Postmodernioji dvikalbystė: tautinės kalbos ir anglų kalba reklamoje

110 LANGUAGE CULTURE | 82 LORETA VAICEKAUSKIENĖ Lietuvių kalbos institutas POSTMODERN BILINGUALITY: NATIONAL LANGUAGES AND ENGLISH IN ADVERTISING INTRODUCTION Talking about multilingualism today also means talking about globalization, the English language and its international prestige. The main ideological motive of the discourse on this topic, as well as of modern discourse in general, is self-protection and survival in a globalized world. Sociolinguists and language policy strategists have been talking about the changing situation of national languages in favour of English for a couple of decades. The study of the influence of English is moving away from the study of borrowed words, which dominated most of the last century, towards a new object of study – the use of English in certain areas instead of the national language. The new direction of research has revived the bilingualism research term language domain, which refers to such areas, and has begun to talk about domain loss – the process when a local language in a given area gradually gives way to a larger and stronger language. The discourse of survival in the age of globalization is also characteristic of Lithuania1. One of these domains is advertising, which often receives special attention because it is considered a typical reflection of the global market, in which, as it is stated, “not only products are traded, but also language and culture” (Steeby 2004: 10). The need to preserve national languages is emphasised in various language policy documents. Among the documents dedicated to Lithuanian language policy, advertising as a regulated area of language use is mentioned in the Advertising and Public Information Acts (see RĮ 2000, VIĮ 2000). They emphasize that public information, written and audible advertising texts 1 It should be noted that when it comes to the threats posed by the English language, our linguists and language policymakers do not always clearly distinguish between the impact on lexicon (new borrowings) and the impact on domains. L. Vaicekauskienė. Postmodern bilingualism: national language and English in advertising 111 must apply the requirements of the State Language Act. According to the State Language Act (VKĮ 1995, 2002) the general provisions could be applied to advertising, essentially repeated in the document of the State Lithuanian Language Commission “Temporary Rules for Public Audio Information and Public Records” (VGI 1997), which directly regulates the language of advertising. It states that public information media must comply with Lithuanian language norms, the format of information notices in other languages cannot be larger than the text in Lithuanian, it is recommended that non-Lithuanian company names include a minimum of information in Lithuanian about the nature of the company’s activities, etc. More specifically, the competition between English and Lithuanian is discussed in the State Language Policy Guidelines: both the 2003–2008 guidelines and the 2009–2013 draft, among other things, express concern that the spheres of influence of English are rapidly expanding in Lithuania and that public signs in foreign languages are increasing (VKPG 2003, VKPG 2008). Therefore, Lithuanian laws are trying to limit the use of other languages in public space and strengthen the position of Lithuanian language by legal means. At the same time, the field of advertising both in Lithuania and elsewhere is becoming more and more mixed. Research on the use of English in advertising in non-English-speaking countries shows that the advertising field is undergoing rapid changes and suggests that bilingualism promoted by English and multilingual domains have become the norm in today’s postmodern world, which transcends the boundaries of conventional assessments. The aim of this article is to provide an overview of various advertising studies and to show that explaining all changes in terms of “protecting the lost domain” characteristic of the modern discourse is no longer possible today. Recent sociolinguistic work is increasingly proclaiming a new approach to language and language systems or structures: language is not so much a given ontological system, reproduced in use, as a product of use itself, constantly changing and re-created each time as a result of the changing expression of linguistic and cultural identity. This approach is based on the postmodern criticism of perception of reality. According to him, linguistic identity should not be linked solely to ethnic, territorial or national boundaries, and there should be a shift from “public linguistics” to “contact linguistics” (see Pennycook 2006). It is believed that the diverse code change with English in advertising could also be interpreted from this alternative postmodernist perspective. In texts devoted to the standardization of Lithuanian language and language policy such possibility has not been considered so far. 112 LANGUAGE CULTURE | 82 1. ADVERTISING AS A MULTILANGUAGE AND HYBRID DOMAIN During the last nearly two decades, there has been a considerable number of studies published in the world in the field of sociolinguistic code change or code mixing. In Lithuania, the field of advertising has been studied relatively little in this regard. As we will see, the use of English in advertising is usually analyzed in terms of quantitative, formal structural, expression and impact. 1.1. Quantitative language ratios in advertising Quantitative advertising studies provide a numerical expression of the competition between English and national languages, but the comparison of figures should be considered extremely critically: empirical data from individual studies are collected on the basis of different principles, different methods of classification and calculation of advertisements are usually used (the method of study is sometimes not specified at all), it is not always clear how to define language mixing or borrowing, what is considered mixed advertising. In addition, studies are often separated by decades, so when comparing data, you need to pay attention to the year when the study was conducted and keep in mind that the advertising domain has become more and more mixed over time. The extent of the use of English can be judged from the following quantitative results of the research on print and television advertising: words, cases of code changes or individual advertisements. For example, an analysis of Japanese press and television advertisements shows that as early as twenty years ago, an average of six English words could be found in one Japanese advertisement (Takashi 1990). It was found that English was used in 6% of the advertising pages of newspapers and magazines in Italy, 7% of the advertising pages in Spain, 19% of the advertising pages in Germany and 19% of the advertising pages in Italy. In Germany and the Netherlands, 22 per cent. In France (Gerritsen 19952; cited from Hornikx, Starren 2006: 125). In Switzerland, fifteen years ago, more than a third of printed advertisements had English language elements (Cheshire, Moser 19943; cited from Hornikx, Starren 2006: 125), while in major Polish magazines, almost 80% of advertisements were coded to English a few years ago (Bulawka 2006: 17). 2 Gerritsen M. 1995: ‘English’ advertisements in the Netherlands, Germany, France, Italy and Spain. In: Machová B., Kubátová S. (eds.). Uniqueness in unity: the significance of cultural identity in European cooperation, Praag: Envirostress, 324–341. 3 Cheshire J., Moser L. 1994: English as a cultural symbol: the case of advertisements in French-speaking Switzerland. In: Journal of Multilingual and Multicultural Development 15 (6), 451–469. L. Vaicekauskienė. Postmodern bilingualism: national language and English in advertising 113 According to data, English was found in 49% (Piller 20004; cited from Hornikx, Starren 2006: 125), and in 2001 – 70% (Piller 2001: 1575; cited from Bulawka 2006: 3). Despite the so-called Toubon law6 adopted in France in 1994, the figures given by French advertising researchers are quite high, with more than 30% of advertising being in English. In France, 53-58% of television ads are directed at children (Martin 2002a7: 8; cited from Bulawka 2006: 3) or even 53-58% (Hilgendorf, Martin 20018; cited from Hornikx, Starren 2006: 125). In Sweden, 59% of print advertisements are reported to be in English (Riutort 20029; quoted by Ovesdotter Alm 2003), and in Ecuador, 62% (Ovesdotter Alm 2003). About 70% of Russian television ads are mixed – English and Russian (Ustinova, Bhatia 2005: 495), Korean television broadcasts almost 84% of mixed ads (Lee 2006: 71). According to Lithuanian television advertising surveys, in 2003 English language elements were present in 35% of all broadcast advertisements, and in 2009 – almost 50%. Although it is practically impossible to compare the data presented here, the conclusions of the studies carried out in various countries remain essentially the same – the influence of English on advertising is significant and is increasing not only quantitatively but also qualitatively. 1.2. Structure of multilingual ads and functions of elements In addition to quantitative studies of the use of English in advertising, the analysis of the mixture of the advertising domain is also carried out, in other words, the formal 4 Piller, Ingrid, 2000: Multilingualism and the modes of TV advertising. In: Ungerer F. (ed.). English media texts past and present: language and textual structure, Amsterdam: Benjamins, 5 Piller, Ingrid, 2001: Identity 263–279. constructions in multilingual advertising. In: Language in Society 30, 153–186. 6 The law stipulates that all foreign language words, phrases or sentences in advertisements circulated in France (although it is not stated, this refers in particular to English) must be translated into French. However, research shows that advertisers are consistently circumventing the law by giving brand status to English elements in labels, slogans or main text, or by using English in various other ways. The risk of infringing the law is ignored in such cases (see Martin 2002b: 401). 7 Martin, Elizabeth, 2002a: Cultural images and different varieties of English in French television commercials. English Today 18 (4): 8–22. 8 Hilgendorf S., Martin E. 2001: English in advertising: update for France and Germany. In: Thumboo, E. (ed.). The three circles of English, Singapore: Singapore University Press, 9 Riutort, Helena, 2002: The influence of English on the Swedish language. Austrian Magisstructural criterion for measuring code change and the 217–240. degree of substitution is examined (seeing how long and how integrated are the English elements ter thesis, University of Vienna. 114 KALBOS KULTŪRA | 82 inserted into the advertisement) (Martin 2002b). Studies show that the degree of substitution in mixed advertisements can be very varied: individual English sentences, English phrases or individual unadapted words can be inserted. The insertion can also be adapted morphologically or phrases or individual words are translated into the local language. Rarely, however, the phonological aspect of the functioning of the English language is also studied: there are data that the unadapted English pronunciation of a foreign word in audio advertisements should symbolize the progressive and traditional nature of the offered product (see Steeby 2004: 11)10. Such conclusions can be linked to the symbolic value attached to English in general. Code shift studies also focus on the number of all-English ads in addition to mixed ads (see Kelly-Holmes 2005: technologines savybes, kokybę, madingumą, o adaptuotasis, priešingai, turėtų išblukinti svetimumo įspūdį ir rodyti prisitaikymą prie vietos poreikių 10). In addition to the degree of substitution, the functional analysis of the advertising components is carried out. Similar results of many studies suggest that the name of the manufacturer and the name of the product and type of product are more often in English than other structural elements of advertising (see Steeby 2004: 4; Ustinova, Bhatia 2005: 496); the same applies to advertising in Lithuania. We could argue that if there were fewer products with English names on the market, there would be less mixed advertising. In addition to the above-mentioned elements, English is often used as a slogan in advertising. As we will see below, the change of codes with foreign language in advertising is due to the language policy of the international market and marketing, but translating the text of international advertising or part of it is often possible. If the substitution strategy is not applied, then there are some considerations. For example, in the aforementioned corpus of Polish magazine advertising research, translations into Polish were found next to the English slogan, but such cases were exceptional (see the Reebok sneaker advertisement with the English slogan and its translation: I am what I am / jestem kim jestem); more often slogans are left as in the original advertisement (Bulawka 2006: 20). There are many examples of translation in Lithuanian television advertisements. If the original form is left, it is usually written and the translation is said, for example, SANYO the best from Japan is written, and it is said: Sanyo – the best from Japan. 10 Many researchers have noted that English acronyms are very often not adapted. L. Vaicekauskienė. Postmodern Bilingualism: National Language and English in Advertising 115 The types of bilingualism are not equally influential. 1.3. Angliški elementai ir reklamų paveikumas Kalbant apie galimą reklamos įtaką, atsižvelgiama į tai, kad skirtingos reklaTelevision advertising is considered to be particularly influential because television is widely viewed and the advertisements are constantly rebroadcast. The most common television advertisements not only reach a larger audience, but are also well remembered. Some argue that advertising may have a (negative) effect on the overall use of language in the long term (see. Smetonienė 1998: 26; Miliūnaitė 2004: 7). The effectiveness of non-Lithuanian advertising elements was investigated by a survey of television viewers in Vilnius, Kaunas and Klaipėda (Šmitaitė 2005). A total of 350 respondents of different ages, but mostly up to 34 years, were interviewed, two thirds of them were women. The answers show that when watching TV programmes, people do pay attention to the English language elements used in advertisements. Only 17% of respondents said they did not pay attention to English insertions, and 8% did not notice them. Foreign insertions are particularly noticeable to respondents with higher education and younger respondents. As many as 40% of respondents provided examples of English elements11. They show that people pay attention to trademarks (mentioned household and hygiene goods, beverage names Always, Wash & Go, Snickers, Tide, Head & Shoulders, Sprite, Pampers) and advertising slogans (for example, Always Coca-Cola; Nokia – Connecting People; LG – Life’s Good; Mentos – the freshmaker; Just do it; Carlsberg – probably the best beer in the World; I’m lovin’ it), less often – advertising songs (for more see Šmitaitė 2005). Interestingly, a survey of advertising broadcasts conducted in the same period showed that most of the examples provided by respondents were precisely cases of frequently repeated changes in advertising codes. Of course, the fact that people can quote what they have heard does not mean that their use of language is affected. Sociolinguists have previously denied without reservation that media language can influence usage, because there was no evidence. The possibility of exposure is no longer entirely ruled out, but direct social contact is still believed to be more effective. The linguistic elements of television advertisements have two forms of expression – auditory and written. English language elements in advertisements can be both and only one of the forms of expression. In the first case, the weight of English is obviously greater, and it is possible to assume that the special importance given to English in this way 11 The question of the questionnaire was formulated as follows: “If you remember, provide English examples from television advertisements in Lithuania”. 116 LANGUAGE CULTURE | 82 status (cf. German TV advertising study; Piller 2001: 16012; cited from Steeby 2004: 9). Foreign elements of purely audible or purely written expression can be interpreted in different ways. For example, it is believed that if the graphic presentation (the so-called paralanguage – font size, color, text layout, etc.) will be emphasized, then such a written foreign element will be more impressive; in print advertisements bright graphics are just English inscriptions. There is evidence that the message in a television advertisement is actually expected to have an impact: advertisements targeting Hispanic Americans who cannot read English at all have been studied. The fact that they contained English inscriptions probably reveals the symbolic role of the English language (see Steeby 2004: 9). On the other hand, written text can hardly be given more importance in television advertising. It is often displayed only for a fraction of a second, and the audio components of the advertising reach the addressee even when his eyes divert elsewhere, and generally cover a larger area of the addressee’s presence. The results of the Lithuanian television advertising survey suggest that the audible form of expression is probably considered more important in Lithuania; it is always more Lithuanian. As shown, the advertising domain is changing dramatically and becoming more and more mixed due to the increasing use of English. These changes are assessed in two ways. Some researchers see in this a growing and necessary threat to regulate one of the domains of language and language in general, while others see in the changed situation signs of a new identity of society. In the first case, the reason for the change is considered to be impersonal globalization or the passivity of advertising recipients and creators, the disregard of local traditions or the distance from their roots, and in the second case, the conscious actions of advertisers reflecting the attitudes of society13. Furthermore, the article discusses how much conscious planning is present in today’s advertising marketing and what identity of the user is focused on here. 2. IDENTIFICATION OF MULTILANGUAGE ADVERTISING USER When searching for reasons for the use of English in advertising, one of the explanations often given is the practical fact that the use of English may be related to the language policy of multinational companies, which emphasizes 12 Piller, Ingrid, 2001. Op. cit. 13 The article refers in general terms only to advertisers; in general, in advertising research it is appropriate to distinguish the creator and the client. L. Vaicekauskienė. Postmodern Bilingualism: National Language and English in Advertising 117 Cosmopolitanism in Business. For such companies, the use of English alongside other languages is part of their daily functioning and their identity and image, so they can also emphasize the use of English only in advertising (see the all-English Tuborg beer advertisement known in many countries: Tuborg... Wherever you are or LG’s advertisement slogan Digitally yours). On the contrary, it may be attempted to target more or less a specific foreign-speaking country and to localize the same advertising everywhere, i.e. to adapt it to the local market. There are many different ways of adapting to the markets of different countries. For example, a comparison of the websites of several well-known manufacturers showed that on some of them the introduction can be made only in English, on others in a mixture of English and the local language, and on still others only the brand name remains in English. Incidentally, continuous advertising only in English is believed to be driven not only by monolingual cosmopolitanism, but also by the desire to emphasize neutrality: it is impossible to adapt to everyone, so English is used as a lingua franca that everyone understands (see Kelly-Holmes 2005: 82–91). It is sometimes claimed that the choice of international producers and advertisers is determined by financial reasons: not applying the so-called localization strategy, but leaving the advertising original, standardized is much cheaper. However, it is more likely that there are other incentives here and that English plays a role. 2.1. The symbolic role of English The specificity of the genre of television advertising determines that in order to force the consumer to act (i.e. to purchase the offered product), it is necessary to catch his attention, and there is very little time. Thus, the creator of advertising tries to choose the most eye-catching means or forms of expression. One such tool is English, because it is associated with certain stereotypes. Unlike other foreign languages that are sometimes used in advertising (e.g. French, Italian, German), English is no longer identified with any particular (ethnic) culture. It is said that this language was intended to JAV praėjusio amžiaus paskutiniųjų poros dešimtmečių reklamose, tačiau šiandien anglų kalba veikiau siejama su technologijų pažanga, kosmopolitiševoke associations with the leading “cum”, “hardness” (for so-called language fetishes in advertising see KellyHolmes 2005). English affects the social psychology of the modern consumer and plays a symbolic role. Throughout the literature of the spoken area 118 LANGUAGE CULTURE | 82 emphasize the same tendency to associate English with modernity, innovation, scientific progress, reliability, Westernness (the latter factor is especially active in Eastern and Central Europe) or internationality. One of the first to notice the symbolic value of foreign languages was Harald Haarmann (1989): his study of Japanese audiences was based on the assumption that Japanese had too little knowledge of foreign languages to play a more than symbolic role in advertising. The same would be confirmed by the aforementioned study of non-English-speaking Hispanic Americans (Steeby 2004). The symbolic value of the English language applies both to the advertiser and the target identified with him, as well as to the manufacturer whose product is advertised and whose international and modern image requires the English language. Thus, it can be assumed that English is one of the constituent parts of commercial capital, and that the addressee of mixed advertising in terms of language is not a citizen of a particular country, but a consumer of the global market, whose social identity shifts noticeably from political to economic (see Piller 2003: 176). However, there is a different opinion in the literature. According to some authors, attributing only symbolic significance to English is not entirely correct, as there is evidence that understanding what is said in a foreign language is also important. Studies have shown that if the recipient of the advertisement understands the content of the advertisement in a foreign language, it has a greater effect on him (see Petrof 199014; Cheshire, Moser 199415; Gerritsen et al. 200016; cited from Hornikx, Starren 2006: 132 – 133). Thus, foreign language in advertising is not merely a form without function, and in addition to its symbolic value, it can also have a linguistic meaning (cf. Hornikx, Starren 2006: 139). This assumption is also confirmed by the data of some studies on the creative adaptation of English language material to local needs – using English language forms or word variants specific to that society, creating English language novelties, playing with English and local language consonants, etc. (cf. the Russian Snickers chocolate ad: Сникерcни! „snikeriauk“ or the entertainment program slogan Бинго Шой – Вце бyдет хорошоy) 14 Petrof J. V. 1990: L’utilisation des langues étrangères comme moyen d’augmenter l’efficacité de la publicité: une approche expérimentale. In: Recherche et applications en Marketing 5 (2), 15 Cheshire J., Moser L. 1994: English as a cultural symbol: the case of advertisements in 1–16. French-speaking Switzerland. In: Journal of Multilingual and Multicultural Development 15 (6), 451–469. 16 Gerritsen M., Korzilius H., Meurs F. van, Gijsbers I. 2000: English in Dutch commercials: not understood and not appreciates. In: Journal of Advertising Research 40 (4), 17–31. L. Vaicekauskienė. Postmodern bilingualism: national language and English in advertising 125 English has become accessible to all and some social groups use it as a resource and as a means of expression. It is such identity of a plurilingual user and the freedom of his/her choice to use as many codes as necessary that can help explain why most domains, including advertising, are becoming mixed. In the texts focusing on language policy and standardising the Lithuanian language such opportunities have never been discussed. LORETA VAICEKAUSKIENĖ Lietuvių kalbos institutas P. Vileišio g. 5, LT-10308 Vilnius, Lithuania [email protected]