Tautinės realijos: pavadinimai, terminai ir jų vartojimas

National realities: names, terms and their use REGINA KVAŠYTĖ Šiaulių University INTRODUCTION Intercultural communication helps to get to know the culture of other nations and to popularize the culture of one's own nation in its medium. When talking about the cultural phenomena of a nation, the linguistic expression plays an important role. First of all, attention is focused on the vocabulary used in texts of different styles and for different purposes — scientific, science popularization, publicistic and fiction — which is characterized by national color. Such vocabulary exists in all languages. The speaker of each language first acquires Knowledge about his own nation and its realities of life, then gets acquainted with the culture of foreign nations. The national colouring of the text is given by the actual words used (personal names, place names, symbolic names) and common words (names of realities, phenomena, etc. of material and spiritual culture). Such general words are referred to in the article as the names of national realities, i.e. real objects and phenomena of material and spiritual culture characterized by national identity. They were chosen as the object of the study, the aim of which is to discuss the terminology of the names of national realities from the point of view of their own language and other languages. The theoretical review is based on Lithuanian and foreign language publications, and various bilingual and explanatory dictionaries are used as sources of illustrative examples. It is stated that “peculiarities of the semantics of a word in a specific act of speech are not meaningless — they help to evoke one or another image, to actualize the content of the speakers’ consciousness in a slightly different way. <...> The lexical background has a national specificity. because in different languages equivalent words can raise different associations <...> A slightly different thing is the semantic aura of the word, nourished by folklore texts, the traditions of the nation’s culture, the roots of the historical past” (Gudavičius 2000: 84-85). All national realities can be divided into certain groups according to the named objects. Ethnolinguist 56 Regina Kvašytė | National realities: names, terms... Aloyzas Gudavičius distinguished the following more general areas of use of national lexicon: national cuisine, clothing, musical instruments, national dances, traditions and customs, folklore and mythology, subjects of national history (Gudavicius 2000: 79-80). Later the author clarified this division, stating that “examples reflecting the specificity of material culture” may be: 1) names of dishes and drinks of national cuisine; 2) names of musical instruments; 3) names of clothing and footwear; 4) names of household items and tools and 5) expressions of household culture and social life” (Gudavičius 2009: 94). It is possible to agree that the first four semantic groups refer to the material culture of the nation, but the names of the last group, i.e., household culture and phenomena of social life, reflect the “sphere of phenomena of spiritual culture”. The following are mainly items of popular culture. As examples, A. Gudavičius gives the names of dances (but does not distinguish songs, although he mentions both conventional and singing methods raliuoti, valioti), as well as “the names of mythological creatures, fairy tale characters and other folkloric vocabulary, for example, krivis “an ancient Lithuanian priest, zynys’, romuva ‘white shrine’, alkas ‘holy place of sacrifice’; kite, mask, guild, fairy of a fairytale creature” (Gudavičius 2009: 94-95). It would seem that to belong to the group of phenomena of domestic culture and social life, the caretaker and the chapel column should belong to the group of realities of material culture. The other group is traditions, rituals, folk festivals (the examples given show that it would be more accurate to talk about phenomena characteristic of them) (Gudavičius 2009: 94-95). Also, words revealing national identity are considered to be “the names of the people’s living environment – geographical objects, fauna and flora, climatic natural phenomena and the uneven degree of detail of those names” (Gudavičius 2000: 80). Based on A. Gudavičius’s classification, but with some improvements, the lexicon coloured with national color can be divided into three groups according to semantics: 1) the realities of material folk culture; 2) the realities of spiritual folk culture and 3) the realities of the history of the nation. Furthermore, each of these groups can be divided into groups of closer semantics, for example, in the group of realities of material culture obviously stand out groups of names of clothes, shoes, jewelry, tools, food, drinks, etc. The names of songs, singing styles, dances, games, festivals, traditions, customs, etc., would be appropriate for the realities of spiritual culture. The detail of the classification depends, of course, on the need to distinguish the units of Jesika as part of a certain whole. For example, the names of tools can be divided according to the fields in which they are used: blacksmithing, pottery, weaving, cross-cutting, etc., and traditions — according to calendar holidays, etc. In this way, the hierarchical relationships related to the classification scheme is developed, which, KLASIFIKAVIMO TERMINAI if necessary. still can be expanded. It can be applied to the analysis of realities and phenomena of both own and foreign cultures — ethnographicisms and exoticisms. Ethnographicisms, i.e. words that designate the realities of the material or spiritual culture of a certain nation that have entered the common language (cf. ethnography “The name of the realities of the material or spiritual culture of a certain nationality, which has entered the literary language <...>” (KTŽ 1990: 60)), would be the most accurate to call the realities of one’s own nation. The statement of the definition given in the dictionary of linguistic terms, that the realities of “some nationality” are called in this way, suggests that it is viewed as if from the inside, assessed from the point of view of the language being spoken about. In these cases, the term is often used in the context of ethnomusicology. or ethn. distinguishes ethnographic elements in language (cf. ethnography „1. science studying peoples and other ethnic communities, their material and spiritual culture; 2. collection, description, accumulation of facts of the material and spiritual culture of nations, other ethnic communities” (TZZ 2001: 220)). The use of such words in the text of the native language usually does not cause problems or they are related to spelling or language culture. For example, in Lithuanian, the word cepelinas is used more often than didžkukulis (DZ 2006; KP 2005: 36), while in Latvian, a special Latvian cheese, “made from curd and milk, with the addition of butter, eggs, salt, often cumin; it does not require a special ripening period’ (LLVV 4, 1980: 26), called the punch of the janusiers and the plural or singular noun with the proper name in the second accent: Janu siers, Jana siers [Joniniy sūris — R. K.]. Similar variations in the use of names of national realities can also be found in other languages. However, the term ethnography is not appropriate when it is necessary to describe, for example, phenomena of the history of one’s own nation, national movements, etc., which also belong to the vocabulary expressing national identity. This is considered a historical fact. Historical vocabulary, or historicisms, as names of obsolete realities, are usually remembered when it comes to naming objects and phenomena of past times. Historisms recall antiquity (romuva „the sanctuary of ancient Baltic tribes, the center of their cultural life“, krivis „the priest of ancient Lithuanian pagans, 58 Regina Kvašytė | National Realities: Names, Terms... žynys’)” (LK 1995: 41). Some historisms are included in both explanatory and translational dictionaries, for example, the defined historism krivis is described in the Lithuanian-English dictionary as “Lithuanian pagan priest” (NALKŽ 2002: 370). The same is done in the Lietuviy—rusy language dictionary, only the appropriate historicist note «istor. (JIMTOBCKHUŪ) si3birueCKHUH x*perp (LRKŽ 2001: 370). Bilingual dictionaries also reflect the obvious national specificity of another form of Lithuanian historicism — the bookcarrier. In the Lithuanian-Latvian dictionary this word is defined in a descriptive way: „vėst. the letter-bearer; (aizliegtu) gramatu izplatitajs“ [the (forbidden) book carrier, the (forbidden) book distributor]! (LLV 1995: 235), the derivative knygnešystė is also described in a similar way: „(cara cenzūras aizliegtu) gramatu iznesasana (izplatišana)“ [(the carrying out (distribution) of books forbidden by the tsar’s censorship)|. The use of italics indicates that some elements of the definition are presented as comments. The word knygnešys has also undergone some changes in meaning in Lithuanian: meaning “secret carrier of Lithuanian books across the border”, it was later used with the meaning “book distributor” (the earlier meaning has already become semantic historicism) (Palionis 1979: 301)”. This is exactly what the authors of the dictionary are trying to show, while still leaving the possibility of using this word in a more modern sense, which can be seen by dismissing the comments and the note. The English dictionary already distinguishes between the modern and historical meanings of this word: “1. (book distributor) bookdistributor; 2nd ed. book spreader; book-hawker’ (NLAKZ 2002: 356). In the Lietuviy—rusy language dictionary with history only the value kHuzonowa is given (LRKZ 2001: 357). Historisms of other countries can also be found in dictionaries for Lithuanian users, for example, in the Latviy-lietuviy language dictionary such realities of Latvian life are recorded as historisms: jaunlatvieši „ist. Young Latvians (participants of the cultural-national movement in Latvia in the 1850s and 1860s)” (LLŽ 2003: 308); jaunstravnieki “ist. Participants of the democratic movement of the Latvian intelligentsia in the last decade of the 19th century” (LLŽ 2003: 308). The latter example shows that historicism is neither translated nor written in a Lithuanianized form (such a possibility existed — it was only necessary to change the ending) — only a commentary is given (cf. Jaunas stravas dalibnieki“ (LLVV 4, 1980:40))*, in other language sources, for example, Latviy—rusy jazykov | Latvian language words meaning interpretations are translated into Lithuanian language in this article. For more details see. Kvašytė, Čepaitienė, Župerka 2006: see also. 2006. "Kvasytė 2006. For more details on the names of Latvian realities, including historicisms, see Kvašytė 2005, Terminologija | 2009 | 16 59 The dictionary presents the values of Latvian punching with comments in parentheses («v1anoznarbinin (npozpeccusHble OesimeJiu HAY UOHATVHO20 aHmugeoJaJIibHO2O u npocsemume.tbcko2o Oswxenus XIX sexa 6 /lamauu)» (LKV 1, 1979:487), «HOBOTEUEHIIbI (yuacmHuku 0eMOKpamu4ecko20 OBlDKenus uHMmeJIiuzenyuu 8 90-vie 2001 XIX sexa 6 /lamsuu)» (LKV 1, 1979: 488). The name of the monetary unit, Cervonts, illustrating a certain period of Russian history, is included in the dictionaries of international words of both Baltic languages: "1. Russian name of the gold coin (from the 17th century); 2. USSR state bank note, equal to 10 rb, in circulation 1922-1947; 3. 1923 issued USSR gold coin (mainly for settlements with other states)" (TŽZ 2001: 142) (see definition of the word červoncs in Latvian: "1. Russia (until 1917) gold coin 3 rubles value. 2. Soviet Union (from 1922 to 1947) — 10 rubles in circulation“ |1. In Russia (until 1917) a gold coin worth 3 rubles. 2. in the Soviet Union (from 1922 to 1947) — 10 rubles coin | (SV 1999: 129)). In the Russian-Lithuanian dictionary there are as many as 3 meanings of the aforementioned Russian word and only one of them is presented in transcribed form:,,1. red (Russian gold coin until 1917 v.*); 2. červoncas [rarely used by the author of this article], dešimtrublinė (1922-1947): 3. šnek. desmit rubļu” (RLKŽ 2002:834), while the Russian-Latvian dictionary does not include this word. The cases discussed allow us to say. that the pragmatic approach to historicisms is different. The term e g zotizmas —„foreign word” is used to describe specific things in foreign languages. a loanword meaning unknown. foreign (especially distant) country typical household or cultural reality” (TZZ 2001: 190). In linguistic literature, as a synonym of the unified term (its plural equivalent) is used and the composite termexotic lexicon (when speaking of the whole of such words): "Words or special combinations of words taken from distant, little known languages. to give the style a special color <...>“ (KTŽ 1990: 55). The definition given in the dictionary of glossary terms emphasizes the purpose of the use of such national realities. According to Russian sociolinguist Nina Mechkovskaya, “exoticisms do not reveal or explain foreign culture as much as they symbolize it” (Meukosckas 2000: 52). Term * Probably a proofreading error in the dictionary — should be "m". KLASIFIKAVIMO TERMINAI 60 Regina Kvašytė National realities: names, terms... exotism, unlike the ethnography discussed earlier, is used to name the realities of other languages, but with certain reservations —the term exotism is not suitable for naming the realities of the closest related languages and cultures, for example, Lithuanian and Latvian, because the realities of these peoples, although unknown, are not exotic in the true sense of the word. There is reason to say that the described terms ethnography and exoticism form a certain pair of antonyms when classifying the names of national realities according to their belonging to one's own or a foreign language. And what should we call such vocabulary when it is transferred from the original language to another language during translation? Anything that the representative of another culture has noticed but not understood, which seems strange to him and requires interpretation, is a signal that the text contains specific elements of the culture reflected in the text created, which, according to the linguist Valentina Maslovas, are called lacunae (Macnosa 2001: 111). By narrowing this statement down to the level of lexicon, we can say. that lacunae, or body vocabulary, are lexical units of a language that do not have a direct lexical semantic equivalent in another language (Bankavs 2001:9). It is stated that the term lakūna is typical of the Francophone culture tradition (Hsanos 2006: 79), and the first linguists to apply this term were the Canadian scientists Jean-Paul Vinay and Jean Darbelnet (yus 2007: 135). The term lakūna is used in many languages, including English, French, Latvian (Bankavs 2006), Russian (Crenanos 1965; Mypasben 1975 and others). In the Latin language, the word is derived from the Latin word for rope. lacuna —hollowing, gap] gap, omission, missing place in the text” (TŽZ 2001: 425) gives reason to doubt that this term is suitable for naming the aforementioned lexicon. It is stated that national cultural identity can be revealed not only by the presence of specific words, but also by the lack of such words to convey the meanings expressed in another language. Thus, such “gaps”, “white spots on the semantic map of language” are called by the same term (Crerranos 1965: 120). “In one case, the appearance of flyers is determined by the differences of the respective cultures [...]. In other cases, the lack of a corresponding denotation in one language is not the cause of the lack of a corresponding denotation in another language, but rather the fact that it seems to be irrelevant to attribute to a language what is attributed to another language” (Meukorckas 2000: 53). The Latvian linguist Andrejs Bankavs divides such lexicon into absolute and relative lakūnas, and the first into two subgroups: "ethnographic lakūnas (balzams, sagša. sakta, Ligo vakars, lats, auseklitis, dainas, Perkons, suitu sievas) <...> and linguistic lakūnas <...>. According to their distribution, lakunas are divided into national (balzams, GNP, kokle) and regional (kefirs, kvass, kilimis, rupjmaize)” (Bankavs 2001: Terminology | 2009 | 16 61 9-10). Obviously, the same word can correspond to several types of classification, for example, balsams fall into both the group of ethnographic and national lexical units. However, such a division is quite complicated, because it is not always easy to assign one or another word to only one subgroup. Thus, the Latvian word balzams (if it is not a nomenclatural word for a specific product representing Latvia, Riga melnais balzams, which often, for pragmatic reasons, replaces the full product name) could also be a regional flair, since similar drinks are produced elsewhere, not only in Latvia (cf. Bitneri balzams, etc.) or even have no national color (cf. borrowed from the Greek balzamas meanings,,[gr. balsamon — aromatic resin] 1. a solution of natural or synthetic resins in essential oils; natural ~ are a product of plant metabolism; Farm 2. therapeutic or cosmet. a device made of such a solution; 3. a spirit drink modified with balsamic extracts or oils’ (TŽZ 2001: 90). From the Latvian point of view, the reality named by borrowing from the Greek language belongs to ethnographisms, and therefore lakūna is understood in two ways: it is a place in the text that needs to be filled, and on the other hand, it is a term naming the reality that needs to be described by means of another language. However, there is also a different opinion, for example, A. Gudavičius emphasizes that “lacuna” means the absence of a word in a language (angl. lack of a word in a language). '*deficiency, lack') in relation to another language, when the corresponding object, phenomenon, etc. exists in the reality reflected by both languages. Thus, the reason for the existence of lacunae is not the diversity of the real world, but the peculiarities of the categorization of the world in language” (Gudavičius 2007: 93). Other authors associate the names of specific national realities with equivalence: "it is difficult to find equivalents in another language, because in the life of another nation there are no objects or phenomena to be named. This vocabulary, which could be called a bee-equivalent [iSretinta of the authors of the article], is very important for understanding the material and spiritual culture of the nation” (Gudavičius 2000: 79; Gudavičius 2009: 93-94). The Latin equivalent of the word "[lot. aeguivalens (origin. aequivalentis)| equivalent, equivalent thing; uniform value, uniform size; The term derived from the Greek word “equivalent” (TŽZ 2001: 198) is traditionally used in the works of linguists from various countries, although its meaning may vary (Černė 2006; Papaurėlytė-Klovienė 2007; Polkovnikova 2006; Bnaxos, ®nopun 2006; Msanos 2006; Caesuu 1999 and others). Another term in Lithuanian language that is closely related to equivalents —non-equivalent lexicon —is defined as “words of the original language or * A. Gudavičius uses the spelling variant lakuna (Gudavičius 2007: 93), 62 Regina Kvašytė | Tautinės realybės: pavadinimai, terminai... compounds of words, meaning objects, processes, phenomena or other facts of life, which do not have translation equivalents in the language” 132). Vis dėlto patogesnis vartoti yra trumpesnis, t. y. su priešdėliu bepa- (Ambrasas-Sasnava 1978: 10). "Relative adjectives made from nouns with a prefix denote a characteristic resulting from the lack of possession of the object named by the base noun" (Keinys 1999:80). Ethnographisms and exotisms can be considered inequivalent if the vocabulary coloured with national colours is assessed from the point of view of the language into which it is translated. It is even suggested that such vocabulary should be distinguished from vocabulary that has no equivalents in the language at all (Baxos, ®mopun 2006: 56). The term regional geographical lexicon (Latvian: regionalgeografiska leksika) is used in Latvian linguistic literature with a similar meaning as equivalent lexicon. It is used by Latvian linguist Ilga Migla, who studies the presentation of Latvian realities in German (Migla 1996: 2). This term emphasizes the territorial – not semantic or equivalence – aspect. In the new Latvian dictionary of linguistic terms (Valodniecibas pamatterminu skaidrojoša vardnica), the vocabulary for which no native words can be found is called cultural borrowings (kultūrasizgūums). The definition shows that it is a word, phrase or phraseology from the original language (latvian avotteksts), which, if no suitable equivalent is found in the translation language (latvian mērkteksts), is transferred to it (transliterated if it is a language of the same alphabet, transcribed if it is a language of a different alphabet). In addition, it is also stated that the layer of such borrowings is the ethnographisms already mentioned (VPSV 2007: 198). Although convenient to use, the Latvian dictionary is not perfect in terms of content, because it emphasizes one way of presenting such national vocabulary — direct translation — and from a pragmatic point of view, other ways of presenting spoken vocabulary can also be chosen, for example, commentary, interpretation, substitution, etc., i.e., other equivalents are sought, not limited to transliteration or transcription. Therefore, using this term alone would not be correct (moreover, in Lithuanian language this compound term has no tradition of use, in terms of convenience it falls behind the Latvian language novelty). Sometimes there is no reason at all to talk about the emergence of borrowings, because there is no evidence of the existence of such borrowings. Their authors 9 For more informati6 7 on about the names of folk dances and games see Black 2006. 7 For more on the realities of Latvian in dictionaries of other languages, see Kvašytė 2003, about Lithuanian language realities in Latvian see. Kvasite 2005. Terminology | 2009 | 16 63 tries to reflect the national color of the word in comments or at least in a note. For example, in the group of realities of spiritual folk culture, the name of the singing style, which is particularly characteristic of Lithuanians, is given with a certain note in the conventional Lithuanian- —Latvian language dictionary. The word itself is not translated, only a comment is given: "folk. sutartine (lietuviešu tautas dziesmu žanrs)” (LLV 1995: 495), and in English the Lithuanian word is replaced by the description:,,flk. Lithuanian polyphonic part-song” (NLAKZ 2002: 768), as well as in the Lithuanian- —Russian language dictionary «cyrapTHHE», MHOTOTM/- IOCa; XODpOBASI /IHTOBCKAS HAPOIHAS HeCHA» (LRKŽ 2001:802). In the Lithuanian- -Latvian dictionary, the name of a specific dish — kepinys — is registered as šakotis „2. Cool. šakotis (lietuviešu nacionais zarains pirags no olam)” (LLV 1995: 502) is transliterated into Lithuanian, and English speakers are introduced to how the shakotis looks like: “kul. pyramidal cake (resembling the treetrunk with spikes)“ (NLAKŽ 2002: 778); references to appearance are also found in the Lietuviy—rusy language dictionary: «3. Cool. necounstit TOpT B popae enxu» (LRKŽ 2001: 816). In the Russian-Lithuanian dictionary, the transliterated equivalent of the name of the Russian folk music instrument 6amrasraiika "muz. balalaika” (RLKŽ 2003: 26), the Russian-Latvian dictionary “balalaika” (KIV 1988: 25) does the same, and additionally both Lithuanian and Latvian (or one of them) explain such words as the name of the folk song uacmywxka “Ččastuška (humoristiné Russian folk song)” (RLKŽ 2003: 883); “čatuška (Russian folk song)” (KLV 1988: 563) or the name of a women’s headdress xokowHuk —“Kokošniks (Russian women’s headdress- )” (KIV 1988: 196). As can be seen from the definitions, in addition to the general interpretation that this is a Russian folk song, Lithuanians also specify its nature — humorous. There is no hint of nationality when the ethnography of Russian camosap is conveyed in Lithuanian by the word kedulys (RLKŽ 2003: 722). The equivalent of the same Russian ethnography in Latvian is the punch value pastāvīgs (KLV 1988:465) |tas, kas pats vārās] and partly retains the shade characteristic of Russian culture. This has also been retained in the Latvian Explanatory Dictionary: ‘parnesajama tējas gatavošanas ierice, kura ūdeni karse kurtuve vai elektrisks silditajs’ [portable water heater in which water is heated in a stove or by an electric heater], and all illustrative examples relate to Russia (LLVV 6(1), 1986:533). For those who are familiar with Russian culture, this object is associated with an object of a specific shape and purpose, but such associations do not arise without a broader context when hearing or reading the Lithuanian word kedulys. The word samovar presented in language practice publications is considered an unpresentable foreignness (KP 2005: 99). i egina Kvašytė autinės realybės: pc Interest rates, terms... 64 Regina Kvašytė | National realities: names, t