests that soils, meadows, fields, and other similar land-surface features around Marijampolė were located in wet, flood-prone areas. Analysis of the agronyms recorded in the questionnaires and derived from plant names showed that here they were most often formed from the common words asiūklis ‘horsetail’, nendrė ‘reed’, sąmana ‘moss’ and viksva ‘sedge’. An examination of the recorded forms of place names of this class (subclass) used in everyday speech during the interwar period revealed that, at the same time and in the same local area, place names with the suffix -in- and its ending variants were formed from neighboring forms with asiūkl- and siūkl-, indicating a connection with asiūklis and siūklė, siūklis (Asiūklinė pv. Krsn; Asiūklinė pv. Klvr, Ldvn, Prn and Siūklinė pv. Lbv; Siūklinė pv. Klvr), with lapūk- and lapūg-, indicating a connection with lapūgas and lapūkas (Lapūginė pv. Klvr, Lapūginė pv. Krsn and Lapūkinė pv. Krsn), with lendr- and nendr-, indicating a connection with lendre and nendre (Léndrinė pv. Lbv and Néndrinė pv. Gdl, Lbv, Nendrinė pv. Gdl, Krsn, Lbv, Ldvn, Nendrinė pv. Igl, Klvr), with skrobl- and skruobl-, indicating a connection with skroblas and skruoblas (Skroblinė dr. Ss, Skroblinis l. Lbv and Skruoblinis pv. Gdl). The diversity of varying lexemes brought to light by this study could be considered a feature specific to the area under investigation. Other studies of Lithuanian areal toponymy conducted to date have not addressed this phenomenon—the use of neighboring forms in forming derivatives with the same suffix. It was observed that among the base words of the onyms studied, various physiographic terms (40%) and plant names (39%) are much more frequent than names of objects and phenomena in the natural and social environment (14%) or animal names (7%). This is thought to be determined by the nature of the objects under study—the names of ploughed land, cultivated grounds, soils, fields, meadows, and pastures. Among the deadjectival forms, alongside base words denoting shape (dvirātis, -ė; pailgas, -à; šakótas, -a), colour (rūdas, -à), and certain soil properties (šáltas, -à), suffix -in- derivatives in the southern Lithuanian-speaking area are most often formed from Lithuanian dilgūs, -i, denoting plant characteristics. The lexemes identified in the study as bases for suffix -in- derivatives revealed features of Marijampolė County’s relief, flora and fauna, as well as names of objects and phenomena in the social environment associated with the southern part of Lithuania. These data may be useful to ethnologists and researchers in other fields, helping them gain a better understanding of the people who lived here, their mentality, and their worldview. To preserve the smallest-scale names of land features, a distinctive and highly variable part of the lexicon, it is essential to continue researching and publishing them. 94 Acta Linguistica Lithuanica LXVI Dėl Marijampolės apskrities agronomų – priesagos -in- vedinių APPENDIX DIAGRAM 1. Base words of derivatives with the suffix -in- in terms of their belonging to particular parts of speech DIAGRAM 2. Lexical-semantic groups of the base words of derivatives with the suffix -in- DIAGRAM 3. Productivity of the ending variants of the suffix -in- Straipsniai / Articles 95 DALIA SVIDERSKIENĖ ABBREVIATIONS FOR LOCALITY REFERENCES Brb – Balbieriškis (Prienai District) Gdl – Gudėliai (Marijampolė Municipality) Igl – Igliškėliai (Marijampolė Municipality) Klvr – Kalvarija (Marijampolė Municipality) Krsn – Krosna (Lazdijai District) KzR – Kazlų Rūda Lby – Liubavas (Kalvarija Municipality) Ldyn – Liudvinavas (Marijampolė Municipality) Mrj – Marijampolė Prn – Prienai Ss – Sasnavà (Marijampolė Municipality) Šil – Šilavótas (Prienai District) Vv – Veiveriai (Prienai District) OTHER ABBREVIATIONS ar. – ploughland dab. – current dkt. – noun drb. ž. – cultivated land dr. – soil gn. – pasture lg. – plain lie. – Lithuanian pan. – similarly plg. – compare ppr. – usually pr. – Prussian prk. – figurative meaning pv. – meadow pvd. – surname skol. – loanword vnt. – unit vv. – place name ŠALTINIAI Baltų valodų atlants. Prospekts = Baltų kalbų atlasas. Prospektas = Atlas of the Baltic Languages. A Prospect, sudarytojos ir įvado autorės: Danguolė Mikulėnienė, Anna Stafecka; žemėlapių komentarų autorės: Ilga Jansone, Anna Stafecka, Rima Bacevičiūtė, Asta Lesk auskaitė; žemėlapių kompiuterinį variantą parengė Edmundas Trumpa. Rīga: Latvijas Universitātes Latviešu valodas institūts, Vilnius: Lietuvių kalbos institutas, 2009. LKŽe – Lietuvių kalbos žodynas, elektroninis variantas. Redaktorių kolegija: Gertrūda Naktinienė (vyr. red.), Jonas Paulauskas, Rimutė Petrokienė, Vytautas Vitkauskas, Jolanta Zabarskaitė. Vilnius: Lietuvių kalbos institutas, 2008. Prieiga internete: www.lkz.lt. LPŽ I–II – Lietuvių pavardžių žodynas 1–2, red. Aleksandras Vanagas. Vilnius: Mokslas, 1985–1989. LVŽ I – B i l k i s L a i m u t i s, M a c i e j a u s k i e n ė V i t a l i j a, R a z m u k a i t ė M a r i j a. Lietuvos vietovardžių žodynas 1. Vilnius: Lietuvių kalbos institutas, 2008. LITERATŪRA B a r t k u t ė N e r i j a 2008: Joniškio rajono teritorijos toponimija: daryba ir raidos polinkiai. Daktaro disertacija. Vytauto Didžiojo universitetas, Šiaulių universitetas. B i l k i s L a i m u t i s 2008: Lietuvių helonimų daryba. Priesaginiai ir priesagėtieji helonimai. Vilnius: Lietuvių kalbos institutas. 96 Acta Linguistica Lithuanica LXVI Dėl Marijampolės apskrities agronimų – priesagos -in- vedinių Endzelytė Renata 2004: Šiaurės vidurio Lietuvos agronimai. – Vārds un tā pētīšanas aspekti. Rakstu krājums 8, 80–89. Endzelytė Renata 2005: Šiaurės vidurio Lietuvos vietovardžiai. Daktaro disertacija. Vytauto Didžiojo universitetas. Kačinaitė Dalia 2009: Priesaginės darybos lietuvių oronimai. Daktaro disertacija. Vytauto Didžiojo universitetas, Lietuvių kalbos institutas. Kniūkšta Pranas 1976: Priesagos –inis būdvardžiai: daryba, reikšmės, gramatiniai sinonimai. Vilnius: Mokslas. Kniūkšta Pranas 2000: Iš priesagos –inis būdvardžių praeities ir dabarties. – Kalbos kultūra 73, 35–47. Mažiulis Vytautas 1988: Prūsų kalbos etimologijos žodynas 1. Vilnius: Mokslas. Mickienė Ilona 2001: Telšių rajono toponimų daryba. Daktaro disertacija. Vytauto Didžiojo universitetas. Mickienė Ilona 2006: Dėl agronimų darybos. – Kalbų studijos 8, 27–30. Razmukaitė Marija 1998: Lietuvos priesaginiai oikonimai. Daktaro disertacija. Lietuvių kalbos institutas ir Vytauto Didžiojo universitetas. Savukynas Bronys 1963: Kilmininkiniai lietuvių vietovardžiai. – Lietuvių kalbotyros klausimai 6, 235–246. Sinkevičiūtė Daiva 2006: Sociolingvistinė situacija šiaurės rytų Lietuvoje tarpukario anketų duomenimis. – Baltistica 41(3), 497–506. Sviderskienė Dalia 2005: Marijampolės apskrities Marijampolės valsčiaus vietovardžių darybos ir kilmės polinkiai. – Acta Linguistica Lithuanica 52, 91–118. Sviderskienė Dalia 2006: Marijampolės apskrities sudurtiniai oronimai. – Lituanistica 4(68), 47–59. Sviderskienė Dalia 2010: Marijampolės apskrities asmenvardinės kilmės agronimų darybos bruožai. – Acta Linguistica Lithuanica 62–63, 97–127. Vanagas Aleksandras 1970: Lietuvos TSR hidronimų daryba. Vilnius: Mokslas. Vanagas Aleksandras 1996: Lietuvos miestų vardai. Vilnius: Mokslo ir enciklopedijų leidykla. Straipsniai / Articles 97 DALIA SVIDERSKIENĖ On the Agronyms – Derivatives of the Suffix -in- in Marijampolė County SUMMARY The research of areal toponymy carried out to this day has not testified such an extensive usage of the suffix -in- in forming derivatives from appellatives (around half of all suffix derivatives) and a particularly small number (thirty recorded instances) of compound genitive-case agronyms of appellative origin, as testified in the interwar Field-Name questionnaires of Marijampolė County. The quantitative prevalence of the derivatives with the suffix -in- is most likely a proof of the specific character of the class (sub-class) of the place names under analysis in the area under analysis and the tendency of the onyms to expand to the advantage of the derivatives analysed. It is a new fact supplementing the results of the research on the toponymy of the southern part of Lithuania. Authentic data unaffected by external factors (collectivisation, land amelioration, Slavonization), which was recorded in the interwar period, was examined in the most important aspects of the research of proper words: word-formation and origins. Additional information contained in the Field-Name questionnaires contributed to a more accurate identification of the method of word-formation and base words of the place names under analysis. In this way, the existing interpretations of the formation and origins of the place names of this area were supplemented and revised. Their importance will unfold in the future when compiling a synthetic work on Lithuanian toponymy Dictionary of Lithuanian Place Names: they will offer more accurate versions of interpretation of the origins of field-names and help to identify the place of place names in the word families formed, etc. The lexemes identified in the study, from which the derivatives of the suffix -in- are formed, revealed the peculiar characteristics of the relief, flora and fauna of a specific area of the Lithuanian language, the names of the items and phenomena from the social environment related to the southern part of Lithuania. The data could be useful and interesting to ethnologists or the researchers of other fields and could help to know the former residents of the area, their mentality and world-views to an even better degree. In order to preserve the names of the tiniest land areas as a specific part of lexis mostly susceptible to variations, it is essential to continue the research and publication of the place names of this class. Įteikta 2012 m. sausio 12 d. DALIA SVIDERSKIENĖ Lietuvių kalbos institutas P. Vileišio g. 5, LT-10308 Vilnius, Lietuva [email protected], [email protected] 98 Acta Linguistica Lithuanica LXVI