Słownik stereotypów i symboli ludowych jako słownik etnolingwistyczny (na przykładzie hasła „perz”)

54 common language | 96 KATARZYNA PROROK uniwersytet marii curie-skłodowskiej w Lublinie oRciD id: orcid.org./0000-0002-7410-6970 Research areas: ethnolinguistics, lexicography, Polish folk culture. Doi: doi.org/10.35321/bkalba.2023.96.03 Dictionary of Stereotypes AND FOLK SYMBOLS as an ethnoLinguistic dictionary (on the PERz Password) KEY WORDS: ethnolinguistics, dictionary, cognitive definition, folk culture, stereotype, symbol. The article presents the Dictionary of Stereotypes and Folk Symbols, published in Lublin by Jerzy Bartmiński and Stanisława Niebrzegowska-Bartmińska. The method of definition adopted in the Dictionary is a cognitive definition developed on the basis of Lublin ethnolinguistics, which allows the subjective reconstruction of the image of the world fixed in the language and folk culture. In the first part of the article, the author presents the main methodological assumptions of the Dictionary, and in the second part, the definition method adopted in the Dictionary is that of cognitive definition pokazuje ich praktyczną realizację na przykładzie niepublikowanej jeszcze wersji hasła perz. abstRact the paper presents the Dictionary of Folk Stereotypes and Symbols, published in Lublin, edited by jerzy bartmiński and stanisława niebrzegowska-bartmińska. developed on the basis of Lublin ethnolinguistics. it allows for a subjective reconstruction of the image of the world preserved in folk language and culture. in the first part of the paper, the author presents the main methodological assumptions of the Dictionary, and in the second part she shows their practical implementation based on the example of the yet unpublished version of the entry elymus. Catherine the Prophet. The aim of the article is to present – in theory and in practice – the Lublin Dictionary of Stereotypes and Folk Symbols (ssisL 1996–2022), the concept jako słownik etnolingwistyczny (na przykładzie hasła perz) of which was created by jerzy bartmiński (1939–2022) and developed over the years together with stanisława nieebrzegowska-bartmińska and a team of collaborators. from j. bartmiński comes the term used in the title "ethnolinguistic dictionary". Together with the term “dictionary of folklore language” it appeared in 1980 in the editorial introduction to the sample booklet of the Dictionary of Folk Language Stereotypes (sLsj 1980), announcing the first volume of the Dictionary of Folk Stereotypes and Symbols, published several years later. Therefore, more than forty years ago, when ethnolinguistics was just beginning to develop on Polish soil, J. Bartmiński had a vision of a dictionary of a new type1, in which the folk image of the world would be reconstructed: the dictionary of the language of folklore would be an ethnolinguistic dictionary. It will present the vocabulary of folklore (“oral collective creation”) as a component of a certain culture, with an emphasis on semantics, not linguistic forms. <...> the main purpose of our dictionary will be to analyse and describe linguistic stereotypes established in folk culture (Bartmiński 1980: 10–11). the concept of the test book and the proper volumes of the Dictionary over the years has been the subject of lively scientific discussion. Many reviews and analytical articles were published, which undoubtedly had a significant influence on the current form of the Dictionary2. There were also numerous master’s and doctoral theses, in which the method was tested and preliminary versions of the topics were prepared. Nowadays, when the Lublin ethnolinguistic school is increasingly mentioned (cf. zinken 2009, 2015), the sample booklet of the Dictionary can be regarded as its “programmic manifest”, and the proper volumes of the Dictionary as the methodological basis for other ethnolinguistic works, in which the image of the world fixed in language is reconstructed. What is important, the research tools developed during the preparation of the Dictionary are successfully used not only in research related to culture1 In the review of the test book andrzej marii Lewicki wrote that “The Dictionary of Folk Language Stereotypes edited by J. Bartmiński is an extremely bold lexicographic experiment, even too bold for the current level of development of semantics” (Lewicki 1984: 587). 2 For more on the Dictionary, its history and reception see. : bartmiński 1988a, b, 1996; bartmiński, niebrzegowska-bartmińska 2016; niebrzegowska-bartmińska 2009, 2010, 2013; The Prophet 2022. 56 benDRinė kaLba | 96 with folk music, but also more broadly – with national culture and in comparative studies between cultures of different nations3. In the next part of the article I would like to briefly present the Dictionary and its methodological assumptions, and in order to show their implementation on the example of a trial, not yet published version of the password perz. skie in the introduction to the first volume of the Dictionary entitled Kosmos (1996) and with minor modifications are used by the dictionary team to this day, główne postulaty metodologiczne zostały zgłoszone przez j. bartmińwhich means that the solutions proposed then work. The purpose of the Dictionary is unchangeable: The dictionary of stereotypes and folk symbols is an attempt to reconstruct the traditional image of the world and man – made by ethnolinguistic and folkloristic methods. This image – enshrined in language, folklore and rituals – is the key to understanding culture, its attitude to the world and its specific mentality (bartmiński 1996: 9). The dictionary has a thematic layout and is planned for seven volumes, which is illustrated in Fig. 1. I Kosmos II Plants III Animals IV Man V Society VI Religion, Demonology and Psychology VII Time, space, measures, colors Ryc. 1. Dictionary of Stereotypes and Folk Symbols – volume layout (ssisL 1996: 2). 3, the Axiological Lexicon of the Slavs and their Neighbours (2015–2019), published within the framework of the international research project (conversatorium) euRojos – Linguistic and cultural picture of the world of the Slavs and their neighbours on a comparative background, can be used as an example. its aim is to carry out parallel semantic analyses of important axiological concepts on the material of various Slavic languages and other European languages “neighboring” to them. Catherine the Prophet. Dictionary of Stereotypes and Folk Symbols 57 the assumed division is largely related to the increasing semantic complexity of jako słownik etnolingwistyczny (na przykładzie hasła perz) the keywords and is intended to show the folk image of the world and man in the “biblical” order of creation (the only exception is the placement of religion not at the beginning, but at the end of the row). what is important – the dictionary is intensive (not extensive), so we will find in it only selected, culturally important words. So far, four volumes of Cosmos have been published: Sky, blue lights, fire, stones (1996), Earth, water, underground (1999), Meteorology (2012) and World, light, metals (2012), and seven volumes of Plants: cereals (2017), Vegetables, spices, industrial plants (2018), Flowers (2019), herbs (2019), Fruit trees and conifers (2020), Hardwood trees (2021), Shrubs and shrubs (2022). The last plant booklet, Skupiska roślin, chwasty, grzyby, is being prepared for printing. In 2022, thanks to grant support from the National Humanities Development Program, preparations for the animal volume began, within which the publication of five booklets covering the fields: domestic animals, wild animals, fish, amphibians and reptiles, birds, insects is planned. Unlike typical linguistic dictionaries, the units of description in the Dictionary are not real objects or words, but “mental objects”, “semantic correlates between words and objects, in other words – social images of objects”. they are accessible both through the data contained in language and texts, and through records of beliefs and descriptions of behavior (Bartmiński 1996: 14). This approach makes the Lublin dictionary an ethnolinguistic dictionary, as J. Bartmiński writes: the ethnolinguistic character of our dictionary consists <...> primarily in taking language into the context of culture: consequently, going beyond purely linguistic data (lexical, semantic, which are of course the basis of the dictionary), taking into account the use of language, reaching for socially established beliefs and practices, creating a paralinguistic (not: extralinguistic) context of verbal expressions, and even using (albeit only fragmentarily) information from the field of folk visual art (ornamentation, painting). in short – ethnolinguistic is the way of understanding the keyword object that is the object of description in our Dictionary (bartmiński 1996: 11–12). analysis of such diverse data is possible thanks to the adopted method of definition – a cognitive definition, which refers to common thinking about the world and strives to extract all positive characteristics 58 benDRinė kaLba | 96 defined objects that are culturally relevant (Bartmin 1988a: 2009). In the cognitive definition, the analysis of meanings is multifaceted, which is manifested, among other things, by the fact that the definition sentences are usually arranged in special semantic categories (facets), i.e. groups from which they are composed (collections, oppositions, appearance, properties, applications). The division into facets allows us to penetrate the “cognitive structure of keywords” and find connections goś punktu widzenia jednorodne (np. nazwa, pochodzenie, kompleksy between different texts. It also allows easier handling of the material, its analysis and comparison. what is worth emphasizing, the type, order and filling of facets are not imposed in advance, but should always bring to light the internal, hidden in the analyzed material characteristics of the object. The editors of the Dictionary warn against the mechanical separation of facets: we want to emphasize <…> with all our might that neither the parameterization of definitions (separation of facets), nor their content filling by introducing stereotypical motifs (sentences containing judgments about the subject) can be mechanically imposed from the outside, from the position of an external observer, but should always bring to light the internal (immanent), hidden in the analyzed material, characteristics of the subject from the point of view of the carrier and participant of the culture under study (bartmiński, niebrzegowska-bartmińska 2013: 60). Since the cognitive definition is primarily cognitive in nature, it tries to take into account all the stabilized and culturally important characteristics of a given (typical) object and to “tell” about it in the most accessible way4, it takes the form of a “narrative of the object” (Bartmiński 2014) i zwykle jest bardziej rozbudowana niż typowe definicje leksykograficzne. z założenia każdy artykuł hasłowy składa się z dwóch głównych części: eksplikacyjnej i dokumentacyjnej5, które są połączone odsyłaczami numerycznymi, dzięki czemu za charakterystykami przywoływanymi w ekspli4 W definicji kognitywnej postuluje się odejście od języka naukowego i stosowanie języka (style) of everyday life, which is “the simplest, the most concrete, the closest”, consolidates “elementary structures of thought and perception of the world connected with elementary human needs in elementary existential situations” (bartmiński 2001: 115–117). “table of contents” (containing a list of facets that appear successively in the explanation and the types of texts that make up the documentation); “capsule” (a summary of the password); a general cultural introduction (showing how a given keyword functions in other cultures); a bibliography; a list of references to other dictionary terms that appeared in the given term. Catherine the Prophet. Dictionary of Stereotypes and Folk Symbols 59 For smaller phrases, the documentation is most often included in the explanation. In the explanation – which usually has a jako słownik etnolingwistyczny (na przykładzie hasła perz) faceted structure – in the form of defining sentences are given “stabilized characteristics, kacji stoją „dowody” w postaci konkretnych kontekstów w dokumentacji. which the keyword object receives in the folk tradition and which allow to reproduce its linguistic and cultural image” (bartmiński 1996: 13). The documentation consists of quotations (sometimes summaries or discussions) mainly from folk cliché texts, such as proverbs, riddles, orders, songs, legends, fairy tales or legends. All texts are marked with so-called metrics (abbreviations of the sources from which they come) and arranged in variants, on which “stereotypical motifs” are built. These motifs, written in the form of quotations or in the metalanguage of the researcher, are structured in such a way that they can enter directly into the explanation as definitional sentences. non-elixired texts, i.e. records of beliefs and descriptions of folk practices (daily, ritual, magical, healing), referred to as “linguistic data”, are usually not included in the documentation, but enter directly into the explanation. as far as the time range is concerned, I have a trial version of the perz keyword, which will be found in the Chwasty section of the last plant booklet of the Dictionary pt. A cluster of plants, weeds, fungi. The password consists only of the explanatory part, which directly includes the documentation material. such structure is due to the relatively small size of the password and the specificity of the password object – perz as an undesirable and suppressed plant, and at the same time with a little expressive appearance6, rarely appears in clichéd folklore texts. The reconstruction of its wy Słownika, to uwzględniane są zarówno materiały drukowane od XiX w. i wcześniej, jak i współczesne zapisy terenowe gromadzone w Pracowni etnolingwistycznej im. jerzego bartmińskiego od lat 60. XX w. (tu znajduje się kartoteka i księgozbiór Słownika). by pokazać, jak w praktyce wygląda hasło słownikowe, poniżej zamieszlinguistic and cultural image is based mainly on synoethnographic names (which document ancient folk practices aimed at getting rid of the perz from crops or – interestingly – using it as a food.6 In relation to, for example, thistle, which is also an undesirable and suppressed plant, but very characteristic because it is prickly, therefore it very often appears in folk songs or fairy tales, where it is symbolically associated with pain, suffering and the devil. nimicznych i derywowanych od perzu) oraz na relacjach potocznych i zapisach 60 benDRinė kaLba | 96 mu hungry or medicinal agent. In this situation, there is no need to extract the documentation, and the legend or a few proverbs in which the perz appears can enter directly into the documentation. PERz [nazWy]7 Perz – in dialects also: pyrzyk Pal Roś 91, perzówa, perej Pelc sgLub 5: 350–351, pyrej Pal zer 101, pyrnik Pal Roś 91, pyrnica kąś Podh 9: 386 – is a common Slavic name, originally referring to a variety of wheat (Triticum), and transferred to perz (Elymus), when a new word was created for wheat (Wan Pol 148). until the 17th century it was believed that perz is only a species of degenerate wheat (see words 206). According to folk etymology, the word perz is related to the verb zaperzyć8: Pyrz is like a man who gets hurt, it is surely a weed as well, as if it were looped, it will refuse and it is not possible to pull these chickens out Pelc Roś 1059. There are noted several synonymous names of perz: psia pyrzyca Pal zer 102, psia pasza – dogs instinctively look for perz and eat it willingly, because it is supposed to help them with digestive disorders Wan Pol 108; korzenica msgP 110 – because perz is very strongly rooted and so squeezes the soil Pelc sgLub 5: 223; drutowiec – because it is so cold in winter that it is difficult to pull it out Pelc sgLub 5: 126; trawa zWak 1895: 72 – because it is similar to grass tn chołowice 1998, if you do not know, you can confuse perz with grass tn Puszno 1998; manna garden Pal Roś 91; osocz sych sgkasz 3: 341; lëczebnik sych sgkasz 2: 343; zgadiwåcz sych sgkasz 6: 225; piãtrownik, piãtrȯwka; pachãcëna; pażłãc, pażãcëna sych sgkasz 4: 8, 46, 244. [kategoRyzacje] Perz is generally considered to be herbaceous k 3 kuj 83, weed: The worst tail is this perzówa, because it has such strong roots in winter and you throw it out, and back zara grows Pelc sgLub 5: 351. 7 In square brackets I put the facet names (in the Dictionary they are replaced by the appropriate iconic characters). 8 The word zapershit ‘to rise with anger, to fall into anger’ does not remain in the etymological connection with the word perz ‘flame’, but is combined with the perz ‘that which is burned or has been destroyed by fire, ashes’ and the old perz ‘hot coal, hot ashes, glowing, ashes, ashes’, perzit ‘to burn’, hence ‘to boast, to be angry’, cf. ps. *pyriti sū ‘to burn’, from pie. *pūr- ‘fire’ bor se 421, 729. 9 italics are used for names and for quotations directly from folklore texts or dialectal colloquial reports. Catherine the Prophet. Dictionary of stereotypes and folk symbols 61 In the past, perz was also used to refer to other pests in agriculture, jako słownik etnolingwistyczny (na przykładzie hasła perz) such as thistle (bor se 421), cf. pyrzowina ‘chwasty’ Śmieł opol 110, angst 'chwast, pérz' maae 1912: 167. (a) with other undesirable “objects”: according to the proverb What a thief in the storeroom, a wolf in the barn or a pig in the shed, that is a perch in the garden (nkPP 2: 843; (b) with potatoes, in which it grows abundantly: in the proverb Where there is potato, there is also a potato (nkPP 2: 843), cf. the usual relation: Pyrz was also so annoying, so un as in winter it grows, so in winter it eats this potato Pelc sgLub 5: 351; (c) with a scorpion, which sicks in the nest, hence the proverb: On Saint Casimir (it) a scorpion will emerge from the nest Rog Wag 298. [Appearance and Properties] Pyrz is a weed with leaves like grass; its most characteristic part are the roots / rhizomes: perz very strong roots have mich Dem 41, a lot of these roots in the tem, so long it stretches, white tn tops 1985. perz flowers have the form of smooth, thin spikes, and the leaves are quite sharp, you can cut with them, which according to legend became the cause of the medicinal uselessness of perzu: Our Lady, who walked nose to nose after dawn, collected all the herbs and told kozdemu, for what it can be. I found a piece of bread, and I wanted to take it. The blade of the blade is so sharp that the Mother of God caulked herself on it. And she doesn't blame herself. This tes pyrzówka is not sodne herbs, nothing will help as usual 110. [Localisation] Perz is everywhere, the same sows and grows Pelc sgLub 5: 351. It likes good, fertile soils, which confirms the proverb: Kędy perz, tam w roli gmerz nkPP 2: 843. it grows especially abundantly on cultivated fields, on neglected żiēmni (gorn malb 2: 17, hence numerous derivatives: pyrzowina ‘neglected field, on which perz grows’ Dob niem 47, perzowisko ‘area overgrown with perz’ PWsP 28: 200, perzasty, perzowaty ‘full of perz, abounding in perz’ narł sjP 4: 121 (Field perzyste, pérz grows and perzyste Rog Wag 298), zapyrzony ‘overgrown, overgrown with feathers’ something sgo 2: 688, się ‘zachwaszczać się, mieć obfitość perzu’ karł sgP 4: 76, zapyrzić ‘dopuperzyć ścić do zarośnięcia perzem’, zapyrzić sie ‘overgrown with feathers’ something Podh 12: 314, oszocowac ‘overgrown with feathers’ (uncultivated land soon becomes overgrown) sych sgkasz 3: 341. 62 common language | 96 [sPosoby PozbyWania się PeRzu] Perz is mostly destroyed, because it is the womb as it collapses the field, and then the grain does not want to grow. but it is a weed difficult to eradicate because of the long areas in the winter Pelc sgLub 5: 351, cf. proverb: In vain is rubber, in vain is the owner of the barn enjoys, when his wide rye rises with feathers nkPP 2: 843. In the past, the perch was removed from the soil by plowing it as deep as possible, because the deeper the farmer plows, the more of the perch will be pulled up to the top tn chołowice 1985. Perz from the ploughed field was removed by means of a special hook (Święt nadr 9), harrow (see kurp 2: 87) or cultivator: It was necessary, where perz, then and along cultivate, and then for jeki cas in transverse, this perz on hierzch all dried up Rog Wag 298, cf. perzyna ‘roots and stems of perz plowed and forbidden from the field and abandoned on the road’ karł sgP 4: 76. It was believed that tartar sown in spring prepares the soil, i.e. burns the perz (zWak 1890: 149). Perz growing already in the crops was weed by hand, often with the help of a hoe (tn chołowice 1985). It was recommended that you pick up some SGO 1:444 and burn it. it was a laborious work, requiring regular, even daily repetitions: in the morning it was to hay, when the dew dried up it was to millet, and in the evening it was to perz (nkPP 3: 22, and often in vain, because thereby the perz spreads more, before you squeeze it nkPP 2: 843, cf. phrase: žëbës šed osocz szczepiac ‘lift up, untie off’ sych sgkasz 3: 341. [Practical Applications] although the perch was very unlikely to be seen in the fields, it often protected people from starvation, especially in the early spring. its long roots were washed, dried, chopped and ground, and the flour obtained was mixed with rye flour, for example, made from them sourdough, and later baked bread (kul Wiel 2: 415–416). The preparation of bread from the perz itself is confirmed by a common story: He picked it, washed it, dried it and cut it into pieces, then took it under a stone and ground it on the mills. Who was healthy and healthy stomach, it endured, and if not, it died. For if there is hunger, then there is also plague Hajd not 236. such bread from perzu was bitter tn chołowice 1985, dry and tasted “like wood” burch for 46. sometimes ground dried fruits were added to it, and even chestnuts crushed in a stump and ground in grains (kuk kasz 158), cf. pachana ‘bread made of lime or perzu flour, baked on the front by rural poverty’ Wiet sPog 117. flour from the rhizome of the persimmon was also added to polewy and brej (bow Dzik 101). Perz was and is a food for farm animals, especially cows: from pyrz to animals can be made hay ji to eat tn Puszno Catherine the Prophet. Dictionary of stereotypes and folk symbols 69 objects”. the reconstruction of these images is possible thanks to the adopted method of jako słownik etnolingwistyczny (na przykładzie hasła perz) defining – cognitive definition. it refers to common thinking about the world and strives to bring out all the positive features of an object that are culturally relevant. these features are extracted by analyzing both linguistic and textual data, as well as the so-called “with-linguistic” data, i.e. records of beliefs and descriptions of folk practices. an example of the rich use of “with-linguistic” data can be found in the second part of the article, where a working, unpublished version of the entry elymus is presented. We learn from it that in Polish folk culture, on the one hand, elymus was considered a very troublesome weed because it was difficult to eradicate, but on the other hand, it had some practical applications – it was a starvation food (its roots were used to prepare flour from which bread was baked), a kind of “insulator” (it was used to cover the walls of houses to protect against frost and wind) or a medicine (it was used, among others, for respiratory problems). the proposed definition shows that ethnolinguistic analysis carried out in the Dictionary allows for a multi-sided look at the defined objects, and thus to show as fully as possible how the inhabitants of the Polish village perceived the reality surrounding them. KEYWORDS: ethnolinguistics, dictionary, cognitive definition, folk culture, stereotype, symbol. kataRzyna PRoRok uniwersytet marii curie-skłodowskiej w Lublinie Pl. m. curie-skłodowskiej 4a/205 20-031 Lublin [email protected] KATARZYNA PROROK Dictionary of Folk Stereotypes and Symbols kaiP ethnoLinguistic Dictionary (Based on the concept VARPUTIS PavyzDŽiu) summary In the article the author presents the Dictionary of Folk Stereotypes and Symbols, the concept of which was prepared in Ljubljana for several years by jerzis bartmińskis together with stanisława niebrzegowska-bartmińska and a group of other researchers. The aim of the dictionary is to reconstruct the traditional view of the world and man by means of ethnolinguistic and folklore research. The first part of the article presents the main methodological assumptions of the Glossary. unlike the usual language dictionaries, the units described here are not 70 general language | 96 it shows the general perception of the world, it aims to emphasize all positive characteristics of the object relevant in the cultural sense. realūs objektai ar žodžiai, o „įsivaizduojami objektai“, „socialiniai objektų vaizdiniai“. šiuos vaizdinius atkurti padeda pasirinktas kognityvinės definicijos metodas. These characteristics are determined by analyzing both language and textual data, as well as so-called extralinguistic data, i.e. descriptions of popular beliefs and customs. An example of extensive use of extralinguistic data can be found in the second part of the article, which presents a working, nowhere published version of the title word bell. From it we learn that, on the one hand, the bell was considered a very common weed in Polish folk culture, because it was difficult to eradicate, on the other hand, it could be used in the household – from its roots flour was made for baking bread, it was covered and filled with house walls to protect against cold and wind. bell was also used as an herb for the treatment of respiratory diseases. The cognitive definition shows that the ethnolinguistic analysis carried out in the Dictionary allows a multifaceted look at the objects to be defined and thus reveals as fully as possible how the Polish rural inhabitants perceived the reality surrounding them. KEY WORDS: ethnolinguistics, vocabulary, cognitive definition, folk culture, stereotype, symbol. kataRzyna PRoRok uniwersytet marii curie-skłodowskiej w Lublinie Pl. m. curie-skłodowskiej 4a/205 20-031 Lublin [email protected]