Rytų aukštaičių pietinės tarmės fonetika

LIETUVIŲ KALBOTYROS KLAUSIMAI, III LIETUVOS TSR MOKSLŲ AKADEMIJA PHONETICS OF THE SOUTHERN DIALECT OF THE EASTERN HIGHLANDERS1 K. MORKŪNAS Transcription The transcription used in this work is the one specified in the program for collecting material for the Atlas of the Lithuanian Language2. Only in certain cases has it been modified slightly, or, more accurately, simplified (see below). 1. Stress and accent. Stress position is indicated by the accent mark. The accents of unstressed syllables are not indicated. Accent marks: a) short accents — grave (ˋ), b) falling-rising accents — acute (ˊ), c) rising-falling accents — circumflex (˜), d) medial accents — a small letter s (ˀ) (the mark for the medial accent is written over lengthened short vowels, as well as over the long vowels and diphthongs ie, uo, whose falling-rising and rising-falling accents have become so similar in the dialect that they are completely indistinguishable), e) cut accents — a small letter z (ˁ). 2. Length. Since all unstressed vowels in the dialect are short, while stressed ones (except those bearing a short accent) are long, vowel length is not marked separately: vowel length is indicated by the accent mark (for monophthongs, by the marks for medial and cut accents), e.g.: vìras ~ vyras, vaikų ~ vaikų. Stressed short vowels are marked with the short-accent sign, which here also indicates that the vowel is short, e.g., bùs. The falling-rising accent mark on diphthongs and mixed diphthongs (on diphthongs of nasal origin, also the medial-accent mark) indicates the length of the first component, while the rising-falling accent mark indicates the length of the second component; the cut-accent mark indicates that the second component is half-long. In individual cases, when necessary, a macron over the vowel sign is used to mark a long vowel (e.g.: ī, ū). 3. Palatalization. The palatalization of consonants is indicated by a small arch over the consonant sign. In this way, palatalized and softened consonants are always marked when they occur before retracted back vowels, at the end of a word, and in consonant clusters, e.g.: galù ~ gulù, šžė́rt. Since consonants occurring directly before front 1 This work is the shortened first part of the author’s monograph on the southern dialect of the Eastern Highlanders, currently in preparation (excluding the chapter “Stress and Accent”). 2 See the Program for Collecting Material for the Atlas of the Lithuanian Language, 2nd ed., 105—118, Lithuanian SSR Academy of Sciences, Institute of the Lithuanian Language and Literature, Vilnius, 1956. 5 ellės vowels are always pronounced softly; for the sake of transcriptional simplicity, their softness is not marked in this work, except in those passages that deal specifically with consonant softness (§§ 14, 79). 4. Hardness. A consonant that has hardened before e, ė, l is not marked with a separate symbol. The hardness of this l is indicated by the back vowels that occur after it (and before e, ė, l is always pronounced hard in the dialect). For the same reason, the hardness of other consonants that have sporadically hardened is also not marked. 5. Aspiration. A word-final aspirated consonant k is not marked with a separate symbol, except in the passage in the “Consonantism” chapter where it is discussed (§ 83). 6. Vowel fronting. The fronting of back vowels under the influence of j is not marked. Their fronting is indicated by a preceding j or by softened consonants. 7. Other symbols. The sign for transposing dialect forms into the literary language is a tilde (~). Transposition follows the correspondences between sounds in the dialect and the literary language, e.g., grįžtė-la ~ grįžtelė. If a dialect form does not differ in its sounds from the corresponding form in the literary language, or differs only in intonation or in regular retraction of stress, it is not transposed into the literary language. For the sake of saving space, transposition is also omitted when the dialect form differs from the literary-language form only by α, corresponding to the literary language’s short a (< ã), e.g., káulas. When necessary, the meanings of dialect words are further explained using literary-language words, most often written in quotation marks. Two vertical bars are used to indicate a neighboring form, e.g.: skabinõ-tis ‖ kabinėtis. Transcription matters not covered here are explained elsewhere in the work. Introduction 1. Dialect area, principal features, name, inhabitants, sources § 1. The area of the dialect under investigation resembles a not entirely regular pear, whose tip reaches Ukmergė in the north, while its broad end in the south terminates around Miškininkai and Čiobiškis (see map, Fig. 1). Besides those mentioned, the more important settlements in this area are Pašilė, Pabaiskas, Krikštėnai (the older village name was vilaikiai ~ Vileikiai), Bagaslaviškiai, Gelvonai, and Vindeikiai. Under the current administrative division, the pointed end of this area extends into the southern part of Ukmergė District, while the broader end occupies nearly all of the western part of Širvintos District. In addition, the eastern corner of Jonava District (Būda, Keižonys, and other villages)* also belongs to this dialect. There are, one might say, no major natural obstacles in the middle of the dialect area that could seriously impede communication among people. Along its edges, however, there are relatively extensive forests and rivers. These natural boundaries make up most of the dialect’s borders. § 2. The principal phonetic features of the dialect, taken mainly into account in determining its boundaries, are as follows: 1. The old mixed diphthongs am, an, em, en > um, u(n), im, i(n), for example: samtis ~ sąmtis, gálvu (< *galvan) ~ gálva, miñkas ~ meñkas. After l, em > and un: lúnta ~ lenta. * Note. When the article was being prepared for publication, the Mančiūšėnai local district in Širvintos District was abolished. At the same time, the boundaries of Širvintos, Ukmergė, and Jonava districts were also changed slightly; cf. Lietuvos Tarybų Socialistinės Respublikos Aukščiausiosios Tarybos ir Vyriausybės Žinios, 23, 434 (1959). 6 2. The unstressed old ā, ē (> 1k o, ē) and the diphthongs uo, ie have become a, e: stovėt ~ stovėti, vaiką ~ vaiko; sėdėt ~ sėdėti, darė ~ darė; padėlis ~ puodėlis, penėlis ~ pienėlis. 3. In place of the old short word-final a, a reduced vowel is pronounced (represented by the symbol α): dirba ~ dirba, vaikas. 4. Stress is retracted from a short ending to the penultimate syllable, which contains a long vowel or the diphthong ie or uo, for example: tvorą, dieną (but: pirmą, sveiką). § 3. The reflexes of the diphthongs am, an, em, en show that the dialect under investigation belongs to the Eastern Aukštaitian dialects. As is well known, the area of the Eastern Aukštaitian dialects occupies approximately a triangle whose points are Kriukai, Musninkai, and Zarasai. Since the dialect described occupies the southernmost corner of this triangle, it has been named the Southern Eastern Aukštaitian dialect on the basis of its geographical location3. No phonetic features peculiar to the dialect under investigation that might give it a nickname have been found. In that case, the name “Southern Luntininkai dialect” would suit it best (for the term, see § 85). § 4. Some differences are also found within the dialect under investigation, which stretches about 40 km from north to south. However, they are more numerous only along the borders, where features of neighboring dialects are often still present. A few minor peculiarities also occur in the speech of dialect speakers living farther from the boundaries. For example, in some places—Lapiškiai, Leščīūnai (Juknonys local district), Neveronys, Stavarygala (Bagaslaviškis local district), etc.—a reduced vowel with a breathy u coloring is often (but not always!) heard in place of the old short word-final a: stālus ~ stālas, vaikūs ~ vaikas (after a palatalized consonant and j—as throughout the dialect area: svėčis ~ svėčias, vėjis ~ vėjas). § 5. There are many people in the area who speak a colloquial, nonstandard form of Polish (ethnically, they are usually Lithuanians). Most speakers of this kind are found around Širvintos and Musninkai; fewer are found elsewhere (around Pabaiskas, Krikštėnai…). This speech, formerly spread through Polonized estates and churches, had no significant effect on the phonetics or grammar of the dialect under investigation. Its influence was more clearly felt only in the local dialect’s lexicon. Russian families are found in one or another village (Sukiniai, in the Kūlniškiai local district; Pakertušė, in the Krikštėnai local district; etc.); they moved into the dialect area as early as the years of tsarist rule (mostly in the late seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries). They are few in number, however; understandably, their language could not have influenced the general character of the dialect. Socially, collective farmers make up the largest share of the population; there are considerably fewer workers and employees. § 6. The material was recorded mainly in the vicinity of the author’s native Kūlniškiai (kulniški̇̀ ~ Kūlniškiai), but a considerable amount also came from other localities. The following are worth mentioning: Graužiečiai, Vaikalės, Mažeikiškiai, Žūkliai (older people most often say: žūkliji̇̀ ~ Žūklijai), Gailiūnai, Krikštėnai, Kelmai, Mikalajūnai, Neveronys, Mančiūšėnai, Vindeikiai, Pigašiai, Juknōnys, Čiobiškis, etc. Determining the boundaries also required clarifying the main features of the neighboring dialects. This 3 The dialect under investigation, which occupies only a very small part of the Eastern Aukštaitian dialect, would more appropriately be called a subdialect. In calling it a dialect, we take into account that: 1) the concept of dialect is highly relative; 2) in Lithuanian linguistic literature, the term dialect is generally used in similar cases instead of narrower terms (subdialect, speech variety...). 7 For this purpose, a considerable number of localities outside the boundaries of the dialect under investigation had to be visited: Médinos, Kunigiškiai, Ūpninkai, Vėpriai, Labanošiai, Kalvėliai, Dovydiškiai, Jonuškai, Jogvilai, Rimešiai, Limónys, etc. Use was also made of material collected for the Atlas of the Lithuanian Language (from the Rapt area and other dialects), held at the Institute of the Lithuanian Language and Literature of the Lithuanian SSR Academy of Sciences. In collecting and summarizing the material, the greatest attention was paid to the speech of people of the older generation; the latter have been least affected by the influence of the standard language. 2. Dialect Boundaries § 7. Southwestern boundary. Beginning a little southeast of Čiobiškis, this dialect boundary follows the Neris River downstream approximately as far as the village of Keižionys. It separates the dialect under investigation from the Central Aukštaitian dialect. Thus, on the left bank of the Neris the mixed diphthongs am, an, em, en have been preserved intact: šamtis, rankà, penkì. Here the old short a at the end of a word is also unchanged: nėša, vaĩkas. These Central Aukštaitians differ from the dialect under investigation, one might say, only in the pronunciation of unstressed old ā, ē and the diphthongs uo, ie (although alongside padelìs, podėlis ~ puo-dėlis is sometimes also said here)4. The inhabitants of the Rapt area along the Neris call their neighbors living on the far side of the river kapūkai, after their pronunciation of the word kaip as kàp. § 8. Western boundary. This boundary, too, is formed mainly by natural features. Starting at the Neris (near Keižionys), it first runs north through forests (the largest being Bėrkeliai Forest); at Mančiūšėnai it reaches the Širvinta and then follows this river downstream to the Šventoji. Since Central Aukštaitians who have preserved the mixed diphthongs am, an, em, en5 also live beyond the western boundary, this boundary may be said to continue the southwestern boundary. However, some features also distinguish the Central Aukštaitian varieties from one another. Beyond the western dialect boundary, only word-final position has preserved the old unstressed ā, ē without qualitative change: gálvas ~ gálvos, dirba ~ dirbo, kárves ~ kárvės, máte ~ mátė; in the middle of a word, u, i are now pronounced in place of these old vowels: dubilai ~ dobilai, mukinì ~ mokinti, mišūs ~ mėšūs, sidì ~ sėdėti. Here u, i may have arisen by the following development: ā, ē > o, ē > u, i. The unstressed standard-language diphthong uo here mostly becomes u: pudėlis ~ puo dėlis, dunėla ~ duonėlė, rātusi ~ rātuose; only in an open word-final syllable does it become a: rėma ~ rėmuo. In place of the unstressed standard-language diphthong ie, e is pronounced: žėmos ~ žiemòs, šite ~ šitie. The old short word-final a beyond the western boundary, as in Rapt, becomes a: dĩrba, vaĩkas. 4 In earlier dialectological maps (cf. APh, 4 (1933); LKRŽ, 118), the southwestern boundary of the žalininkai area is indicated very inaccurately. In fact, in the word root, unstressed Baltic ā is pronounced as by the žalininkai even in Žasliai, Palomenė, and other Central Aukštaitian localities, while word-final ā is preserved still farther to the southwest and west. See also: J. Senkus, Nauja medžiaga apie lietuvių kalbos tarmes, MADA, 1, 149 (1955); Č. Grenda, Palomenės tarmė, dipl. d. (rankr.), 15, 19, Vilniaus Valstybinio V. Kapsuko v. universiteto IFF Lietuvių kalbos katedra, 1957; B. Švenčionytė, Žaslių tarmė, dipl. d. (rankr.), 17, Vilniaus Valstybinio V. Kapsuko v. universiteto IFF Lietuvių kalbos katedra, 1956. 5 Near the boundary (Kunigiškiai, Médinos...), these Central Aukštaitians still often pronounce old word-final an, en as in Rapt: šáku ~ šaką, kàti ~ kątę, miški ~ miškę. 8 Features of the Central Highland dialect (samtis, šventą, blugai² ~ blogai, dubėlė ~ duobėlė, milinė ~ mėlynė) can quite often be heard even at the edge of the dialect under investigation, along its western boundary (Sližiai, Samantónys, Gavińonys…). § 9. The northwestern boundary. From the confluence of the Širvinta with the Šventoji, it follows the latter river upstream to Ukmergė. This natural dialect boundary is further “reinforced” by a strip of forest running along almost the entire left bank. The dialect under investigation has two neighbors to the northwest. The Central Highland dialect continues almost as far as the village of Kalveliai, and farther on the Eastern Highland puntininkai⁶ dialect begins. The former, one might say, do not differ from the Central Highlanders living beyond the dialect’s western boundary (§ 8). Only beyond the Šventoji is the reduced vowel (here it is most often pronounced with a breathy-u coloring) heard not only in place of the old short word-final a, but also, most often, in place of the old circumflex -ā, e.g.: vārnu, šakų, senų. Eastern Highlanders living on the right bank of the Šventoji pronounce this -ā in the same way. The latter also agree with the Central Highlanders in the pronunciation of old unstressed ā, ē, and the diphthong uo (nurė̃t ~ norėti, dėjimas ~ dėjimas; ruñkas ~ rankos, dāvė ~ davė; kulālis ~ kūolėlis). The other phonetic features of the Eastern Highlanders beyond the northwestern boundary hardly differ from those of the dialect under investigation. They differ only in that they retract stress from a short ending to all long syllables: tōli, vė́tu, jaĩnu, rū́nku, pī́rmi (although one sometimes still hears: valdžì ~ valdžia, pìrmi). Among the morphological differences, it may be noted that beyond the boundary mentioned above, Eastern Highlanders use masculine singular dative forms of nouns ending in -m, e.g.: vaĩkum, paršum, brōlum (|| brōlim) ~ brōlium, piršlum (|| piršlim) ~ piršlium, sūnum, piemenum (|| piemenim) ~ piemeniu. This -m here probably arose by analogy with the pronominal singular dative ending (cf.: anām pirmām kārum, šitām senām žmōgum, and also Latvian tam labam tēvam “to that good father”). Such forms (with -m) are used along the Šventoji riverbank in Kalveliai, Baraučizna, and Dovydiškiai, and farther northwest—in Dainava, Jakūtiškiai, Bielazariškiai, and elsewhere. Inhabitants of the riverbank in the dialect under investigation sometimes call the Eastern Highlanders living beyond the Šventoji urėkai (reportedly because they use the word aurė). § 10. The eastern boundary. From Ukmergė, this boundary runs between the villages of Graužiečiai and Jogvilai, and Paprėniškiai and Inkļiai, along the eastern side of Petrašiūnai and Daugėliškiai, through the Šašuoliai forest (the Pabaiskas people usually call it: Šašuoliai girė), past Širvintos in the direction of Kaimynai. Immediately east, beyond the boundary mentioned above, are the rotininkai, who, as is known, change lengthened stressed non-final a into an untense, slightly labialized o with a faint a coloring (ɔ): rĭtas ~ rātas, sŭka ~ sāko, māna (< * māna < * māna) ~ māno, lības ~ lāibas, kŭlnas ~ kālnas, kŭrve ~ kārvė. Here e in the same position is also raised (> ė): gėras ~ gēras, namėlis ~ namēlis, praštėsnė ~ praštēs-nė, pė́rnii ~ pė́rnai, žėlva ~ Žėlva. The rotininkai isogloss, which begins at the Šventoji, remains very distinct throughout. It is only somewhat more difficult to determine where it ends in the south, since the local dialect there has almost disappeared under the influence of Polish (§ 5). The last villages of clear-cut rotininkai 8 In the existing dialectological maps (APh, 4 (1933); LKRŽ, 118), the boundary between the Central and Eastern Highland dialects, drawn from roughly this point (the village of Kalveliai) onward through the area between Babaiskas and Gelvonai toward Musninkai, is inaccurate; cf. §§ 7,8. 9 There are Beivýdžiai, Sudókiai, Limónys. According to elderly people, several decades ago this was also how people spoke in the Zibalai area (Karašliškiai, Matūkai, Drubliónys...). In fact, the speech of representatives of the older generation in this area (although it too is usually not the pure old local dialect) still often displays rotininkai features: pùkase ~ pàkase, tinži “over there,” gėras, didèsnis ~ didesnis, gėri ~ gerti. Beyond the remaining part of the eastern boundary (Širvintos — Kaimynai), no significant phonetic differences from the dialect under investigation have been observed. Only, instead of the word šaknis, the old diphthong en following l is mostly represented by in: lintà ~ lentà, lîngvas ~ lengvas. § 11. Southern boundary. Beginning at Kaimynai, it runs along the southern side of Musninkai as far as the Neris, and then follows the Neris to the southwestern boundary (§ 7). This boundary coincides with the dzūkavimas isogloss shown on dialectological maps7. In reality, however, Fig. 1. The area and boundaries of the southern East Aukštaitian dialect. 1 — boundary of the southern East Aukštaitian dialect, 2 — boundary of the Central Aukštaitian dialect, 3 — boundary of the rotininkai dialect, 4 — boundary of the Dzūkian dialect, 5 — boundaries of administrative districts, 6 — forest boundaries. 7 Cf.: APh, 4 (1933); LKRŽ, 118. 10 Features of dzūkavimas are now rarely found even considerably south of this boundary; for example, around Kernavė, Miežionys, and Paparčiai people usually say: dienà, tik, gaidžāi, švečāi. According to local elderly people, 50–60 years ago dzūkavimas was more prevalent here. Moreover, elderly people still sometimes say gaidėi, švetėi instead of gaidžāi, svečiai. It may be said that the forms of the first person singular of the past simple tense of verbs regularly used by representatives of the older generation are: āudau “I wove,” vedāu “I led,” matau “I saw,” statāu “I built.” Such forms also occur in nearby rapt localities (Janiūnys, Juknónys…). Beyond the southern boundary, stress is fixed (except in individual words). Phonological system 1. Vowels § 12. The dialect has the following vowels: a — as in standard Lithuanian; it is short: šakà and long: lãpe ~ lãpė. æ — a breathy vowel (reduced in both quantity and quality) æ; it occurs only as a short vowel: auga ~ aūga, stãlas ~ stēlas. e — as in standard Lithuanian; it is short: vedì, senì and long: vėde ~ vėdė. æ — open, broad (with an a coloring) æ is short: nešù ~ nešu and long: nẽša ~ nẽša. ē — as standard Lithuanian ė; it occurs only as a long vowel: tēvas, katē. ę — retracted toward the back compared with ė; it occurs only as a long vowel: lękti ~ lėkti, varlę ~ varlė. i — as in standard Lithuanian; it is short: visi and long (slightly less tense than standard Lithuanian y, i): vìras ~ vyras, žìsi ~ žįsti. u — like Russian u or Polish y; it is short: prapūlobs ~ prapūlęs and long: strìkti ~ strykt. o — slightly more open than standard Lithuanian o; it occurs only as a long vowel: žmónes ~ žmonės. u — as in standard Lithuanian; it is short: gulì and long (slightly less tense than standard Lithuanian ū, ų): rūkas ~ rūkās. After softened consonants and j, the vowels a, o, u become fronted, sometimes even turning into other vowels (cf. §§ 75, 76). 2. Nonsyllabic vowels § 13. The dialect has the following nonsyllabic vowels: i — intermediate between i and j: įimtì ~ imti, rõdį ~ rodėi. ų — intermediate between u and v: šõkau ~ šokau, turėjų ~ turėjau. 3. Consonants § 14. The dialect has the following consonants: b, d, g, j, k, l, m, n, p, r, s, š, t, v, z, ž. They are pronounced mostly as in standard Lithuanian⁹, e.g.: bãsas, dárbas, gãras, kùrmis, 8 However, the raising of e is not always equally pronounced. For this reason, and also for the sake of transcriptional simplicity, raised e is not marked separately below; that is, a plain e is written everywhere in its place (except in the relevant section where the raising of e is discussed, § 77). 9 Based on experimental research, V. Vaitkevičiūtė describes the pronunciation of consonants in the Lithuanian literary language in her dissertation “The Composition of Consonantal Phonemes in the Lithuanian Literary Language”; see LKK, 1, 5—66 (1957). 11 small, nail, sole, wheel, dry, axe, path, man, beast, damage. The dialect’s l is slightly harder than Standard Lithuanian. The consonant n, when it occurs before velar k, g, in the dialect, as in Standard Lithuanian, becomes a back-of-the-tongue consonant, e.g.: iñka ~ tiñka, žiñge ~ žengė (n — hard back-of-the-tongue n, ŋ — softened back-of-the-tongue n; elsewhere in this work this n is not marked with separate symbols, i.e. n is written throughout). Rarely, mostly in words of non-Lithuanian origin, the consonants f, ch, h also occur, e.g.: fãbrikas, cha-rãkteris, ahã Before front and fronted vowels, consonants are pronounced softly, e.g.: birch, works, lĩba. The consonant j is always soft, e.g.: jẽ, jōji ~ jōji, jōja. For more on consonant softening, see § 89. 4. Affricates § 15. The dialect has the following affricates: c, č, dz, dž. They are pronounced as in Standard Lithuanian; they may be hard or soft, e.g.: cũkras ~ cūkrus, cỹpti ~ čỹpti, čáiža ~ čáižo, če-pšai, ažãki, džiimbinėt, adžabōt ~ atžabōti, džirkšt. 5. Diphthongs § 16. There are two types of diphthongs: 1. Diphthongs: ai, au, ai, au, ei, ei, ei, ie, ii, iu, oi, ui, uo, e.g.: laĩbas, maišas, káulas, lãukas, gálvoj ~ gálvai, dirbau ~ dirbau, vė́das, reĩki ~ reĩkia, žẽvi ~ žievėi, žãlė ~ žolėi, siẽna, kãtei ~ kãtei, žinōjū ~ žinōjau, galvōj ~ galvōj, zũkis, dũona. 2. Mixed diphthongs: al, am, an, ar, am, an, el, em, en, er, ėl, ėm, ėn, ėr, em, en, il, im, in, ir, ol, om, on, or, ul, um, un, ur, e.g.: šáltas, anám, kitán, várna, pẽžam, rùnkan ~ raĩnkon, délmas, kẽmš, sė́nt, vẽrki, vė́l, katám, gerẽsnėn, nẽr < nẽrą, didelėm ~ didelėm, žãlėn ~ žolėn, pĩlnas, šĩmtas, pĩnti, pĩrmas, kòl “why”, laz̃dōm, galvōn, kūlį, stūmą, šūnčia, pùrvas. The sounds forming the separate components of diphthongs and mixed diphthongs are pronounced as are the same sounds when they do not form part of a diphthong. Only the separate components of the diphthongs ie, uo are not discernible in pronunciation. The first component of the diphthong au (usually circumflex) is sometimes (but not always!) pronounced with a slight o coloring, e.g.: pãukštė ~ paukštė “bird,” saũsas ~ saũsas. 6. Triphthongs § 17. The dialect has the following triphthongs: iel, iem, ien, ier, uol, uom, uon, uor, uoj (uọj), e.g.: abĩem, každien ~ kasdien, tuõm, duõnkepė ~ dúonkepė, pùolka ~ pùlka, šlorkas ~ šorkos “šorai,” trūoj. Triphthongs are newly formed; some of them, which are rare, occur only in words of non-Lithuanian origin. 12 Vocalism I. Vowel quantity § 18. The dialect distinguishes two vowel lengths: there are short and long vowels (for the length of the individual components of diphthongs, see § 20). However, long vowels in the dialect are not as long as, for example, in the southern dialect of Western Aukštaitian. In Krapt they are somewhat shorter. § 19. Vowel quantity in the dialect depends chiefly on stress: a) All unstressed vowels in the dialect are short, e.g.: (pretonic vowels) grūdai ~ grūdai, grįštela ~ grįžtėlė, kušnėlis ~ kašnėlis, lapinis ~ lopinys, makėti ~ mokėti, šakinėti ~ šokinėti, užaliūkas ~ ažuoliukas, vejelis ~ vėjėlis, vitėla ~ vytėlė, žveris ~ žvėrys “beasts”; (posttonic vowels) aki ~ akį, akis ~ akys, galvu ~ galvą, gava ~ gavo, kati ~ katę, mokitu ~ mokytų, runkas ~ rankos, rōgesi ~ rōgėse, žēme ~ žemė. b) Stressed vowels in the dialect are long, e.g.: bōga, ōbali ~ ōbuolį, narēs ~ norēs, gīdij ~ gydyti, sūlai ~ siūlai, visū ~ visų, žēvē ~ žievē, žveri ~ žvėrį! Vowels with the falling accent are pronounced slightly shorter than vowels with the circumflex accent. However, both are long. In the dialect, inherited short vowels lengthen under stress and are as long as vowels that are inherently long, e.g.: kasti ~ kasti, męsti, rīša, tūri. For cases in which stressed vowels in the dialect are short, see §§ 21a, 27a, 35a, 52, 53, 56, 57, 60, 62—65. § 20. a) Every diphthong, whether stressed or unstressed, forms a long syllable. The individual components of an unstressed diphthong are short, e.g.: vaikīti ~ vaikytį, laukų, peiliu ~ peilių, puikybē ~ puikybė, kalbā, kartū, delnū ~ delnų, verki, mirkīti ~ mirkyti, stulpēlis, plumpsēl, pūrvīnas ~ purvynas. b) The length of the individual components of stressed diphthongs depends on the accent. 1) In diphthongs with the acute accent, the first component is pronounced long and the second short, e.g.: dālinti, kāulas, svēikinti, bāltas, sārka, gēl, bēri. The vowels i, u, when they occur as the first components of stressed acute diphthongs, lengthen and appear to be pronounced just as long as a, e in the same position (cf. also § 19b), e.g.: kilpa, dirba ~ dirba, skinti, stumda ~ stumdo, kūlt. 2) The first components of diphthongs with the circumflex accent are also pronounced long. The second components of these diphthongs are pronounced short, e.g.: vėl, gerōj < gerojē, šakōn. 3) In diphthongs bearing the circumflex accent, the second component is pronounced long, while the first is short, e.g.: baigk ~ baigti, nāujis ~ nāujas, šveič ~ šveičia, šalnu ~ šalna, daržas, pērka, vilkas, dūmblas. 4) In diphthongs pronounced with the broken accent, the second component is half-long, while the first is short, e.g.: mažai, matau, sukei, visur, kitam, visam < visamē. c) In the dialect, no difference in the length of the individual components of the diphthongs ie, uo can be heard. Because the acute and circumflex accents on ie, uo have become similar, these diphthongs’ individual components are probably also pronounced with equal length, e.g.: vienas, šienas, juodas, juokas. The same applies to the length of the first and second components of triphthongs, since in the dialect these components are always formed by the diphthongs ie, uo. The third component of triphthongs is pronounced briefly, e.g.: viengubas, dviem, tuom „tuo“. 13 II. Vowelism of the word stem 1. Vowels a10 § 21. The vowel a in the dialect has several origins. The dialectal a, corresponding to Standard Lithuanian (lk) a, has the same origin as in Standard Lithuanian. This a may be short or long. a) A of this origin is always short when unstressed, e.g.: akis, katė, maži, sakì ~ sakyti, varì ~ varyti. Stressed short a occurs only in: 1. Monosyllabic words: àš, kàs, tàs, pàc ~ pats, kàt ~ kad, và. 2. The subjunctive mood of primary verbs and the third person of the future tense: kàščė ~ kaščia “I would dig,” kàstum, kàstu ~ kàstų, kàstumem ~ kàstumėme, kàstumėt ~ kàstumėte, ràstu ~ ràstų; plàks, supràs, ràš. 3. Ideophones and verbs formed from them with the suffixes -ėti, -elėti, -erėti: bàkši, bràkši, kràpši, stàpši ~ stàbt; bàksi, bàksim, bàksit, bràkši, kràpsi; bàkštelai ~ bàkštelėti, bàkštelaje ~ bàkštelėjo, bàkštelak ~ bàkštelėk, stàptererė ~ stàbterėti. 4. Sometimes the singular vocative, e.g.: kàti “kitty,” màri “Mary.” b) In all other cases, the old short a is stressed and long in the dialect. It corresponds in Standard Lithuanian to: 1) stressed long circumflex a, e.g.: àšis ~ àšys, dãra ~ dãro, mãžas; àtlapas, pàbiras ~ pàbiros, pràdalgi ~ pràdalgi; 2) stressed short a (except for the cases indicated in subsection a) of this paragraph), e.g.: kàst, kàzdava ~ kàsdavo, kàsk, kàzdamas ~ kàsd amas; màna ~ màno, tàva ~ tàvo; àbdeda ~ àpdeda, àtveda, pàkelu ~ pàkeliu, pràdeda. In the first and second cases, stress was undoubtedly the cause of the lengthening of the vowel a. It is thought that in the second case the a in the standard language received stress only after lengthening had taken place in the middle of a word from an originally stressed a (which is why in the second case the a in the standard language remained short)¹¹. In the dialect, either the a in the second case (where in the standard language it is also stressed and short) received stress before the lengthening of an originally stressed a, or the dialectal a lengthened at different times in the first and second cases. For the fate of the old short a at the end of a word, see § 53. § 22. The dialectal a corresponding to unstressed o in the standard language may have two origins: a) it derives from Old Baltic ā, shortened in an unstressed syllable, e.g.: dovanų ~ dovanų, lavīs ~ lovỹs, lapinīs ~ lopinỹs, pàmate ~ pàmotė, starai ~ storai, stàvėi ~ stovėti, žmànų ~ žmonių; b) it arose from o in words of foreign origin, e.g., advakàtas ~ advokàtas. In either case, this dialectal a is always short and usually unstressed. It is stressed only in singular vocative forms, e.g.: vàverì “little squirrel,” žmànì “dear people,” žmànel “dear little person.” ¹⁰ The dialectal phonetic facts are taken as the basis of this study, namely: first, we look at which sounds in the standard language correspond to a dialect sound, and not the other way round. To make it easier for the reader, when needed, to find what corresponds to a particular sound of the standard language in the dialect, indexes of the dialectal correspondences of standard-language vowels and diphthongs are provided at the end of the study (see p. 56). No such index is necessary for consonants: in the dialect under investigation, standard-language consonants have the same correspondences, with only minor exceptions. ¹¹ Cf. Būga, LKŽ, 1, XXIII. 14 For dialectal a corresponding to standard-language o at the end of a word, see § 52. § 23. The dialectal a corresponding to unstressed uo in the standard language derives from the diphthong uo, which has been shortened. This a is always short, e.g.: aštanũ ~ aštuonių, danėla ~ duonėlė, kadėlis ~ kuodėlis, padėlis ~ puodėlis, šlatėla ~ šluotėlė. An a of this origin is sometimes stressed only in the singular vocative, e.g., vãgį “little berry.” This a < uo most likely developed at the same time as e < ie (cf. § 29). For dialectal a corresponding to standard-language uo at the end of a word, see § 52₄. § 24. Dialectal a corresponding to standard-language e occurs in the following cases: a) At the beginning of a word. This dialectal a is short (unstressed) and long (stressed), e.g.: aglīnas ~ eglýnas, ašerīs ~ ešerỹs, ažiūkas ~ ežiukas; ãšti ~ ésti, ãšeri ~ ešeri, ãžeras ~ ežeras. Likewise in diphthongs e- > a-, e.g.: ainù ~ einù, ait̃ ~ eiti, aižėt ~ iėžėti; alvira ~ Elvyrà, arškėtīs ~ erškėtỹs “thorn,” aržinĩ ~ erzinti. Such a- < e- also occurs in the dialect after prefixes, which usually end in a vowel, e.g.: póažere ~ póežere, paaglīnis ~ paeglinỹs; paaĩti ~ paeiti, praaĩti ~ praeiti, priaĩti ~ prieiti, suažė̃t ~ sueižėti; paãržiñti ~ paerzinti. But the forms išéit ~ išeiti, pėreĩt, apeĩ, ateĩ, užeĩ, neĩ (< neiti), aceĩt (< atsieiti), prisiẽt (< prisieiti); nuveĩt, suveĩt are used. The examples show that the stem e- remains unchanged if a consonant precedes it. That consonant either formed the end of the prefix from an earlier period, arose through the loss of a prefix vowel (or reflexive particle) (elision), or was inserted (usually v, cf. § 99) between the vowels of the prefix and the stem. Those consonants also prevented e- from changing into a-, since, once they became part of the first syllable of the stem, e- was no longer at the absolute beginning of that syllable; cf. the syllabification of the dialect forms in the examples above: i-šeĩt, pė-reĩt, a-paĩt, a-teĩt, u-žeĩt, neĩ, a-ceĩt, pri-seĩt, nu-veĩt, su-veĩt. However, in other words (especially more recent ones), e- > a- occurs in this context as well, e.g.: išsaikvōt (alongside iš-sėikvōt) ~ išsikevoti. This shows that the verb eiti mentioned above had become closely fused with certain prefixes in the dialect even before word-initial e > a. Word-initial e > a is characteristic of some other (eastern, as well as central and western) Aukštaitian dialects; it is also found in old monuments of the Lithuanian language, cf. K. Sirvydas: areli “eagle” PS I 298₉, Arelo “of an eagle” PS II 123₂, alongside essus¹² “being” PS I 65₇, ežeran PS I 371₁₈, Ežeran PS II 42₁₉, ežeru PS II 52₁₃. 12 Some letters in the old writings have been replaced: instead of ſ, β, s, š are written; instead of several signs denoting the consonant ž, a single one is written—ž. 13 The fact that initial e in K. Sirvydas’s writings does not universally change into the vowel a could in part be explained by the fact that in some East Aukštaitian dialects it changes to a not in every case. For example, the Dusetiškiai change this e- > a- only when it never receives stress; in other cases it is pronounced as lk (cf. Būga, RR, 2, 20). But in Sirvydas’s writings, even at the beginning of the same word, e sometimes occurs and elsewhere a, cf.: erszkiečiēs PS I 385₅, erszkiečius PS I 225₁₀₂₈, Erszkiečey PS I 225₈₁₀, erszkiediey PS II 163₁₉ and arškiečiu PS II 166₆. In word-initial diphthongs, e is written most often, e.g.: eykšite PS I 6₂₄, eykite PS I 6₂₃, eylos PS II 42₁₀, eylas PS II 77₅, elgieta PS I 184₄. In the anonymous catechism of 1605, only e occurs at the beginning of words, e.g.: ésus KA 11₁₄, Esmi KA 12₂₁, eydami KA 19₂₁. In addition, in the aforementioned monuments we also find ergu PS I 32₅, Er “or” PS II 109₁₀, KA 25₉, Ess “I” KA 25₆. Therefore, one may suppose that in the first half of the 17th century, in some East Aukštaitian dialects e- 15 Rapt and in words of foreign origin newly entering the dialect, the aforementioned e- > a-, e.g., agzama < egzema. In some Rapt areas located near the western boundary (Sližiai, Samantónys, Gaviñonys…), as among the Central Aukštaitians living beyond this boundary (Mėdinos, Kunigiškiai, Ūpninkai…), instead of e-, ie- is most often pronounced, e.g.: iešerìs ~ ešerys ‘perch’, iežùkas ~ ežiukas ‘hedgehog’, iežeras. b) After the consonant l, which has hardened in the dialect (cf. § 84). § 25. For the origin of dialectal a corresponding to standard Lithuanian e after l, see § 28. § 26. a of various origins. In the dialect, a frequently occurs in place of standard Lithuanian e. This a may have arisen for several reasons: 1. Due to sporadic hardening of a consonant in certain words; cf. § 90. 2. In East Aukštaitian dialects, unstressed e, if it follows g, k, š, ž, becomes the vowel a in many areas¹⁴. In this way, a may also have arisen in Rapt words: mėnasìs “month”, menasìnis “monthly”. e § 27. The vowel e in the dialect is of several origins. The dialectal e corresponding to standard Lithuanian e is of the same origin (< from Baltic ė). This e can be short or long. a) e is always short when unstressed, e.g.: genìs ~ genỹs, medaũs, nešù, senì, tekė́t. Short stressed e occurs only in: 1. Monosyllabic particles: bè, hè, nè, tè, but nèt ‘not’. 2. The subjunctive mood of primary verbs and the third-person future tense: tèpče ~ tèpčia ‘I would smear’, tèptum, tèptu ~ tèptu, tèptumem ~ tèptumėme, tèptumet ~ tèptumėte, nèštu ~ nèštu, vèštu ~ vèštu; dègys ~ dègęs, mès, tèps, vès. 3. Interjections and verbs formed from them with the suffixes -ėti, -elėti, -erėti: kèpši, krèži, šlèpti, trèpti, žnèk; kèpši, kèpšim, kèpšit, trèpsi, trèpsim, trèpsit; kèpštelai ~ kèpštelėti, kèpštelaje ~ kèpštelėjo, kèpšteladava ~ kèpštelėdavo, kèpštelasu ~ kèpštelėsiu, kèpštelatu ~ kèpštelėtu, kèpštelak ~ kèpštelėk; šlèpteret, šlèpteraje ~ šlèpterėjo… 4. A short syllable that has acquired a retracted accent, e.g., kèturi, and sometimes the singular vocative: sesù ‘little sister’. 5. Some words of non-Lithuanian origin, e.g.: mètras, manė́vorai ~ manė-v­rai (also cf. § 41b). b) In all other cases, old short e is long when stressed in the dialect. It corresponds in standard Lithuanian to: 1) stressed long circumflex e, e.g.: nė́še ~ nėšė, pė́šė ~ pėšė, sė́ne ~ sėnė, žė́me ~ žėmė; had not yet regularly changed into a-. Also cf. K. Eigminas, “On the dialect in the anonymous 1737 Lithuanian grammar ‘Universitas lingvarum Litvaniae’,” MADA, 1 (8), 169 (1960). The a- in individual words, found in dialects in place of standard Lithuanian e-, may also have been inherited from a much earlier period (cf. Otrębski, Gr JL, 1, §§ 293—296). 14 Cf.: Būga, RR, 2, 21; Būga, LKŽ, 1, CXLVIII. 16 2) stressed short ė (except for the cases specified in section a) of this paragraph), e.g.: mėšti, mėzdava ~ mėsdavo, mėsim, mėšit, mėškit, mėzdamas ~ mėsdamas; neneše ~ nenešė, nėgeri ~ nėgeri, nėgeria; mažesnis, maželešnis ~ maželėšnis. The lengthening of the dialectal ę, which derives from Baltic ę, undoubtedly occurred under stress at the same time as the analogous lengthening of a (cf. § 21b). On the dialectal ę corresponding to Standard Lithuanian e at the end of a word, see § 54. § 28. The dialectal ę corresponding to unstressed Standard Lithuanian ė derives from Baltic ē, which was shortened in an unstressed syllable, e.g.: mėšļnas ~ mėšlynas, rekšnis ~ rėkšnys, sedėti ~ sėdėti, tevaĩ ~ tėvai. This e is indeed short and usually unstressed. It occurs under stress only in singular vocative forms, e.g., tėvuk ‘dear father!’ After a hardened l (§ 84), this dialectal e becomes > a, e.g.: lakimas ~ lėkimas, pla-nė ~ plėnė ‘membrane’. On e of this origin at the end of a word, see § 54. § 29. The dialectal ę corresponding to unstressed Standard Lithuanian ie derives from the shortened diphthong ie. This e is always short, e.g.: dienõs ~ dienos, megàlis ~ miegalius, me-žieńis ~ miežėnis, pevėla ~ pievėlė, šenauĩ ~ šienauti, venãi ~ vienai. In singular vocative forms, e of this origin is sometimes also stressed, e.g., pėmenūk ‘dear shepherd boy’. The monophthongization of unstressed ie in the dialect occurred only after the hardening of consonant l (§§ 84, 85); compare the pronunciation of leptėlis ~ lieptėlis, ležūvis ~ liežūvis. On dialectal word-final e corresponding to Standard Lithuanian ie, see § 54. § 30. On dialectal a fronted to < ā, ā, uo) > e, see § 75. § 31. On dialectal e arising through contraction or elision (corresponding to Standard Lithuanian e and a in adjacent syllables), see § 78. ė, ę, o § 32. The origin of the dialectal ė, o, corresponding to Standard Lithuanian ė, o, is the same as that of Standard Lithuanian forms—from Baltic ē, ā. The vowels ė, o in the dialect are always pronounced long and are usually stressed: 1) with the inherited accent, e.g.: bėras, degėsi̇̀ ~ degėsiai, pėdas, rėkį, sėstį, tėvas; mõ-tina, nórį, ōras, sōdas, stōvį, žinōt; 2) with retracted stress, e.g.: mėsas ~ mėsas, rėčiu ~ rėčiu, rėkšniu ~ rėkšnių; ōžka ~ ožka, plōna, stōra, tvōra. After the dialect’s hardened consonant l (§ 84), ė > e, which is also genuinely long and stressed, e.g.: (with inherited stress) palėpe ~ palėpė, pėlėda ~ pelėda, plėšti ~ plėšyti; (with retracted stress) glėbu ~ glėbiu, glėbis ~ glėbius. In Rapt, the inherited ė apparently became narrower even before l hardened (§ 85), since otherwise we would now expect a vowel other than e after l (most likely, o)¹⁵. For ė, ę, o at the end of a word, see § 55. § 33. The dialect also has ė, o that arose through vowel contraction or elision. For these ė, o, see § 78. ¹⁵ Cf. the Svėdasai dialect forms: lėkt ~ lėkti, klėtis ~ klėtis, palėpe ~ palėpė (alongside: brōlis ~ brolis, mātėra ~ motera, nāri ~ nori); cf. V. Valunta, Svėdasų tarmė, dipl. d. (manuscript), 29, 31, Department of Lithuanian Language, IFF, Vilnius State V. Kapsukas University, 1955. 2. Kalbotyros klausimai, III 17 § 34. In the dialect, the nominative plural of the personal pronoun aš ‘I’ is mės. In this form, the long vowel ė in place of the old short e arose, most likely (as in lk), by analogy with jūs ‘you’16. i, u, ī, ū § 35. The vowels i, u (short) in the dialect have several origins. a) The dialect’s i, u, corresponding to lk i, u, have the same origin as in lk. Most often these i, u are unstressed, e.g.: kitų ~ kitų, libáit ~ lipdyti, plìkì, visái; buvaũ, guli ~ gulìu, rudùs, šuvà, turė́ti. Only the following have stressed short i, u: 1. Monosyllabic words: gi, tik, vis; du, tu. 2. The infinitives of primary verbs; the past frequentative tense and subjunctive mood of these verbs; the third person of the future tense; and the second-person singular of the imperative mood, e.g.: kišti, likti, lipti; ligdavau ~ likdavau, ligdavai ~ likdavai, ligdava ~ likdavo, ligdavam ~ likdavome, ligdavaĩ ~ likdavote; lipčė ~ lipčia „lipčiau“, lip tum, liptu ~ liptų, liptumem ~ liptumėme, liptumet ~ liptumėte; liks, lips; lik, lipk; lūpti, mūšti, skūsti; muž̌davau ~ mūšdavau, muž̌davai ~ mūšdavai, muž̌dava ~ mūšdavo, muž̌davam ~ mūšdavome, muž̌davaĩ ~ mūšdavote; miščė ~ mūščia, mištum, mištu ~ mūštų, mištumem ~ mūštumėme, mištumet ~ mūštumėte; lūps, sūks; mišk, skirsk. Also cf. § 36b. 3. Interjections denoting the impression of a very brief, weak action, and verbs derived from them with the suffixes -ėti, -elėti, -erėti, e.g.: cikì, blikšti, gripšt ~ gribšt, širìkti; ciksi, širìksi, širìksim, širìksit; širìktelat ~ to give a little click, širìktelaje ~ it gave a little click, širìkteladava ~ it used to give a little click, širìktelas ~ it will give a little click, širìktelak ~ give a little click; blikšterėi ~ to glitter, blikšterėje ~ it glittered... brūkšt, čūpt ~ čiūpt, krušt, stukt; stūksi, stūksim, stūksit; brūkštelat ~ to tap lightly—tap, brūkštelaje ~ it tapped lightly, brūkšteladava ~ it used to tap lightly, brūkštelas ~ it will tap lightly, brūkštelak ~ tap lightly; čūpterėi ~ to give a little tap, čūpterėje ~ it gave a little tap... 4. Sometimes the singular vocative, e.g.: ignul „Ignuli“, pūpì „pupyte“. For word-final i, u of this origin, see §§ 56, 65. b) The dialect’s (short) i, u, derived from Baltic ī, ū, correspond to the following in lk: 1. Unstressed y, ū, e.g.: gyváte ~ gyvátė, gyvulìs ~ gyvulỹs, pavidė́t ~ pavydėti, virāusis ~ vyriausias; krūtine ~ krūtinė, iššrugos ~ išrūgos, pūsle ~ pūslė, rupė́t ~ rūpėti. In the dialect, these i, u are sometimes also stressed in the singular vocative, e.g.: virel „vyreli“, sūneluk „sūneliuk“. 2. In stressed third-person forms of the future tense, i or y (< ī), u (< ū), e.g.: diks (< *digs) ~ digs, gis, lis, pļīs, ris; daris (< *darís) ~ will do, sakīs ~ will say, rašis ~ will write, varis ~ will be able to; will be (< *will be), džūs ~ džiūs, grūs ~ griūs, lūs. It should be assumed that in the dialect the ī, ū of third-person future forms were shortened before the circumflex accent of these forms changed to a falling accent. The latter accent— 16 Cf. Endzelynas, GF, § 305. 18 The aforementioned forms, which had borne that accent, mostly retained the length of į, ū, e.g.: išžiṙ̇ps ~ ištṙ̇yps, šṅ̇iṗs ~ šṅ̇yps, pūs ~ pūs (although sometimes nìks is also said alongside nìks ~ nỳks17. Apie žodžio galo i, u < į, ū žr. §§ 57, 58, 65₂. c) The dialectal i, u corresponding to the unaccented Ik į, ū arose from mixed diphthongs in, un. When the tautosyllabic n of these diphthongs disappeared (§ 86), the first elements of the diphthongs—the vowels į, ū—were left lengthened. However, being unaccented, these į, ū did not retain their length and are now pronounced short, e.g.: grįštėla ~ grįžtėlė, pažįstamū ~ pažįstamų, tišoti ~ tišoti; apksuštām ~ apskūstām, pasūstais ~ pasūstais. On word-final i, u of this origin, see §§ 59, 65₃. d) The dialectal i, u corresponding to the unaccented Ik ę, ǫ arose from mixed diphthongs en, an. First, in the dialect the diphthongs en, an became >in, un18; from the latter, į, u arose in the same way as from the old in, un (see section c) of this paragraph). Examples: grįžimas ~ gręžimas; drusūmas ~ dražūmas, kušnėlis ~ kažnėlis, užalūkas ~ ąžuolūkas. These i, u can also occur stressed in singular vocative forms, e.g., žūsinuk “gosling-keeper.” On word-final i, u of this origin, see §§ 61, 65₄. e) Short i, u of other origins also occur in the dialect. 1. The monosyllabic words čia, kai, tai, nei (nė), prie, nuo, mostly functioning as proclitics, have become či, ki, ti, ni, pri, nu. 2. On i that arose from fronted back vowels, see § 76. 3. In the dialect, the Ik words greičiau, (ne)rėkėjo, (ne)reikės are often pronounced: gričāu, (ne)rikėję, (ne)rikės. § 36. The dialect’s ī, ū, like į, u, are of several different origins. a) The vowels ī, ū, corresponding to Standard Lithuanian y, ū, derive from Baltic ī, ū. In the dialect they occur only under stress. The stress here is: 1) inherited, e.g.: gyvas ~ gyvas, rytas ~ rytas, sakīt ~ sakyti, vīt ~ vyti; dūmai ~ dūmai, grūdas ~ grūdas, lūpas ~ lūpos, rūkas ~ rūkas, ūsai ~ ūsai. 2) retracted, e.g.: skrinė ~ skrynia, skrīnis ~ skrynias, šlīva ~ slyva, slīvas ~ slyvas; krīvas ~ krūvas, sūnas ~ sūnus, sūras ~ sūrius. b) The dialect has ī, ū derived from the old short i, u. These dialectal ī, ū correspond to the short stressed Standard Lithuanian i, u (except in the cases indicated in § 35a), e.g.: kītas, līka ~ liko, žīna ~ žino, išneše ~ išnešė, prīvežė ~ privežė; būva ~ buvo, mūša, rūdas, tūri, nūvedė ~ nuvedė, sūdave ~ sūdavo. The lengthening of the old short i, u (for length, cf. § 19b), which occurred in the dialect because of stress, is not very ancient. This is also shown by the fact that certain forms which have preserved the old short stressed i, u in the dialect (cf. § 35a) are now often pronounced with long ī, ū as well, e.g.: līgdava ~ likdavo, līgdavam ~ likdavome; līktu ~ liktų, līktumem ~ liktumėme; štrīkši ~ striksi; 17 In the southern dialect of Western Aukštaitian (which is taken as the basis for Standard Lithuanian), before metatony occurred, apparently only the į, ū in the third-person future forms of primary verbs had shortened, while the length of į in secondary verbs had been preserved here. 18 In discussing the hardening of consonant l (§ 85), the question of the antiquity of the diphthongs am, an, em, en > um, un, im, in is also touched upon. For this reason, they are not discussed separately anywhere in the chapter on “Vocalism.” 19 mūždavau ~ mūždavau, mūždava ~ mūždavo; mūštum, mūštumei ~ mūštu- metė; sūkėsi, sūkšit. Thus, in certain cases the lengthening of short stressed į, u still takes place in the dialect today. c) The dialectal į, ū corresponding to Standard Lithuanian (lk) stressed į, ū have developed from in, un by the same process as dialectal i, u corresponding to Standard Lithuanian unstressed i, u (§ 35c), while the origin of dialectal ī, ū corresponding to Standard Lithuanian stressed ę, ą is the same as that of dialectal i, u corresponding to Standard Lithuanian unstressed ę, ą (§ 35d). Only these ī, ū, being stressed, did not shorten in the dialect, i.e. retained their length, e.g.: grįšti ~ grįžti, lįsti ~ liesti, tįsti ~ tęsti, žįsti ~ žįsti, skūsti ~ skųsti, siūsti ~ siųsti; grįšti ~ gręžti, skēsti ~ skęsti, ąžuolas ~ ąžuolas, kūsti ~ kęsti, grūštas ~ grįžtas, šūla ~ šąla. § 37. In the word stem, bl occurs (mostly in interjections) instead of Standard Lithuanian i, y after sporadically hardened consonants; cf. § 90. For bl occurring at the end of a word instead of old en, which followed l, see § 85. 2. Diphthongs Diphthongs ai (ai) § 38. The dialect diphthong ai has several different origins. a) The dialectal ai corresponding to Standard Lithuanian ai is of the same origin as in Standard Lithuanian. In the dialect, this diphthong occurs both unstressed and stressed, e.g.: daiktù ~ daiktų, laikīt ~ laikyti; daiktas, raitas, kraĩpa ~ kraĩpo. b) The dialect also has a diphthong ai of secondary origin: 1. For the dialectal ai corresponding to word-initial Standard Lithuanian ei, see § 24a. 2. In place of Standard Lithuanian ei: 1) after a hardened l (§ 84), 2) after sporadically hardened consonants (§ 90). 3. In some words, in place of the Standard Lithuanian diphthong ui (§ 42). 4. Arising as a result of vowel contraction or elision (§ 78). In place of the first component of the unstressed diphthong ai, the dialect sometimes has a breathy a (the second component i > į), e.g.: baišáuse ~ baisiausia, gaĩdžiukai ~ gaidžiukai, kaĩlinė ~ kailiniai, vaĩkam ~ vaikám. However, this change of the diphthong ai to ąi is not regular. It occurs more often in the speech of older dialect speakers, whereas younger speakers almost always pronounce unstressed ai in the word stem as in Standard Lithuanian. For word-final ai, ąi, see §§ 66, 67. au (aų) § 39. a) The dialectal au corresponding to Standard Lithuanian au is of the same origin as in Standard Lithuanian. In the dialect, it occurs both unstressed and stressed, e.g.: aus̃ti ~ aus̃ti, augiĩt, klausīt ~ klausyti; auga, kaũlas, laũkas. 20 b) In proper names of non-Lithuanian origin, the dialect au corresponds to the rarely occurring word-initial eu in the standard language, e.g.: auriopa ∼ Europa, augienije ∼ Eugenija. In place of the first component a of the unstressed diphthong au, a fricative a is sometimes heard in the dialect (the second component is u > ų), e.g.: daugiau ∼ daugiau ‘more’, daugiause ∼ daugiausia ‘most’, sudaužau ∼ sudaužiau ‘I smashed’. However, this pronunciation is more characteristic (but not regular!) only of speakers of the older generation, whereas younger speakers almost always pronounce the unstressed au in the word stem as in the standard language (cf. also § 16). For word-final au, aų, see §§ 66, 67. ei (ii) § 40. a) The dialect’s ei is mostly of the same origin as that of the standard language. This ei corresponds to standard-language ei (cf. also § 38b). In the dialect ei occurs both unstressed and stressed, e.g.: šveikatà, šeimìna ∼ šeimýna, meiženai ∼ Meižėnai ‘a village in the Kulniškiai district’; veidas, sėila ∼ sėlė, kreivas. b) The diphthong ei of a different origin occurs less often in the dialect. 1. For the dialectal ei that arose through contraction (which in the standard language corresponds to e and i occurring in adjacent syllables), see § 78. 2. In the dialect, the adverb taip ‘yes’ is pronounced tėp. Unstressed ei sometimes develops into įi in the dialect, e.g.: (ne)riikėję ∼ nereikėjo, gričią ∼ greičiau, kri̇̄varunkis ∼ kreivaraṅkis, kri̇̄vuliōt ∼ kreivuliuoti. However, this ei > įi occurs more often only in the speech of older-generation speakers, whereas younger speakers pronounce this diphthong in the word stem as in the standard language. For word-final ei, įi, see §§ 66, 67. ie, uo § 41. a) The dialect’s ie, uo, corresponding to standard Lithuanian ie, uo, are of the same origin as in standard Lithuanian¹⁹. In the dialect these diphthongs occur only under stress: 1) with the old acute accent, e.g.: pienas, vienas, niekas, šienas; duona, juoktis, kuodas, púodas; 2) with retracted stress, e.g.: diena, šviesa, vieni; agūona, aštuoni, krūopa. b) In the dialect, the diphthongs ie, uo occur in words of non-Lithuanian origin in place of standard Lithuanian short stressed (or dialectally stressed) e, o, e.g.: kieviškas ‘chemical’, faniera ‘plywood’, agranūmas, armūnikas, bikūnas ‘bacon’, kilūometras, papirbėsas. The change of the aforementioned ė into the diphthong ie is rarer, whereas lengthened standard Lithuanian ò may be said to change regularly into uo. c) ie, uo of other origins: 1. In the dialect, the diphthong uo is pronounced in place of standard Lithuanian o in the following adverbs: kuožai ‘until’, lik šuolai ‘up to now’, tuolai ‘then’. 2. For dialectal ie arising through contraction (corresponding in standard Lithuanian to i and a in adjacent syllables), see § 78. Unstressed ie, uo have merged into monophthongs in the dialect (> e, a); see §§ 23, 29. For ie, uo at the end of a word, see § 68. 19 Cf. Endzelynas, GF, §§ 14, 15. 21 ui § 42. Dialect ui corresponds to Standard Lithuanian ui and is of the same origin20. This diphthong is rare in the word stem. It occurs in only a few other Lithuanian words, e.g.: išgūnīt ~ išgūnyti ‘to drive out’, mūistītis ~ muistytis, zūit, (future tense, third person) zuīs (alongside: žūjīt ~ žūjyti, žūjis ~ žūjys), and sometimes in old loanwords from Slavic languages (dialectal o-Slavic y), e.g.: bužlis (cf. Russian боль), smūike ~ smuikė ‘fiddle’ (cf. Belarusian смыкъ), tūnas (cf. Russian тын, Polish tyn). In the loanword muilas (cf. Russian мыло) and its derivatives, the diphthong ui in the dialect has most often become ai or ai, e.g.: maīlas | maīlas, išsimaīlinti || išsimažlinti < išsimuilinti, mailūotas || mailūoras. For the diphthong ui at the end of a word, see § 69. Mixed Diphthongs Old Mixed Diphthongs § 43. The dialect, like Standard Lithuanian, has 16 old mixed diphthongs. However, some of them (am, an, em, en, owing to their development into other diphthongs) are now very rare. al, ar § 44. Dialect al, ar have the following origins: 1. Old al, ar. In Standard Lithuanian they correspond to the same diphthongs, e.g.: galvà, kâlt; kárvė ~ karvė, márti. 2. Word-initial el, er; cf. § 24a. el, er § 45. Dialect el, er correspond to the same Standard Lithuanian diphthongs and are of the same origin, e.g.: delnâi, kélmas, velkù; šérdàs, béržas. il, ul; ir, ur § 46. The dialect forms il, ul, ir, ur, which have Standard Lithuanian equivalents, are of the same origin as those equivalents, e.g.: vilkai ‘wolves’, pilnas ‘full’, pilvas ‘belly’; pulkas ‘group’, pūlti ‘to suppurate’; kelžvirtas, mirtis ‘death’, žirnis ‘pea’; gurklys ~ gurklys, pūrti ~ purtyti. For il, ul, ir, ur in the present tense of verbs, which arose through metathesis, see § 94a. im, um; in, un § 47. The dialect diphthongs im, um, in, un are of diverse origin. 1. The dialect forms im, in, um, un, which have Standard Lithuanian equivalents, are of the same origin as those equivalents, e.g.: įimti ~ imti, kīmštas, gimdīti ~ gimdyti; gumbas, dūmt; atminītis, minkštas, plīnka; ungurys ~ ungurys, sūnkiai ~ sunkiai, smunka. 2. The dialect forms um, im, un, in, corresponding to Standard Lithuanian am, em, an, en, derive from the old mixed diphthongs am, em, an, en, e.g.: kumpėlis ~ kampėlis, sūntis ~ sámtis, kùmpas ~ kampas; kimpinė ~ kempinė, pímpe ~ pémpė, tīnpīt ~ tenpti; lun- Cf.: Endzelynas, GF, § 18; Otrębski, GrJL, 1, § 244.20 22 kai ~ lankai, pūntis ~ pāntis, ruṅkas ~ rankos; ki̇ntėi ~ kentėti, žintas ~ žentas, pi̇nktas ~ penktas. Dėl am, em, an, en > um, im, un, in amžiaus žr. § 85. 3. Apie tarmės un, atitinkantį lk en po l, žr. § 85. am, an, em, en § 48. Since the old am, an, em, en have developed into other diphthongs (§ 47₂), these diphthongs are now rare in the dialect. They occur only in the following cases: 1. em, en occur in the infinitive and its derivatives of verbs in which, in the present and simple past tenses, or only in the simple past tense, these diphthongs split, that is, the first element becomes part of one syllable and the second element part of another. For example: sė́mti, sėmdava ~ sėmdavo, sems, semk, semtu ~ semtų alongside: semu ~ semiù, sėmi ~ sėmia, sėme ~ sėmė; vė́mti, vėmdava ~ vėmdavo, vems, vemk, vėmtu ~ vėmtų alongside: vemu ~ vemiu, vėmi ~ vėmia, vėme ~ vėmė; tė́mti, tėmsta, tėms, (su)tėmtu ~ (su)tėmtų alongside: tēma ~ tēmo; gyvė́nti ~ gyventi, gyvė́ndava ~ gyvėndavo, gyvė́ns ~ gyvėns, gyvė́nk ~ gyvė́nk, gyvė́ntu ~ gyventų alongside: gyvenu ~ gyvenù, gyvenai ~ gyvenau; kutė́ni, kutė́ndava ~ kutėndavo, kutė́nsu ~ kutė́nsu, kutė́ns, kutė́nk, kutė́ntu ~ kutėntų alongside: kutė́no, kutė́na ~ kutė́no; sė́nti, sėnsta, (pa)sėns, (ne)sėnk, (pa)sėntu ~ (pa)sėntų alongside: (pa)sėna ~ (pa)sėno. There are no analogous am, an forms. 2. em, en occur in verbs whose roots alternate with im, in (ī), e.g.: kimšti, kemša, kimša ~ kimšo; krimšti, kremčia, krimta ~ krimto; to creep ~ to creep, he/she creeps, crept ~ crept; rinkti, renka, rinka ~ rinko; šli̇nkti, šlenka, šlinka ~ šlinko. The am, an that arose in the stems of these same verbs as a result of vowel alternation have developed into um, un in the dialect, e.g.: kumšči̇t ~ kamšyti, krumti̇ ~ kramtyti, lūndžei ~ lāndžioti, rūnkėt ~ ránkioti, slūnkėt ~ slánkioti. 3. an, en (before b, p > am, em) occur in the present-tense stem, where they formed following the insertion of n, e.g.: užā́kti, užā́ka, užā́ka ~ užā́ko; nukā́pti ~ nukābti, nukāmba (< nukānba), nukā́ba ~ nukā́bo; šlā́pti, šlaṁpa (< šlaṅpa), (pa)šlā́pa ~ (pa)šlā́po; sutā́pti, sutaṁpa (< sutaṅpa), sutā́pa ~ sutā́po; gė́sti, gėnda, gė́da ~ gė́do; (nu)sė́kti, (nu)sė́nka, (nu)sė́ka ~ (nu)sė́ko; (pra)smė́kti ~ (pra)smė́gti, (pra)smė́nga, (pra)smė́ga ~ (pra)smė́go; (su)glė́pti ~ (su) glėbti, (su)gleṁba (< (su)gleṅba), (su)glė́ba ~ (su)glė́bo; apšė́pti, apšėṁpa (< apšėṅpa), apšė́pa ~ apšė́po; 23 to slip ~ to slip, he/she slips (< he/she slips), he/she slips ~ slipped; to wade, he/she wades, waded ~ waded; to fall, he/she falls, fell ~ fell; to move quickly, he/she moves quickly²¹, moved quickly ~ moved quickly; to snow ~ to snow, it snows, it snows ~ snowed. In the word root, en (em), which arose through an infix, always remains unchanged, whereas an (am) has developed into un (um) in some words, e.g.: acruñda < atsirañda, nesuprañta < nesuprañta. However, this un (um) occurs chiefly in the speech of the older generation; members of the middle generation (let alone younger speakers) generally pronounce an (am): acrañda, nesuprañta (cf. also § 94a). 4. In some other sound-symbolic words, e.g.: ãm, am̃ “about the sound of a dog’s voice,” amsẽt, amsi; krañki-krañki “about the sound of a crow or raven,” grem̃ž-grem̃ž, gremši-grem̃šti ~ gremžt-gremžt “the sound of scraping, scratching.” 5. In individual words, most often those that have entered the dialect recently, e.g.: ãmžis ~ amžius, am̃žinas, kambaris ~ kambarys, bañgą, bañdimai ~ bañdymai, krañtas, mañkyt ~ manyti, sañdelis ~ sandėlys, vañgeriškė ~ vangiarỹkštė “vineyard,” ańtkapis, ańtpečiai ~ antpečiai, beñgi < beñtgi. 6. In some proper names, e.g.: patámsis ~ Patámsis (a surname, probably introduced into the dialect from elsewhere), samantónis ~ Samantónys (a village), mančiū̃nai ~ Mančiūšėnai (a village). 7. In words of non-Lithuanian origin, e.g.: ambulatorijoje “in the outpatient clinic,” anglas, bankas, dakūmentas “document,” fundámentas. In words of this origin, the dialectal am, an also corresponds to the standard language’s unstressed om, on, e.g.: kambáinas ~ kombáinas, kampúotas ~ kompótas, kantúora ~ kontorà. For secondary-origin am, an, em, en in the word stem, see § 49; at the end of the word, see §§ 72, 73. Mixed diphthongs of secondary origin § 49. When the number of syllables in a word decreases and the sounds of two adjacent syllables merge into one syllable, new mixed diphthongs arise. In the dialect, their first components may be: a, e (corresponding to standard-language a, e and unstressed o, uo; ė, ie), i, u (corresponding to standard-language unstressed i, y; u, ū), ī, ū (corresponding to standard-language stressed i, y; u, ū), ė, o (corresponding to standard-language stressed ė, o), while their second components are the consonants l, m, n, r (corresponding in the standard language to the same sounds). Mixed diphthongs of secondary origin are rare in the word stem. They occur more often only in the following cases: 1. In the first component of compounds without a linking vowel, e.g.: žalmaŕge ~ žalmar̃gė, dvárpanis ~ dvárponis, plongalỹs ~ plongalỹs, stargalỹs ~ storgalỹs, dañkepė ~ duonkepė, žemdi̇̀rbis ~ žemdirbys, žémuogė || žėnuogė “strawberry,” šėmpjėvės ~ šienpjovys, vem̃plaũkis ~ vienplaukis, venmaŕškinis ~ vienmarškinis, ventuŕtis ~ vienturtis, tópermaikės ~ pópermaikės, dektindaris, žvirdabės ~ žvyrduobės, šūnmazgis, šūnkelis, vidūrnakis, sūŕmaišelis ~ sūrmaišelis, raudónligė ~ raudonligė. 21 Forms from the East Aukštaitian dialects brenda, krenta, skrenda also entered the literary language. Cf. J. Jablonskis, Rinktiniai raštai, 1, 264, Vilnius, 1957. 24 2. When word-final vowels or diphthongs are lost or dropped, e.g.: áns < ánas “he”, adgal || adgãl ~ back, ìr < is, vidur, dėl ~ dėl (in proclisis), vėl, kòl, lìk šòl ~ until now, šiñden < today, ūñtan “Antanai”, stàsiul “Stasiuli”. 3. When a vowel (mostly i) is lost from the middle of a word, e.g.: kėlnes < kėlinės, šulnìs < šulinys, dvìlika < twelve, keturiòlika < fourteen (for more examples, see § 79). In the word stem, mixed diphthongs of secondary origin, regardless of the intonation of the syllables that formed them, are usually pronounced with circumflex intonation. Only the intonation of those stressed diphthongs whose first elements are ė or o is less clearly audible (in this case, the sign for the middle intonation is used throughout). The length of the first elements i, u, corresponding to both į, ū and ỹ, ū̃, is the same, e.g.: šùngrìbis ~ mushroom, sùrmaišelis ~ sūrmaišelis (for the length of diphthong elements, see also § 20). For mixed diphthongs of secondary origin at the end of a word, see §§ 71—73. 3. Triphthongs § 50. Triphthongs are rare in the word stem and occur only in the following cases: 1. As a result of word compounding, the erosion of an ending, or vowel loss, when diphthongs ie, uo and consonants l, m, n, r, j in adjacent syllables merge into a single syllable, e.g.: pet’žiem ~ over winter, pieṁburnis ~ milk-mouth, šieṁpjovė ~ hay-cutter, kaž-dien ~ every day, šuolpalaikis, venuòlka < eleven, venuòlktas < eleventh, duònkepė ~ bread-baker, tuòj < immediately. 2. The triphthong ien occurs in present-tense forms of the verbs likti ‘to remain’ and migti ‘to fall asleep’ that have the nasal infix n, e.g.: liẽnku “I remain”, liẽnki “you remain”, liẽnka “remains”; užmiẽnga “falls asleep”, už-miẽga, užmiẽngam “we fall asleep”. 3. In words of non-Lithuanian origin, the triphthongs uol, uom, uon, uor have arisen from the diphthongs ol, om, on, or, when short o became uo in the dialect (cf. § 41b), e.g.: può lka ~ pòlka, pòmpa ~ pòmpa, frùontas ~ fròntas, nuòrma ~ nòrma. Triphthongs have arisen similarly in Lithuanian words: (ìki) kùol < (until) kòl, (ìiki) tùol < (until) tòl. In the dialect, triphthongs are always stressed; unstressed triphthongs become diphthongs, e.g., papergalìs ~ paper-stretcher (cf. also § 49). For the length of individual elements of triphthongs, see § 20c. For triphthongs at the end of a word, see § 74. 4. Root vowel alternation § 51. The dialect has the same root-vowel alternation series as Ik. Here are a few examples: 1. e series (e-ė-i-ī-a-o): bėr̃, bėr̃alas, bir̃dė ~ byrėti, bar̃styti ~ barstyti; brendì, brìšti, bridė ~ brydė, brastù; drėbì ~ drėbia, drėbė ~ drėbti, dripì ~ dribti, drabstì ~ drabstyti, dròblis ~ dròblius; gėna ~ gėna, gìnti “to drive (cows) out,” ganì ~ ganyti, naktigònė ~ naktigonė; mėna, užmìnti, manì ~ manyti, išmanė ~ išmonė; 25 měšti, měti ~ mėtyti, sůmatas ~ sąmatas; nėšti, nėščiai ~ nėščiai || nãščiai ~ nėščiai; tverti, tveriu ~ tveriu, tverė ~ tvėrė, tvārstyti ~ tvārstyti, tvorà ~ tvorą; vėšti ~ vėžti, pravėžda, važinė́ti. 2. i row (i-ī-ie-ei-ai): dīkti ~ to sprout, diẽgas, daigìn­ti; gyvas ~ alive, atsigeivėlai ~ to revive, gaĩs, gaivdìti; knìšti, knìšlįs ~ knyslys, knáisė ~ to rummage; likė, lienku “I remain,” laikì ~ to hold, palaikis; miti̇̀ni, mintà, metelìs ~ metėlys “small beetle,” maitìnti; sijė ~ sijà, atãsėję || atãseje “satosaja,” pásaitas; šnìkti ~ to snow, šniẽgas, šnegelóti ~ sniegelióti, snaigelóti ~ snaigelioti “to snow lightly.” 3. u row (u-ū-uo-au-o): blūvōti ~ bliúvoti, blãut ~ bliáuti, blovóti ~ bliovoti; gniužt, gniũšte, gniãužti ~ gniužti, gniūžte, gniaužti; klūpì, klūpėt ~ klūpčioti, klãuptis; lūkterė́t, lūkterė́ti, lū́kuruot ~ lūkterėti, lūkuriuoti, laũki; lūpì, lū́obas, laupì ~ laupyti; usnū́sti ~ užsnūsti, snūda ~ snūdą, snaũsė; stū́buras ~ stūburas „stump, remnant of a felled tree“, stabrìs ~ stuobrys || stuobris „stump; clumsy person“. III. Word-final vocalism 1. Vowels a § 52. In the dialect, the old short word-final a has developed into other sounds (see § 53). It has survived only in the pronouns anàs, katràs, viskàs. The word-final a found in the dialect today (it is always short) has the following origins: 1. From the old long circumflex a. In the Ik dialect it corresponds to a short a of the same origin, e.g.: lazdà, galvà, šakà, gerà, visà; dúona, píeva, šlóta, stórą. 2. From the old long unstressed circumflex a. This dialectal a in Ik corresponds to unstressed o, e.g.: laũka ~ laũko, stãla ~ stãlo, mãža ~ mãžo; lãzdas ~ lãzdo, siẽnas ~ sienos, stóras ~ stóras; áuga ~ áugo, áugdava ~ áugdavo, būva ~ būvo, dára ~ dáro. The shortening of the old circumflex and acute ā in word-final position occurred at different times. The development of old ā into the vowel o (§§ 32, 55) shows that, at the time of this change, length had been retained in the dialect only by stressed (circumflex and acute) stem-final ā and stressed circumflex word-final ā. All the other old ā (unstressed stem-final and word-final, as well as stressed circumflex word-final) had already shortened, and for that reason the aforementioned change (to the vowel o) did not affect them. 26 The short a currently found at the ends of words in all Lithuanian dialects, in place of the old unstressed and stressed acute ā, also shows that its shortening predates the shortening of unstressed circumflex ā, which is common only to the Samogitian and northern Aukštaitian dialects. Moreover, in some northern East Aukštaitian dialects unstressed circumflex ā has still not been fully shortened and is pronounced as half-long, e.g.: (sg. gen.) atóla ~ atólo, várga ~ várgo, (sg. gen., pl. nom.) ãdatos ~ ãdatos, rūnka.s ~ rankos (Debeikiai, Kamajai, Karsakiškis...). 3. From old ē following l, cf. § 54. 4. From unstressed stem-final uo. This dialectal a corresponds to uo, e.g.: rėma ~ rėmuo, rátasi ~ rátuose, šódasi ~ šóduose. α § 53. a) Dialectal α, corresponding to Lithuanian short a or e, occurs: 1. In place of old short a following a hard consonant, e.g.: (in an open ending) áuga, ãuna, būna ~ būna, dirba, dúoda, kìla, nẽša; (ne)gẽra, kãršta, šálta; (in a closed ending) áidamas ~ eidamas, ártas, báltas, dárbas, kárštas, laũkas, pìrmas, vìenas. 2. In the plural accusative ending, in place of: 1) a < ā following hard consonants, e.g.: (unstressed) báltas, gálvas, geltónas, póras, várnas; (stressed) geràs, kasàs, kitàs, runkàs ~ rankas, šakàs, visàs. 2) e < ē following l, e.g.: (unstressed) didelàs ~ didelės, žólas ~ žolės; (stressed) kalès ~ kalės, kaulès ~ kiaulės, varlàs ~ varlės. The emergence of reduced (quantitatively and qualitatively) a (α) is undoubtedly the result of word-ending shortening²². Dialectal α from short a must have arisen quite long ago—before the shortening of circumflex (unstressed) and acute (unstressed and stressed) ā at the ends of words, i.e. before these became short a in the dialect (§ 52). Otherwise, the latter a, too, deriving from the old ā mentioned above, would have become α²³. The α of the plural accusative forms probably arose at the same time as α from old short a. After tautosyllabic n²⁴ fell out of the endings of the forms mentioned above at a very early date, the remaining first element of the former diphthong, ã, apparently shortened equally early (before the shortening of old -ā). The ending ē of the plural accusative must have been equally old > ē, which, after l hardened, also became α in the dialect (cf. also § 64). b) The reduced vowel α in the dialect also occurs in place of unstressed word-final u (old or resulting from retraction of stress) following a hard consonant. However, u > α does not occur as regularly as short a. α is most often pronounced in a closed ending ²² For word-ending shortening in other Aukštaitian dialects, see Vl. Grinaveckis, Galūnių trumpėjimas lietuvių kalbos tarmėse, PIMD, 8, 100 ff. (1959). ²³ The third-person present-tense form of the verb būti ‘to be’ is most often pronounced in the dialect without final a: ãir (negative form nẽr), but it is also said without shortening: ẽira ~ yra (nẽra ~ nėra). Here a did not develop into α, possibly because the form is considered an old noun, which also had final ã (cf. Endzelynas, GF, § 334). ²⁴ Cf.: K. Širvydas’s plural accusative wisas PS I 4₉, weislingas PS I 48₅ and singular instrumental plunksnu PS I 106₃, nasztu PS I 52₁₁; the plural accusative runkas ~ rankas and singular instrumental runku ~ rankų in Debeikiai, Obeliai, etc. Also cf.: Endzelynas, GF, § 212; Endzelīns, Gr, § 256. 27 instead of dialectal u < ū, e.g.: lietas ~ lietus, rūkštas ~ rūgštus, sūras ~ sūrus, sūnas ~ sūnūs, tuṙgas ~ turgus, žmogas ~ žmogus (|| lietus, sūrus, cf. § 65); more rarely, it also occurs instead of dialectal u of other origin (< ū, ūo, etc.), e.g.: saldas ~ saldūs, gražūs ~ gražūs, (plural gen.) pūodas ~ pūodis, sūnas ~ sūnus. For the fate of dialectal a after palatalized consonants and j, see § 63. e § 54. The dialect has only short word-final e. However, there are no reliable examples in which the old short e has been preserved (for the singular vocative -e, see § 64). Present-day word-final e derives: 1. From old unstressed ē. This dialectal e occurs in both open and closed word-final position and corresponds to unstressed standard Lithuanian ė, e.g.: kārve ~ kārvė, lāpe ~ lāpė, medine ~ medinė; āre ~ ārė, kāse ~ kāsė, māte ~ mātė, sāke ~ sākė; (singular genitive, plural nominative) kārves ~ kārvės, lāpes ~ lāpės, žēmes ~ žēmės, medines ~ medinės. After hardened l (§ 84), this dialectal e > a, e.g.: sāula ~ sāulė, kēla ~ kēlė; sāulas ~ sāulės. The shortening of unstressed ē (also characteristic of other northern Aukštaitian dialects) undoubtedly took place at the same time as the shortening of unstressed circumflex ā in word-final position (§ 52). In Rapt, as in many other Lithuanian dialects, -e < -ē has been lost from the first- and second-person plural forms of verbs (all moods and tenses), e.g.: tūrim, turėjom ~ turėjome, turėdavom ~ turėdavome, turėsim, turėkim, turėtumen ~ turėtumėme; tūvit, turėjēt ~ turėjote, turėdavāt ~ turėdavote, turėsi̇t, turėkit, turėtumet ~ turėtumėte. The soft ending t²⁵ in second-person plural forms indicates that the e following it was lost in the dialect only relatively recently. Old written sources also show this. For example, in the anonymous 1605 catechism and K. Sirvydas’s “Punktai sakymų” (Points of Sermons), first- and second-person plural forms with final e still predominate: tūrime KA 27₁₂,₁₄, pramineme KA 11₇, bīsi̇me KA 53₂₈, daritume PS I 6₁₁, dirbome PS I 17₅, pirksime PS II 78₃, klausikime PS I 83₁₇, daritumi̇me PS II 182₃; žinote PS I 1₁₅, Sedesite PS I 5₅, Astrokite PS I 6₂₈, ne imtumite PS II 6₂₇. However, the same sources already contain the aforementioned verb forms without this -e as well, e.g.: norim PS I 85₂₉, nesimokiem PS I 17₁₀; pasiputet PS I 279₂₉, nepažinot PS II 109₁₇. 2. From unstressed diphthong ie. In this dialect, e corresponds to unstressed standard Lithuanian ie, e.g.: diṙpses ~ dirbsies, kārstises ~ karstysies, mōkises ~ mokysies. 3. For e that arose from fronted dialectal a (< á, unstressed old circumflex ā, unstressed uo), see § 75. ē, ė, o § 55. Word-final ē, o derive from the old stressed circumflex ē, ā. In standard Lithuanian they correspond to stressed ė, o of the same origin, e.g.: gẹsmē ~ song, katē, žēvē ~ bark; dabēs ~ hollows, katēs, žēvēs ~ barks; 25 In the dialect, the -m in first-person plural forms is pronounced hard. 28 anõ, kakõ ~ kokiõ, takõ ~ tokiõ; barzdõs, galvõs, lazdõs, mažõs, naujõs. After hardened l (§ 84), ė > e, e.g.: kalė ~ kalė, žalė ~ žolė; kalės ~ kalės, žalės ~ žolės. Word-finally, as in the stem (§ 32), the old stressed ė must have narrowed in the dialect before l hardened; otherwise, after l, a sound other than e would now be pronounced26. i, ī § 56. The dialect’s short i, which derives from the old short i, occurs at the open and closed ends of words and corresponds to standard Lithuanian i of the same origin, e.g.: aštì ~ ešti, nieštì ~ niežtì gālì, stōvì, tūri; (singular nominative) akìs, ausìs, naktìs, vagìs. From an open word-final position, the old short i has sometimes been lost, e.g.: šiom < šiuomi, tuom < tuomi, manim < manimi, medum < medumi. (Cf.: savim PS I 93₂₅, sunum PS I 24₁₂, 74₂, žmogum PS I 10₂₉, 19₁, 54₁₁ alongside sunumi PS I 150₁₂,₁₅, žmogumi PS I 156₃.) § 57. The dialect’s short i, deriving from ī, corresponds in standard Lithuanian to i of the same origin, e.g.: martì, patì, gražì, platì (cf. Tverečius gražì, plačì, brungìja “dear one”); (plural accusative) akìs, ausìs, pìrìs27. The shortening of initial-stressed -ī is assumed to have occurred together with the shortening of -ā (§ 52). § 58. The dialect’s i, ī, deriving from circumflex ī. The short i of this origin corresponds in standard Lithuanian to i or unstressed y, while long ī corresponds to stressed y. These i, ī occur in: 1. The singular nominative of ī-stem nouns, e.g.: brėdis, miežis, žodis; arklys ~ arkys, dagys ~ dagys, gaidės ~ gaidys28. 2. The plural nominative of ī-stem nouns, e.g.: akìs ~ ākys, širdìs ~ širdys, pìrtìs ~ pìrtys29. § 59. The dialect’s i, ī corresponding to standard Lithuanian i derive from the circumflex diphthong in, after loss of tautosyllabic n (§ 86). The i of this origin (short) is unstressed, whereas ī (long; rare) is stressed only, e.g.: ākì ~ ākì, dūntì ~ dantì, pìrtì ~ pìrtì, vãgì ~ vãgì; kakõ ~ kokį “what”, takõ ~ tokį “such”. § 60. i arising from the initial-stressed -ēn of locative forms. This dialectal -i corresponds in standard Lithuanian to -e deriving from the same -ēn, e.g.: laukì ~ laukė, miškì ~ miškė, sōdì ~ sodė, šieni ~ šiene, šieni ~ šienė. In the dialect, before tautosyllabic n at the word’s end, it was lost— 26 Cf.: among the Svedasai speakers kalõ ~ kalė, pelõ ~ pelė, pelõs ~ pelės, pamylõs ~ pamylės; among the Raguva speakers pelõ ~ pelė, žulõ ~ žolė; žulõs ~ žolės (alongside e stressed in the middle of a word: lėkti ~ lėkti); cf.: V. Valunta, op. cit., 37; E. Žvirblytė, Raguvos tarmė, diploma thesis (ms.), 18, Department of Lithuanian Language, IFF, Vilnius State V. Kapsukas University, 1954. 27 On the origin of the plural accusative ending -is of Lithuanian i-stem nouns, cf. Endzelīnas, GF, § 236. 28 For a fuller discussion of the origin of the singular nominative endings -is, -ys of Lithuanian īa-stem nouns, see: Endzelīnas, GF, § 194 (with references); J. Kazlauskas, “The transition of i-declension nouns to the io-declension,” UMD, 26, 41 ff. (1958). 29 On the origin of the plural nominative ending -ys (Rapt > -is) of Lithuanian i-stem nouns, see also: Endzelīnas, GF, § 223; Endzelīns, Gr, § 281; J. Kazlauskas, op. cit., 42. 29 timą (§ 86) the first component is -ė > -ī (-ėn > -in)30. This unstressed and stressed -ī shortened considerably earlier than -ī, which developed from unstressed circumflex -in (shortening of the first component of the diphthong -ėn is common to all Lithuanian dialects). Compare § 85 for the fate of this old -ėn after l. The vowel -i < -ėn has disappeared from all locative singular forms of nominal words that have pronominal endings, e.g.: baltam, geram, mažam, devintam, pinktam ~ penktame, kal’em ~ kokiame, pačėm ~ pačiame, šitam, artam, stovinčėm ~ stovinčiame. (Cf.: kuriami PS I 4₂₆, 13₆, 18₃, 51₁₅, kokiamy PS I 42₁₇, szawyntami PS I 43₁₈, tami PS I 57₁₆,₁₉, táni KA 48₂₄.) § 61. i, developed from circumflex en, whose first component changed to i before n disappeared (-en > -in). This dialectal i corresponds to unstressed ę of the same origin, e.g.: kàrvi ~ kárvę, ląpi ~ ląpę, medìni ~ medinę, žėmi ~ žemę; būzi ~ būvę, dávi ~ dāvę, dirbi ~ dirbę; mátis ~ mátęs, sákis ~ sákęs, turėjis ~ turėjęs. For the fate of word-final circumflex en after l, see § 85. § 62. i, developed from the acute diphthong ie. This dialectal i, corresponding to i of the same origin in standard Lithuanian, occurs: 1. In word-final open syllables: the pronominal ending of the plural nominative of nominal words, e.g.: balti, jauni, geri, kiti, matiti ~ matyti, parvešti ~ parvežti, žalgami ~ valgomi; singular second-person forms of the present and future tenses, e.g.: neši, peši, šnekėsi, suksi, turėsi, veši. For cases where ie has not developed into i in a word-final open syllable, see § 68. 2. In word-final closed syllables, reflexive forms of verbs: the infinitive, e.g.: dairìtis ~ dairytis, dirbtis ~ dirbtis, glaustis, praustis; 2nd person singular of the imperative, e.g.: gulki s, kėlkis, pilkis, sėskis. In the infinitive and the 2nd person singular imperative, which are open forms (i.e. do not contain the reflexive particle), the vowel after a consonant has disappeared from the ending, e.g.: ari, bauši, derėi, gėri, kàli, mìši, žadėi; aik ~ eik, baik, dirbk ~ dirbk, turėk, vešk, žinok. It is difficult to say with certainty which vowel of the aforementioned endings has disappeared. Alongside the more frequent infinitive forms without a final vowel, members of the older generation sometimes still say: būti ~ būti, dirbti ~ dirbti and gàute (the dialectal -e here derives from unstressed -ie), aite ~ eiti, gyvenite ~ gyventie (cf. alongside the most frequent infinitive forms in Sirvydas’s writings turėt PS I 5₁₀, but PS I 8₂, imkult PS II 17₅, also the forms rasti PS I 34₁₁, II 94₂₂, buti PS I 37₂₅, turėti PS I 47₂₀, pasipustie PS II 184₁₇). 30 The postposition in the plural locative forms is less clear, since in the dialect the vowel after -s- is not only -i but also -e, e.g.: miškiuos, šakosė (in the greater part of the dialect area) and miškiuose, šakosė (around Musninkai and Čiobiškis). The singular locative forms regularly used in Sirvydas’s writings are: dzewiaty PS I 43₁₇, giwenimy PS I 43₁₈, mokimy PS I 34₂₂, sudy “in court” PS I 7₃ (apparently only by chance: augime PS I 195₁₉). However, the most frequent plural locative forms there are: linksmbėse rather than žsakose PS I 7₁₁, runkose PS I 27₂₆, úiose PS I 28₂₃, namuose PS I 32₁₄, purwuose PS I 36₁₃, karčiuose ir szaluose vandensė PS I 187₃, tumšibėse PS II 96₃₀, iose PS II 97₁, kuriose PS II 99₂₉; and the less frequent forms are: kuriosa PS II 94₂₆, dienuosa “in the days” PS II 95₂₇, žadži osa “in words” PS II 149₁₆, piktibėsa PS II 168₃, kitosa wietosa PS II 202₁; kuriosy PS II 94₂₂, laukuosa PS II 94₁₉, reykałuosy (following: wisokitos) PS II 96₂₇. Further cf.: Endzelynas, GF, § 190; Endzelīns, Gr, § 234 (with cited literature). 30 No surviving vowel was heard at all in the open ending of the 2nd person singular imperative. § 63. a) i occurring after palatalized consonants or j in place of: 1) old short a, e.g.: (in an open ending) gėri ~ gėria, jōji ~ jōja, kōši ~ kōšia, lieji ~ lieja, šlāpi ~ šlāpia, žāli ~ žalia; (in a closed ending) naujis ~ naujas, šlāpis ~ šlāpias, vējis ~ vėjas, žālis ~ žalias; 2) plural accusative a (< ān), e.g.: (unstressed) kōjis ~ kōjas, sāujis ~ sāujas, švīežis ~ šviežias; (stressed) gražis ~ gražias, marčis ~ marčias, vadžis ~ vadžias, žālis ~ žalias. The emergence of this dialectal i is most likely connected with the change of short word-final a into α (§ 53). As short a became the fricative α, very similar to the Russian mid back vowel ы pronounced briefly, after palatalized consonants and j it could only develop into front i31. The pronunciation of the words audži ~ audžia, kinči ~ kenčia, lūdži ~ lūdžia “accompanies,” žūdži ~ žydžia “blooms,” laidži ~ leidžia, medži ~ medžia, spaudži ~ spaudžia, svėči ~ svečia, trėči ~ trečia suggests that short a > α, while after palatalized consonants and j it developed into i, after the clusters *dj, *tj had already turned into the affricates dž, č (for the date of the emergence of affricates, see § 82d). b) After palatalized consonants and j, unstressed dialectal u has mostly changed into i, e.g.: gōjis ~ gōjus, križis ~ kryžius, rōjis ~ rojus, sūkčis ~ sūkčius; (singular accusative) gōji ~ gōjų, križi ~ kryžių, sūkči ~ sūkčių, marči ~ marčią, sūpi ~ sūpą, valdži ~ valdžią; (plural accusative) kviečis ~ kviečius, pievėjis ~ pievėjus, suvėjis ~ suvejus; but: (plural genitive) križų ~ kryžių, sūkčų ~ sūkčių, kōjų ~ kōjų, sāujų ~ sāujų. In this case, stressed dialectal u generally remains unchanged, e.g.: naujūs, svēčūs ~ svečius, though one sometimes also hears medžis ~ medžius, žālis ~ žalius. The emergence of this i can also be explained in certain cases by word-final reduction (cf. § 53). However, as the examples show, in the dialect i occurs not only in place of old short u, but quite often has also developed from u of a different origin. Therefore, this may also be due to the fact that vowel u is especially prone to fronting after palatalized consonants and j32. § 64. i that has developed in place of short e occurs in the plural accusative forms of ē-stem nouns (for the old -ēs of these forms > -es, cf. § 53a), e.g.: (unstressed) drōbis ~ drōbes, kārvis ~ kārves, žievīs ~ žieves; (stressed) katīs ~ katēs, medinīs ~ medinēs, senesnīs ~ senesnēs, virvīs ~ virvēs, žemīs ~ žemēs. There are no entirely reliable examples of i occurring in the dialect also in place of old short e. Only the singular vocative forms dievī, tēvī, zaikī can be cited. If the emergence of these forms is not connected with morphology, then the corresponding singular vocative forms vaikė, vīre ~ vyre, which also occur alongside them, should be regarded as having re-entered the dialect recently. It may also be added that the singular vocative forms of ē-stem nouns occur in the dialect in two variants: kārvī || kārve (after l: vārla || vārla). 31 Russian ы after a palatalized consonant also changes into u (=i); cf. P. И. Аванесов, Фонетика современного русского литературного языка, § 41, Москва, 1956. 32 This phenomenon is also characteristic of some other Eastern Aukštaitian dialects (Ramygalos, Raguvos, Panevėžio, etc.); cf.: Būga, RR, 2, 25—26; J. Šukys, Miežiškių tarmės vokalizmo bruožai, LKK, 2, 155, 160 (1959); E. Žvirblytė, op. cit., 22. Also cf. § 76. 31 u, ū § 65. Word-final u is short and long. Its origin is manifold: 1. From the old short u. In the dialect, as in the standard language, it is short when stressed and unstressed, e.g.: alùs, medùs, gardùs, gražùs, rajùs, balsù, gilù; lietùs, žmogùs, sòtus, šviesù. 2. From the old ū. When unstressed, u of this origin is short in the dialect; in the standard language it corresponds to ū, e.g., pietùs ~ pietūs, baisùs ~ baisūs, rãmus ~ rãmūs, sãldus ~ sãldūs33. 3. From the circumflex diphthong im, following the loss of tautosyllabic n (§ 86). This dialectal u is short (unstressed) and long (stressed). In the standard language it always corresponds to long u (= ū), e.g.: (short) ālu ~ ālų, mēdu ~ medų, sāldu ~ sāldų; kọ́ju ~ kojų, vīru ~ vyrų, jūsu ~ jūsų; ārtu ~ artų, nėštu ~ nėštų; (long) galū ~ galvų, sunū ~ sunų, varlū ~ varlių, balū ~ baltų. 4. From circumflex diphthongs: 1) an, whose first component changed to u before the loss of u (-an > -un). u of this origin is usually short (unstressed) in the dialect; long (stressed) forms are rare. In the standard language it always corresponds to ą, e.g.: lãzdų ~ lãzdą, mažų ~ mažą, šãku ~ šaką, gėrų ~ gėrą; kãku ~ kokią “kokią,” tãkū ~ tokią “tokią.” 2) en, which occurred after z, e.g.: didelù ~ didelę, žõlu ~ žolę (see also § 85). 5. From the acute diphthong uo. In the dialect, as in the standard language, u of this origin is always short. It occurs in: 1) the instrumental singular and first-person forms of the present and future tenses at the open end of a word, e.g.: gerù, mažù, medžù ~ medžiu, pačù ~ pačiu, ratù (see also § 68); gulù ~ guliu, nešù, sukù, vedù; nešù ~ nešiu, suksù ~ suksiu, vežù ~ vešiu. 2) the accusative plural at the closed end of a word, e.g.: gerùs, kálnus, pačiùs ~ pačius, piõdus, važiuojemus ~ važiuojamus (see also § 68). In place of dialectal u after hard consonants, α is also sometimes pronounced (§ 53b), while after palatalized consonants and j, i is pronounced (§ 63b). 2. Diphthongs Diphthongs ai, au, ei § 66. At the end of a word, the diphthongs ai, au, ei remained intact only when stressed, e.g.: (singular dative) anái, gerái, jaunái, kitái, mažái; buvũi, gerai, laukai, senais, vaikais (cf. also § 75); pušáu ~ pusiau, táu; buvaĩ, daraĩ, mataĩ, paklaũs, vidaũs; darėĩ, mateĩ, sukeĩ, vedėĩ, vežėĩ. After a softened l, the diphthong ei becomes > ai; cf. § 84. In the dialect, the unstressed old diphthongs ai, au, ei have changed into other diphthongs (§ 67). 33 For the origin of the Lithuanian u-stem plural nominative ending -ūs (Rapt > -us), see Endzelynas, GF, § 249. 32 ai, au, ii, iu § 67. a) Unstressed word-final ai, au after hard consonants in the dialect have turned into diphthongs ai, au, e.g.: gálvai ~ gálvai, lázdai ~ lázdai; áugai ~ áugai, dírbai ~ dirbai, dirbdavai ~ dirbdavai; rãtais ~ rãtais, vírais ~ vyrais; ródais ~ ródais; dirbau ~ dirbau, šókau ~ šókau, válgau ~ válgau; mókaus ~ mókaus, sẽdau ~ sẽdaus. A similar development (or even monophthongization) of the old word-final diphthongs ai, au is also found in a large part of the other eastern and central Aukštaitian dialects. This development seems to have begun quite long ago34 and is undoubtedly associated with the shortening of unstressed (and in other dialects also stressed circumflex) endings and their weaker pronunciation (reduction). See also § 53. In Rapt, unstressed word-final ai of secondary origin also becomes the diphthong ai, e.g.: 1) -ai < -ai, arising through shortening of the ending: dírvai (< dirvai < *dirvãje) ~ dirvoje, lóvai ~ lóvoj, runkai ~ rankoj; šitai (< šitai < *šitãji) ~ šitoj; 2) -ai < -ai < -ei (< -ei or -ėi), arising after the hardening of consonant l (§ 84): kėlai ~ kėlei, (sg. dat.) kaulai ~ kiaulei, sáulai ~ saulei, žólai ~ žolei; (sg. loc.) ėglai ~ ėglei, mélai ~ mėlei, sáulai ~ sáulėj. In addition to the cases mentioned, word-final ai also occurs, derived from ui (ui), e.g.: maĩšai ~ maišui, mėdai ~ medui, námąi ~ namui, sūnai ~ sūnui, vaikai ~ vaikui, vírai ~ vyrui, žmõgai ~ žmogui. It is true that this singular dative ending may also appear identical to the ending -ai of the same case in the Debeikiai dialect (e.g., tam vyrai), whose origin is not yet entirely clear35. However, in Rapt and in other cases, unstressed and stressed circumflex -ui (ui) > becomes -ai, cf.: <paskai ~ paskui, turgai < turguį < turguje, vidai < vidui < viduje, viršai < viršui viršuje. This suggests that the singular dative ending -ai here, too, arose (through reduction) from -ui. Unstressed and stressed circumflex -ai, found in singular instrumental forms of o-stem nominal words (e.g.: gerai “good,” gálvai “head,” lazdai “stick”), also probably arose from -ui36. b) In Rapt, the first elements of the word-final diphthongs ai, au, ui became reduced α, and after palatalized consonants and j also fronted: here i arose instead of α (see also § 63). Thus, where -ai and -au occur after hard consonants, in the same cases there are diphthongs -ii and -iu after palatalized consonants and j, e.g.: 1) -ii and -iu from unstressed old -ai and -au: (vns. naud.) kóji ~ kójai, marčii ~ marčiai, valdžii ~ valdžiai; (dgs. vard.) gelãžinii ~ geležiniai, peļii ~ peļiai, žódžii ~ žódžiai; (dgs. įnag.) mediniñs ~ mediniais, pj evej iñs ~ piovėjais; 34 For example, M. Daukša’s twofold spelling of word-final ai (ai or ei) suggests that in his dialect he heard neither a pure ai nor ei, but ai or ei. Cf. APh, 4, 18 (1933). 35 Plg. K. Būga, Tauta ir žodis, 1, 417—418, Kaunas (1923); Z. Zinkevičius, a(ō)-kamienių daiktavardžių vienaskaitos naudininkas, UMD, 5, 190—191 (1955); Otrębski, GrJ L, 3, § 17. 36 For the origin of the latter diphthong in the aforementioned ending, see K. Morkūnas, Įvardžiuotinių būdvardžių liekanos rytų aukštaičių pietinėje tarmėje, MADA, 2 (7), 198 ff. (1959). 3. Kalbotyros klausimai, III 33 (sg. voc.) sūkčių ~ sūkčiau, suvėjų ~ siuvėjau; gražių ~ graužiau, įdžių ~ įdžiau; plovių ~ ploviau, ródžių ~ ródžiau, turėjų ~ turėjau; 2) -i from secondary-origin -ai: (sg. loc.) kójių ~ kójoj, sáujių ~ sáujo; 3) -i from the older and newly arisen unstressed and stressed circumflex -ui: (sg. dat.) árklių ~ árkliui, jáučių ~ jáučiui, krýžių ~ krýžiui, pjovėjų ~ piovėjui, sūkčių ~ sūkčiui; (sg. loc.) ámžių ~ ámžiui, pěčių ~ pěčiui; pagrečių ~ pagrečiui. At the end of a word, the diphthong -i has likewise replaced the unstressed old and secondary-origin -ei (except when this -ei follows l; cf. section a) of this paragraph), e.g.: pjōvį ~ piovėj, ródį ~ ródei, sėmis ~ sėmeis; (sg. dat.) kåtį ~ káteį, kárvį ~ kárvei, sénį ~ sėnei; (sg. loc.) kóšį ~ kóšėj, purvynį ~ purvynėj, žémį ~ žémėj. For -i, occurring in the singular instrumental ending of nouns and adjectives with io (ia)-, ē-, i- stems, see MADA, 2 (7), 198 ff. (1959). For the singular locative -i ~ -yj see § 82b. ie, uo § 68. In the open word-final position, the full diphthongs ie, uo are retained in the stressed endings of the pronouns anas (demonstrative pronoun), jis, katras, koks, nė joks, šioks, tas, toks, e.g.: (pl. nom.) anie, jies, katrìes, kakìes ~ kokie, niekiẽ ~ nė jokiẽ, šėkiẽ ~ šiokie, tiẽ, takiẽ ~ tokie; (sg. instr.) anuo, juo, katruo, kokiuo ~ kokiuõ, niekuõ ~ nė jokiũ, šėkuo ~ šiokiuõ, tuo, takuo ~ tokiuõ. In addition, the diphthong uo is retained in the stressed ending of the singular nominative of consonant-stem nouns, e.g.: akmuo, piemuo, ruduo, sesuo. In all other cases, unstressed and stressed diphthongs ie, uo in open word-final position have monophthongized; cf. §§ 52₄, 62, 65₅. In closed word-final position, the stressed diphthong ie is always retained in full, e.g.: kerpìes, kitìes, nešìes, pra usìes, vedìes, vesìes; (sg. gen.) naktìes, pìrtìes, seserìes, ugnìes; jaunìeji. The diphthong uo remains unchanged only when stressed: 1) in the ending of reflexive verbs, e.g.: dedùos, nešùos, nešùos “I will carry myself,” vedùos, vešùos “I will transport myself,” and 2) in the plural accusative of the pronouns anas, jis, katras, koks, nė joks, šioks, tas, toks, visokas, e.g.: anuõs, juõs, katruõs, kokiuõs ~ kokiuõs, niekuõs ~ nė jokiũs, šėkuõs ~ šiokiuõs, tuõs, takiuõs ~ tokiuõs, visakiuõs ~ visokiõs. In other cases, ie, uo have likewise monophthongized in closed word-final position; cf. §§ 52₄, 54₂, 62, 65₅. ui (ui̯) § 69. At the end of a word, as in the stem, the diphthong ui is very rare. In the dialect it occurs only stressed with a falling-rising accent, e.g.: venùì vienas “one and only one,” (singular instrumental) jūì < jāj < jājā, katruì < katrāj < katrājā. For the fate of unstressed and stressed falling-accent ui at the end of a word, see § 67. éi, ėi, oi § 70. When the singular locative ending of nominal stems in ē-, (i)o- shortened in the dialect, new diphthongs arose: éi (after l ēi > ēi), oi, e.g.: varškėi ~ varškei (< in varškė), žėvėi ~ žievėi, skylėi ~ skylėi, žalėi ~ žolėi (see also § 82); anōi ~ anoj (< in anojè), galvōi ~ galvoj, gražōi ~ gražioj, naujōi ~ naujoj. 34 The diphthong oi also occurs in one or another nominative singular form of feminine pronouns, e.g.: anõj ~ anój (< anóji) “that one; demonstrative pronoun,” katrõj ~ katrój “which one (feminine).” The diphthongs ėi, ęi, oi in the dialect are always stressed. For the fate of these diphthongs of secondary origin when unstressed at the end of a word, see § 67. Mixed diphthongs § 71. The old mixed diphthongs at the end of a word have mostly disintegrated; their second elements have been lost (cf. § 86). The mixed diphthongs now found at word ends are mostly of secondary origin. They generally arose through the loss of vowels or diphthongs in endings. When a vowel (or diphthong) disappeared, the consonant remaining in the final syllable came into contact with the vowel of the penultimate syllable, and new diphthongs thus arose. Consequently, the first elements of the mixed diphthongs now found at word ends in the dialect are most often the stem-final vowels a, ą, e, ė, ę, i, o, u, and the second elements are the consonants m and n. § 72. Mixed diphthongs with m as the second element occur in the singular dative and locative, the plural (=dual) dative and instrumental of nouns, and the first-person plural of verbs. a) -am (corresponding in standard Lithuanian to -am-, unstressed -om-, and unstressed -ėm- following l; see also § 75): anám, baltám; anãm ~ anamè, senãm ~ senamè; rátam, vaikám; ruñkam ~ rañkom, šienam ~ šienom; dàram ~ dàrome, dìrbam ~ dìrbome, dìrbdavom ~ dìrbdavome; didžiùlam ~ didžiùlēm, sėilam ~ sėilēm; màlam ~ màleme. b) -am (corresponding in standard Lithuanian to -am- in the first-person plural present tense after hard consonants; cf. § 53): dìrbam ~ dìrbame, dùodam ~ dùodame, mòkam ~ mòkame. c) -em (corresponding in standard Lithuanian to unstressed -ėm-): kárvem ~ kárvėm, lápem ~ lápėm; dàrem ~ dàrėme, màtem ~ màtėme. d) -ėm, -em (corresponding in standard Lithuanian to stressed -ėm): giesmėm ~ giesmėm, kaũem, senesnėm; gerklėm ~ gerklėm, žõlėm ~ žolėm. e) -im (corresponding in standard Lithuanian to -im- and, after palatalized consonants and j, to -am- of the first-person plural present tense; cf. § 63): gelàžim ~ geležìim, vitim ~ vytim; gūlim, dìrpsim ~ dirbsime, diõkim; áudžim ~ audžiame, baigim ~ baigiame, kėlim ~ keliame, važiuojim ~ važiuojame. f) -om (corresponds to stressed -om in standard Lithuanian): lazdõm, naujõm, žãlõm ~ žaliõm. g) -um (rare; corresponds to -um in standard Lithuanian): petūm ~ pietūm. § 73. Mixed diphthongs with n as the second component occur mainly only in the instrumental case of nouns. a) -an is only stressed and corresponds to standard Lithuanian -an, e.g.: anán, baltán, gerán, miškan (see also § 75). b) -an corresponds in standard Lithuanian to: 1) always unstressed and sometimes also stressed -an, e.g.: miẽstan ~ miẽstan, óran ~ óran, sõdan ~ sõdan, stõgan ~ stõgan; darbãñ || darbãñ, lungãñ || lungãñ ~ langãñ, stalãñ || stalãñ; 35 2) unstressed -on following hard consonants, e.g.: lóvan ~ lóvon, runkan ~ rankon; 3) unstressed -ėn following l, e.g.: didžiūlan ~ didžiūlėn, sáulan ~ sáulėn, šeilan ~ šeilėn; 4) -un following hard consonants, e.g.: alan ~ alun, medań ~ medun, turgan ~ turgun. Stressed -un sometimes remains unchanged, e.g.: dungūn ~ dangūn, medūn. c) -ėn, -ēn, -on correspond to stressed standard Lithuanian -ėn, -on, e.g.: katēn, žēvīn ~ žievėn; didelēn ~ didelėn, žalēn ~ žolēn; galvōn, lazdōn, šakōn, valdžōn ~ valdžion. d) -in, -īn correspond in standard Lithuanian to: 1) -in, e.g.: lavīn ~ lovīn, pirtīn, širdīn; 2) -yn, e.g.: artīn37 ~ artyn, gerīn ~ gerýn, žemīn ~ žemýn; 3) unstressed -ėn, e.g.: drōbin ~ dróbėn, ūpin ~ ūpėn, žemin ~ žēmėn; 4) unstressed -on following palatalized consonants or j, e.g.: nekōčin ~ niekōčion, sáujin ~ sáujon; 5) -un following palatalized consonants or j, e.g.: gōjin ~ gōjun, krīžin ~ krýžiun, pėčin ~ pėčiun. The diphthong -in also occurs in the illative forms of the plural of all stems, e.g.: geruōsin, miškūosin, naujōsin, šakōsin, širdīsīn ~ širdysīn, žemēsīn. 3. Triphthongs § 74. Triphthongs iem, uom occur at the end of a word in certain cases. The pronominal dative ending of the plural (=dual) has the triphthong iem, e.g.: aniēm, baltīem, kitīem, mažīem. Unstressed -iem >becomes -em, e.g., geriausiem ~ geriausiem. The triphthong -uom occurs in the singular instrumental of some masculine pronouns, e.g.: antōm, katrōm, kokiōm ~ kokiuōm, tokiōm ~ tokiuōm. IV. Combinatory vowel changes 1. Fronting of vowels § 75. Following palatalized consonants and j, back vowels are always fronted, e.g.: jáunas, dž̌áuči ~ džiau­ti, pjovė ~ piovė, žóvauti ~ žióvauti, jūdini, juosta, lūnas ~ liūnas. The dialect’s fronted a is sometimes even pronounced as the vowel e. The e sound is clearer in the following cases: 1) in an open syllable, in place of short stressed and unstressed a of various origins (cf. §§ 21—23, 52), e.g.: ievai ~ javai, sáuje ~ sáuja, pradžė ~ pradžia, žinė ~ žinia; jodinēt ~ jodinėti, žepḷinēt ~ žioplinėti, kėle ~ kelio, nauje ~ naujo, grāžes ~ gražios, sáujes ~ saujos, turėjes ~ turėjos; ještēla ~ juostėlė, āpjese ~ āpjuosė, vartēles ~ vartėliuose; 37 In the dialect, the secondary-origin diphthong -īn in these adverbs is pronounced with a falling accent. 36 2) in place of the first element of the diphthongs ai, am, an (in stressed circumflex syllables and in unstressed am), e.g.: arklě̃ ~ arkliai, geně̃ ~ geniai, naujě̃ ~ naujai; arklės ~ arkliais, naujė̃s ~ naujais, švarẽs ~ švariais³⁸; medž’nėm ~ mediniam(e), naujě̃m ~ naujamė; dvăsem ~ dvasiom, săujem ~ saujom, sėdėjėm ~ sėdėjome; gražě̃n ~ gražian, naujě̃n ~ naujan, švarẽn ~ švarian. The fronted long dialectal a (such an a occurs in an open stressed circumflex syllable and in stressed acute diphthongs) does not turn into the vowel e; in this case it is pronounced much as in the standard language, e.g.: jăvs, (sing. instr.) brungĭai ~ brangiai, naujăm, takăm ~ tokiam. The fronted first element of the diphthong au is pronounced in the same way, e.g.: šaudai ~ šiaudai, šăuras ~ siauras, ganiău ~ ganiau, jăura, kăuras ~ kiauras. For the old short a > at the end of a word, see § 63a. § 76. In place of fronted unstressed u, the dialect often has the vowel i, e.g.: bliūd̃t ~ bliūvoti, bliūdžiukas ~ bliūdžiukas “small bowl,” čipinė̃t ~ čiupinėti, čižinė̃t ~ čiūžinėti, džīvesei ~ džiuvesiai, Jir̃dnis ~ Jurdōnys “village,” maņčišėnai ~ Mančiūšenai “village,” siūbōt ~ siūbuoti, siūlėlis ~ siūlelis, siuntinė̃t ~ siuntinėti, siuvėjs ~ siuvėjas, šīndien < šiundien (cf. Širvydas’s Šiān diena PS II 99₃) < šiandiena, šniūrelis ~ šniurėlis, žiūrė̃t ~ žiūrėti. Also compare § 63b (with the literature cited there). 2. Widening of the vowel e § 77. Dialectal e varies in openness. In some cases it is closer, while in others it is pronounced more openly, with a shade of the vowel a; compare: 1. metì, metei, melù ~ mielių, sėdė́i ~ sėdėti, senù ~ senių, vieniem ~ vieniem; kėli ~ kėlia, mėte ~ mėte, sėnem ~ seniam, žėme ~ žėme, žėmen ~ žėmėm, (jst.) pěšt, vėšt, vėžt ~ vežti; beržėlis, kelminas ~ kelmynas, mērki ~ merkia, pėiki ~ peikia, veidas, pėrkel, velì; 2. metù ~ metų, melēm ~ mielėm, sedòm ~ sėdòm, senù ~ senų, venām ~ vienām; mėta ~ mėta, sēnu ~ seną, žėmas ~ žemas, vėzdamas ~ vėsdamas, vėžk ~ vežk; beržai ~ beržai, kelmas ~ kelmas, pērka ~ perka, pērkraut ~ perkrauti, (su)veltas ~ (su)veltàs. The examples show that e is pronounced more closely when it precedes a front (or fronted) vowel or a palatalized consonant (in cases 1), and more openly when it precedes a back vowel or a hard consonant (in cases 2). Thus, the vowel e is affected by what follows it 38 It is noteworthy that K. Širvydas, guided primarily by the phonetic principle of spelling, most often writes the ending -ai as (-i)ei after a softened consonant and j, e.g.: žodžiey PS I 1₉, seney PS I 3₁₈, kurtiniey PS I 32₈, numerielei PS I 32₈, plačiey PS I 42₃₀, padėiey PS I 28₂₉, kursitioiey PS I 28₃₀, siun ditioiey PS I 29₁, turėiey PS I 25₅, weiey PS I 50₅, žodžieys PS I 18₁₇, pačieys PS I 18₁₈, punčieys PS I 39₁₁, brungieys PS I 45₁₅, (sing. instr.) kuriey PS I 14₂₃, pačiey PS I 169₂, bažničiey PS I 287₁₈, and much less often (-)ai, e.g.: ne priderunczay PS I 43₇, dušay PS I 247₇, pinkłays PS II 230₁₅, weias PS I 280₈, didžays PS I 301₄. In other cases, after a softened consonant and j, Širvydas’s spelling most often has (i)a, cf.: gvayskčoja PS I 32₁, persekioja PS II 140₁, Kokia PS II 140₉, (sing. loc.) kuriami PS I 4₂₆, kokiamy PS I 42₁₇, (sing. instr.) ku nomasiam PS II 182₂₁, turinčiam PS II 141₅, and only rarely does e occur, e.g.: nužengėi “descending” PS II 70₂₅. 37 following sounds (regressive assimilation takes place). However, opinions differ as to whether the e is affected by a vowel or a consonant³⁹. Certain examples allow us to suppose that this vowel may be influenced by both a vowel and a consonant; cf.: bė akies ~ be akies, neartas ~ neártas, ne ãžeras ~ ne ėžeras; kęps ~ kėps, pęš ~ pėš. The openness of the vowel e in the dialect also depends on its length. Short e (vejeliũkas ~ vėjeliukas, vėlniai ~ velniai) seems to be somewhat closer, while long e (vejelis ~ vėjėlis, vėlnis ~ vėlniais) is more open; likewise, short e (kepù ~ kepù, kelmù ~ kelmù) is closer, while long e (kėpą ~ kėpą, kelmù ~ kėlmą) is more open. In Eastern Aukštaitian dialects, the opening of the vowel e in certain cases is a rather old phenomenon. The spelling of this vowel in old written sources supports this view; cf. K. Širvydas: daug giaro PS I 222₂, wisa siara PS I 172₂₆, Mięlas PS II 14₁₂, miatu ‘years’ PS II 70₃₁, siamu ‘old’ PS II 70₂₈, šiasztu ‘sixth’ PS I 317₁₀₉, užkialdamas PS II 131₄₀. For the influence of a palatalized consonant in the dialect on the following vowel e, see §§ 84,90. 3. Vowel contraction and omission (Contraction and elision) § 78. a) In compound and prefixed words, in reflexive forms, or following the loss of a consonant from the middle of a word, two vowels may come together. These vowels of adjacent syllables are sometimes contracted in the dialect into a single vowel or diphthong, e.g.: (a-e > o, e-ī > ē) pȯžėre ~ požėrė (< by the lakeside); nėr(a) (< is not), nebėr(a) (< is no longer); (a-i > ai, e-i > ei) atãima (< takes away), pàima (< takes); nėima (< does not take)⁴¹; (i-a > ie) apsìeve ~ apsievė (< ap-si-avė), apsėvìmas ~ apsievimas (< ap-si-avimas) ‘footwear, shoes’, nusìeve ~ nusievė (< nu-si-avė)⁴²; (ē-jī > ei, a-jī > ai, a-(v)i > ai) kalėjmas (< kalė-jimas); klãjmas (< klā-ji-mas > lk klojimas); ačlãjmas (< atšla-(v)imas). b) When two vowels of adjacent syllables (or a vowel and a diphthong) come together, one of them may sometimes be omitted, e.g.: neparinétas ~ neaparimėtos, nep-laidži ~ neaplėidžia, nėpkìnte ~ neàpkentė, neteis ~ neateis, netlàida ~ neatlėido, ³⁹ Cf. E. Grinaveckienė, Minivos upyno tarmės fonetika, LKK, 1, 159 ff. (1957). ⁴⁰ However, Širvydas writes ia (sometimes even ea, e.g., Petras PS II 186₁₁) and e inconsistently and in cases that are not clearly defined; cf. also: žiame PS I 31₃, nužiamintas PS I 304₁₀, atmiatis PS II 67₁₉, didiasnio PS II 73₂₀, giwianimu PS II 76₄, diagina PS II 76₂₀, pianì PS II 80₁₂, žodialo PS II 158₄, miayly ‘love’ PS II 170₃, 183₂₆, prakìayktas PS II 76₁₀, piarpìszis PS II 188₂₂, niandri ‘sg. instr.’ PS II 199₂₀, lampomis PS I 227₂₉, pirenkamia PS II 172₄, and gieląži PS I 183₁₃, žiemes PS I 65₁₆, didesno PS I 57₂₅, giwianimu PS I 65₃, degunty PS I 20₂₅, peni PS II 80₁₄, žodelo PS I 371₀, meyly PS I 52₉, 58₂₀, 349₈, kieykia PS II 142₁₀, perkalbet PS II 16₄, iż nendres PS II 99₈, semkite PS I 214₁₃, apdengęs PS II 182₂₀. In “Punktuose sakymų,” the spelling ia is used mainly to denote long (stressed) e. Moreover, ia in place of e seems to occur more often in the second part of “Punktai.” ⁴¹ In the dialect, alongside the past-tense forms atãėmių ~ atãėmiau, atãėmėji ~ atãėmei…, pàėme ~ pàėmė, nėėme ~ nėėmė, the forms atãėmių, atãėmį…, pàime, nėime are also frequently used. ⁴² By analogy with nusìeve, nūjėve ~ nujevė ‘took off (footwear)’ most likely also arose in the dialect. 38 nẽtvežė ~ neatvežė, nešù (< ne-ešù), neĩna (< ne-eĩna), nebẽina (< ne-be-eĩna), nė̃jo (< ne-ẽjo), neušẽjo ~ neužšẽjo “did not get along, quarreled,” apsẽiti ~ apsieiti, apsiaũti ~ apsiauti (< ap-si-aũti), nusiaũti ~ nusiauti (<nu-si-aũti). c) It is not always possible to know whether the vowels have contracted or a vowel has been omitted; further compare: žvairãkis (<žvaĩra-ãkis), babaũšis (<boba-aũsis), nãũ (<ne-jaũ), nãũgi (<ne-jaũgi), nepaĩna (< ne-pa-eĩna), pasił̃t (<pa-si-ılgti), pasilsẽti (< pa-si-ilsėti > lk pasilsėti), pasĩmti (< pa-si-ı̄mti). Thus, in certain cases, vowel contraction and omission are closely interrelated⁴³. 4. Vowel loss (Syncope) § 79. a) In the dialect, cases of short unstressed i disappearing from the middle of a word are the most frequent, e.g.: 1. As in lk, in the words: kẽlnes ~ kẽlnės (< kelinės), vẽlnis ~ vẽlnìas (cf.: welinas PS I 14₃₂, welinas PS II 47₁₃, wėlino DK 13₂₁, 14₁₁ and welno KA 13₃₂, wėlno KA 14₁₂). 2. In the words: dešnẽ, dešnìs ~ dešnys (cf. lk: dešinė, dešinys), šil̃ma (cf. lk šil̃mą), šulnìs ~ šulnys (cf. lk šulnys), amẽrka, amẽrkõnas (cf. lk: Amerika, amerikõnas). 3. In numerals: veniuolka ~ vienuólka, veniuólktas ~ vienuólktas, dvỹlika ~ dvýlika, dvỹliktas ~ dvýliktas… deviniólka ~ devyniólka, deviniólktas ~ devyniólktas (cf.: Dvylika PS I 104₁₇, septiniólika PS I 226₁₄ and dvỹlika KA 24₃,₁₅; lk: vienuólika, vienuóliktas…). 4. In the suffix -inykas, -ė (=lk -ininkas, -ė), e.g.: liūdinykas ~ liūdynykas (< liūdynykas), mȧtnikas ~ mȧtnykas (< mȧtinykas), gỉrinikas ~ gỉrnykas (<giri-nykas), mėšnikas ~ mėšnykas (< mėsinikas), ležūnnikas ~ ležūvnykas (< liežūvinikas). Sometimes the words mentioned are also pronounced with i, e.g., liūdinykas ~ liūdynykas. In the suffix -inykas, i is retained if its loss would result in a cluster of more than two consonants, e.g.: kȧltinik as ~ kaltinykas, rȧštinik as ~ raštinykas, kampi-nykas ~ kampinykas, dȧržinik as ~ daržinykas, although sekundinikas ~ sekundnykas is also said (alongside sekundinikas), vȧlundnikas ~ valandnykas (alongside vȧlundinikas) ‘hour indicator’. In the dialect, this loss of i has also not been observed after the consonants m, n and g, k; cf.: niuomnikas ~ nuominykas, dainnikas ~ daininykas (for malūnikas ~ malūnykas, see § 102), valākinikas ~ valākinykas. The antiquity of the loss of vowel i from the suffix -inykas is indicated by some place names, e.g.: mūšnikai ~ Mušnykai (< *Mūsinikai) “standard Lithuanian Mūsininkai,” ūpnikai ~ Ūpnykai (< *Ūpinikai) “standard Lithuanian Ūpninkai,” uličnikai ~ Ulýčnykai (< *Uličinikai) “village in the Pabaiskas area,” pasadnikai ~ Pasodnykai (< *Pasodinikai) “village in the Gelvonai area,” as well as old written records; cf.: priešzniko KA 53₃, liežuvnikay PS I 82₁₁ ⁴³ The same is true in other dialects (cf. E. Grinaveckienė, cited work, 163). It seems, therefore, no coincidence that the same examples are sometimes cited by some linguists as cases of vowel contraction and by others as cases of vowel omission (cf.: Endzelīnas, GF, § 34; Ot-rebski, GrJL, 1, § 360). 39 (alongside: priešininko DK 53₂₃, priešininkas PS I 5₃₁, priešininkay PS I 14₄, priešininkus PS II 222₃₀). 5. From the reflexive particle -si-, e.g.: nešdáudą < ne-si-dúoda, nušinės < nu-si-nėš, pastráuk < pa-si-tráuk. b) The loss of other vowels from the middle of a word is a rather rare phenomenon, occurring in only an occasional word, e.g.: kėtrės < keturios, kėtris < keturis, keturias, keterėdešims < keturiasdešims (but: keturi, keturių ~ keturių, keturìem…). 5. Vowel loss, insertion, and addition § 80. Cases of vowel loss, insertion, and addition in the dialect are rare, occurring mainly in words of non-Lithuanian origin. a) Loss: šàikvōt ~ šeikvoti “to exhaust,” kardi̇̀jōnas “accordion,” lėkštrika, lėkštrika “electricity,” lementōris ~ lementorius “elementary-school teacher,” ná-ližas “analysis,” raštuōt “to arrest,” raštoni̇̀as “arrestee,” rápnikas (|| arápnikas) “whip,” tōminė ~ tōminė “atomic,” tamabìlis “automobile.” b) Insertion: šìretas || šìratas || šáratas “bullet,” gimnāžije “gymnasium,” giminàštika “gymnastics,” páletas “coat.” c) Addition: uzbōnas (cf. Bel. звон) “handle.” Consonantism I. Origin and pronunciation 1. Consonants b, d, g, k, m, p, r, s, š, t, v, z, ž § 81. The dialect’s consonants b, d, g, k, m, p, r, s, š, t, v, z, ž have the same origin (and the same pronunciation, see § 14) as the corresponding Standard Lithuanian consonants, e.g.: burnà, dúodu, gãlas, kótas, márgas, putà, rõges ~ rõgės, sãmanas ~ sãmanos, šáltas, tùrfas, vãkaras, žùlinì, žãgaras. j § 82. a) The dialect’s j has the same origin (and the same pronunciation, see § 14) as in Standard Lithuanian, e.g.: jáumas, jáura, júodas. b) In the dialect, j has disappeared: 1. As in Standard Lithuanian, between consonants and before front vowels, e.g.: (present tense, 2nd person singular) glaudì, kelì, sùntì ~ siunti, verki̇̀, (past tense, 2nd person singular) glaudėi, sùntei ~ siuntei, verkėi, (nominative plural) šlapi̇̀, žali̇̀, (instrumental) šlapiēm, žaliēm. 2. From the old clusters: gj, kj, lj, mj, nj, rj, sj, šj, vj, zj, žj, which occurred before back vowels. As it disappeared from these clusters, j left the consonant preceding it (i.e. the first element of the cluster) palatalized, e.g.: rugù ~ rugių, lakù ~ lekìu, žàle ~ žalià, ramiaũ ~ ramiaũ, ganiàũ ~ ganiaũ, šunarei ~ šąnariai, šiauràs ~ šiaũras, šaũdas ~ šiaũdas, daviaũ ~ daviaũ, zurziau ~ zurziau, ōže ~ ožio. 40 3. From the stressed singular locative endings -ėj(e), -yj(e), e.g.: dabė, žėvė, žalė (|| dabėj, žėvėj, žalėj) < duobėje, žievėje, žolėje; akỹ < akyje, ausĩ < ausyje, pirtì < pirtyje, širdì < širdyje⁴⁴. c) As in many dialects, sequences of the labial consonants b, p with j have been preserved in the word stem before back vowels, e.g.: bjaurùs ~ biaurùs, (su)bjūra ~ (su)biūro, pjáuti ~ pjauti, pjáustyti ~ pjaustyti, pjévėjis ~ piovėjas, pjudĩ ~ piudyti, rugpjūtė ~ rugpjūtė, spiáuti ~ spiauti, spjaudalìs ~ spiaudalis, spjaudė ~ spiaudė. Word-final j after b, p has disappeared (having first softened these consonants), e.g.: drėbù ~ drebù, drebāũ ~ drebiau, lāpù ~ lāpiu, verpù ~ verpiu, verpāũ ~ verpiau. Before a front vowel, j after b is pronounced only in the adverb labīn ~ labyn (probably by analogy with labjau ~ labiau). d) Sequences of the dental consonants d, t with j occurring before back vowels disappeared in the dialect (as in the standard language), becoming the affricates dž, č⁴⁵, e.g.: gaidžẽ ~ gaidžiai, gaidže ~ gaidžio, gaidžiū ~ gaidžiui, gaidžū ~ gaidžių; svečẽ ~ svečiai, sveče ~ svečio, svečiū ~ svečiui, svečū ~ svečių, verčiū ~ verčių, verčāu ~ verčiau, verčĩ ~ verčia. l § 83. The dialect’s l is of the same origin as in the standard language, e.g.: láibos, lāpe ~ lāpė, lāšas, lūbas ~ lūbos, lūpa ~ lūpa, lieptas, ligā, liktì. § 84. a) In the dialect, hard l (pronounced somewhat harder than in the standard language) occurs not only before back vowels but also before e (including e as the first element of a diphthong), ē. The vowels e, ē after hardened l have become a, e in the dialect, e.g.: lādas ~ lēdas, lāki ~ lēkia, vėlanas ~ vėlenas, žalāla ~ žolėlė; lāisti ~ lēisti, laidīmas ~ leidimas, didelāi ~ didelēi “didelei,” lik šelāi ~ lig šiolēi “ligi šiolei”; gulēt ~ gulėti, išblēsa ~ išblēso, tilēt ~ tylėti, velēna ~ velēna, žalē ~ žolē. The consonant l is also pronounced hard in the dialect in the words gēlbāt ~ gēlbėti, kalbēt ~ kalbėti, silsēt ~ silsėti “to rest.” In other words, in such cases—that is, when it does not occur directly before e, ē—l is pronounced soft through assimilation, e.g.: kilpēla ~ kilpėlė, pilnēt ~ pilnėti (cf. also § 89d). b) In the dialect, the consonant l, when occurring before e, ē, remains unhardened in the following cases: 1. In sound-imitative words (interjections, verbs derived from them, and other words), e.g.: klēpt, klēpsi, klēptelēje ~ klēptelėjo, klebetiū, lēpī, lēpsi, lēpterēt ~ lēpterėti, lēpsi ~ lēpsyš “lēpsis,” plēkši, plēškēi, plēpēi, plēpīs ~ plēpys, plēpus, plērpt, plērpi ~ plērpia, slēpti, slēpsēi. ⁴⁴ It is also thought that in dialects the singular locative forms akỹ, ausỹ… may have arisen from the forms akij, ausij, whose j assimilated with į (short) to become long į (= y). Cf. J. Kazlauskas, Lietuvių kalbos i- kamieno daiktavardžių vienaskaitos įnagininko ir vietininko formų kilmės klausimu, UMD, 26, 66–67 (1958). ⁴⁵ It is inferred from Lithuanian place names found in old chronicles and other documents (written in foreign languages) that *dj, *tj > became dž, č around the end of the 14th century or the beginning of the 15th. This change probably did not take place simultaneously in all Lithuanian dialects. It seems to have begun somewhat earlier in southeastern Lithuania and later in the northern and western parts of Lithuania. 41 2. Before dialect e, which arose from the unstressed diphthong ie, e.g.: lemuõ ~ liemuõ, letãis ~ lietãis, ležùvis ~ liežùvis (see also § 29). 3. In words that entered the dialect recently, when the process of hardening l had already come to an end. Most of these are words of non-Lithuanian origin, e.g.: kalãdas ~ kalė̃dos, kalėdóti ~ kalėdóti, kalendõris ~ kalendõrius, klebõnas ~ klebõnas, leñtas ~ leñtas⁴⁶ ‘slow’, klė̃ka ‘cage’, blė̃ta || blė̃ka ‘sheet metal’, sklė̃pas ‘cellar’; soft l is also pronounced in the words glė̃ža ‘watery earth, mud; thin, sticky porridge’, klė̃vas, lė̃nda, žal̃szi ~ žalėsiai, which appear possibly to be old dialect words as well. § 85. The hardening of consonant l before e, ė, characteristic also of other Aukštaitian dialects⁴⁷, is a fairly old phenomenon. Another no less important phonetic feature of the Eastern Aukštaitian (and Dzūkian) dialects helps to determine approximately when the hardening of l began: namely, the change of the old diphthong en into in. As we know, the old diphthong en in Eastern Aukštaitian dialects has developed into in or en (an intermediate stage from en to in); compare the pronunciation of the word šventė in these dialects: švĩntė (Gelvonai), švũntė (Svėdasai, Obeliai), švẽntė (Panevėžys, Pakruojis). After consonant l, the old en met with an even more varied fate in the same dialects. Here, even more new diphthongs have now arisen in its place: in, ɘn, ǝn, un⁴⁸. This divergent fate of en after l depended on which process began first in these dialects—hardening of consonant l or the change of diphthong en into in. In those dialects where en > in first, l, once it came before i, could no longer harden. As a result, linta ~ lenta, lingvas ~ lengvas is now pronounced here. This pronunciation is characteristic of all Eastern Aukštaitians living roughly east of the line Parovėja — Biržai — Vabalninkas — Subačius — Troškūnai — Kavarskas — Vidiškiai — Širvintos — Kaimynai⁴⁹. Thus, this area includes most of the puntininkai dialect group (including all Eastern Dzūkians). Based on lenta > lint(a), these Aukštaitians could be called lintininkai. Things developed differently where l had hardened earlier. After hardened l, the first element of the diphthong en changed to a (just as e after l changes to a in other cases too, e.g.: lesa > lasa, leisti > laisti). Thus lenta, lengvas became lanta, langvas⁵⁰. Later, when the old diphthong an began changing into the diphthong un, the phonetically identical an <en changed along with it. As a result, in some Eastern Aukštaitian dialects, lanta, langvas (<lenta, lengvas) developed into lunt(a), lungvas (as did runk(a) < ranka). This is now pronounced in a narrow strip of the puntininkai area, west of the aforementioned western boundary of the lintininkai area. The more important localities in this area are Smilgiai (Biržai district), Krinčinas, Vabalninkas, Karsakiškis, Raguva, Šiesikai, Ukmergė, Pabaiskas, Gelvonai, 46 For the etymology of this word, cf. Būga, RR, 2, 105. 47 Only Western Aukštaitians do not harden consonant l before e, ė; all other Aukštaitian dialects (Dzūkians, Eastern and Central Aukštaitians) pronounce l as hard in this context. 48 The same must have happened with the old diphthong em, which followed l; compare K. Širvydas: nelýmiby PS I 114₁, nelymti PS I 125₁. However, examples of this em in the stated position have not survived in all dialects today. 49 In indicating the boundaries associated with the hardening of l, the main basis was material collected for the Atlas of the Lithuanian Language. 50 The words are now pronounced this way (with the diphthong an) by Central Aukštaitians, Western Dzūkians, and the Zietela dialect, where consonant l is hardened before e, ė, while the old an, en do not change into un, in. 42 Čiobiškis, Musninkai, Kernavė. The southern pantininkai also say lunta (the vicinity of Truskavõs, Ramýgalos, Krekenavõs). All these eastern Aukštaitians, who pronounce lunt(a), may be called luntininkai51. As we have already seen from the place names listed above, their area also includes the whole of rapt. The diphthong an, in changing into un, passed through an intermediate stage—a diphthong ɔn (the first component was a narrow, short o). Part of the eastern Aukštaitian dialects have preserved this stage to the present day. In this way, from lanta (< board) arose the modern form of these dialects, lont(a) (as lonk(a)s <bow). The eastern Aukštaitians who speak this way, and may be called lontininkai, live throughout the pontininkai area and in the northern part of the pantininkai area. As mentioned, in some places the old en that followed l is still sometimes replaced by the diphthong bɫn. The origin of this diphthong does not seem so clear. It could not have arisen directly from in (< en), since l before in would not have hardened later. This is also shown by the words lindo, linguori, linkimas, in which l before in is pronounced palatally in all eastern Aukštaitian dialects. Therefore, some linguists' claim that in those dialects where lɪnta is pronounced, en first became > in and then l hardened, seems not entirely correct and, moreover, is difficult to understand. However, bɫnta could not have arisen from lanta or lunta either, since we have no examples of such a change. Consequently, this bɫn in place of the old en must have arisen by another route. It is possible that in some Aukštaitian dialects, before l began to harden, the first component of the diphthong en had already narrowed, that is, en > ęn. For example, the words šventė ‘feast’ and žengti ‘to step’ were then pronounced šventė, žęngti here. When the wave of hardening l before e, ė arrived, lenta (< board), lengvas (< light) began to be pronounced lenta (lęnta), lęngvas (lęngvas) here. In these dialects, however, en continued to change into in, that is, šventė, žengti > švinti, žingti. After hard l, the backed first component ę (= ę) must likewise have changed into a back i (= bɫ) during this further process (the change of en into in). But although the isoglosses for the forms linta, lunta and lonta are more or less clear, at present we cannot strictly define the area where lɪnta is said. The dialect material available to us shows that lɪnta is now found mostly only alongside other forms: next to linta (e.g., around Dieveniškės, Adutiškis, and elsewhere), and lunta (e.g., in the rapt area around Musninkai, Čiobiškis, Pabaiskas, and elsewhere). It is possible that in the past the isogloss for the use of lɪntos was also clearer, but later this form was displaced by the already mentioned linta and lunta. For example, in K. Širvydas, the following are written most frequently: nenusitynks PS I 10₁₇, lynktumes PS I 6₁₀, ne nusilynkiau PS I 24₂₄, aplinkis PS I 84₃, pralynkia PS I 138₁₃, nulink PS I 218₁₅, pralynktas PS I 327₁₄, nusilynkia PS II 12₂₄, nusilinimo PS II 90₁₄, pralynkt PS II 92₅, lyngwa PS I 51₂₀, lyngways PS I 52₂₈, tingwu PS I 243₉, lyngwesniu PS I 277₂₃, lyngwa PS II 36₁, lynciugas PS I 38₂₀, lyriciugays PS I 39₁₀, 127₂₉, lyničugais PS II 70₂₁. Much less frequently, one finds: pralynkia PS I 185₃₁, lyncingu PS I 38₁₀, linciugays PS I 11₁₆, linčiugay PS II 160₅, stanksti PS II 179₁₅, prylankk PS II 171₁₉, pasilankie PS II 183₁₆, 51 It may be added that luntininkai also sometimes say in in place of the old en that followed l. For example, in the northern part of their area (from the Latvian border almost to Ukmergė), linkt ~ lenkti ‘to bend’ is most commonly said. However, another verb, linkti, may also be responsible for this pronunciation. A similar confusion of these verbs occurs in rapt as well, but there, according to lunkšt < lenkti ‘to bend’, lunkšti is said instead of linkti (cf. prikrovė vežimą — net ašys lunkšta ‘they loaded the cart — even the axles are bending’). 43 luncīgays PS I 374₁₉. The latter forms in Širvydas’s writings seem to be either misprints or forms that have entered from other dialects. However, nowadays, as already noted, lbnta is found mostly only as a variant form and, moreover, more often in places where the lintininkai border on the luntininkai or the western Dzūkian dialects. This suggests that this form (at least in some places) may have a different origin from the one indicated above. For example, along the borders of the dialects mentioned, lbnta may have arisen later through contamination from the forms lunta or lanta and linta (the hardened l of the first forms + the diphthong in of the last form). Having briefly reviewed the pronunciation of l before the old diphthong en, let us return to the question of how long ago l began to harden. From Lithuanian proper names that entered old documents written in other languages, we see that the mixed diphthongs am, an, em, en had already changed into um, un, im, in in some eastern dialects by about the middle of the 14th century. The beginning of this change itself most likely dates back to an even earlier time. Moreover, both the change of the diphthongs mentioned and the hardening of the consonant l are thought to have begun in the east and spread westward later. And since the easternmost Lithuanian dialects now say linta in place of lenta, the consonant l must have begun to harden somewhat later than the diphthongs am, an, em, en > um, un, im, in. However, a long interval could not have elapsed between the beginnings of these two phenomena, because the wave of hardening l reached other Aukštaitian dialects—specifically, the luntininkai and lontininkai—first, and only later did the change of the mixed diphthongs mentioned begin in those dialects. In the stem, however, this was the case; at the end of a word things may have been different. For example, in place of the old singular accusative *saulen (> lk saulę), we would expect: in the lintininkai area, saulį (on the loss of n, see § 86); among the luntininkai, saulu; and among the lontininkai, saulo. But this is not always what actually occurs. The lintininkai and northern luntininkai, who live in the puntininkai area from the Latvian border approximately to Ukmergė, now mostly say saulb, while the lontininkai and luntininkai living in the pantininkai area say saulę. In the remaining southern part of the luntininkai area, almost all of which is occupied by rapt, the singular accusative is saulu. Let us consider how saulb could have arisen alongside linta and lunta, and saule alongside lonta and lunta. Phonetically, these forms could have developed as follows. In eastern Aukštaitian dialects, the old accusative *saulen must have passed through the stage *saulėn. This stage was overtaken by the wave of hardening l, and saulėn > saulėṇ. In one of the aforementioned Aukštaitian groups (the lintininkai and part of the luntininkai), the latter form subsequently changed into *saulbṇ > saulb, whereas in the other group (the lontininkai and part of the luntininkai) it changed no further, and when n later disappeared from the end of the word, saule arose there. But this could have happened only: 1) if the word ending retained the first stage of the change of an, en into the diphthongs un, in longer than the stem, namely the diphthongs om, em, or 2) if the change of word-final an, en into the diphthongs un, in (also through the intermediate stage on, en) began somewhat later than the change of the same diphthongs in the stem. One way or another, the beginning of the process by which word-final an, en changed must also predate the beginning of the hardening of l. However, the waves of change of stem-internal and word-final an, en must have moved east to west at different speeds. The latter wave—or, more precisely, the first stage in the change of word-final diphthongs an, en (> on, en)—advanced considerably faster, overtook the change of stem-internal an, en and reached the luntininkai and lontininkai 44 was reached even before l hardened. Rapt word-final, as in the stem, an, en > un, in only after l had hardened (before e). This mutual relation between the change of the stem and word-final diphthongs an, en and the hardening of l could be represented more clearly in a table (see Table 1). Table 1 The relationship between the change of old stem-final and word-final (singular accusative) en and the hardening of l in the East Aukštaitian dialects initial form: stem, ending; en >: stem, ending; wave of l hardening; an, en >: stem, ending; dialect name according to the pronunciation of the word lenta. lenta; *saulen; linta; *saulen; linta; *saulbn; saubl; lintininkai. lenta; lenta; *saulen; *saulen; lanta; *saulen; *saulan; lunta; *saulbn; saubl; lintininkai. lenta; lenta; *saulen; *saulen; lanta; *saulen; *saulen; lonta; *saulen; saulė; lontininkai. It is true that, besides the singular accusative forms mentioned above, other forms also occur from time to time in the same dialects, for example in the lintininkai area: saulė (Dieveniškės, some localities in the Molėtai district, and elsewhere), saulu (Šašuoliai, Lyduokiai, some localities in the Anykščiai district, and elsewhere). These latter forms may also be old in some places, having developed directly from *saulen. But we must not forget that the word ending is considerably less stable than the stem, and can more readily be influenced by other forms in one way or another. For example, in the East Aukštaitian dialects, the endings of many cases of ē-stem words that had the old sound sequence -lė completely coincided with the endings of o-stem words after l hardened. Cf. the declension of the words ranka and saulė in the Debeikiai dialect: Singular N. ranka, saula. G. rankas, saulas. D. rankai, saulai. Acc. ranku., saubl., saulu. Instr. ranku, saulu. Loc. rankaj, saulaj (and ža.lōj alongside ža.lēsj “in the grass”). Ill. rankan, saulan (ža.lōn alongside ža.lēn “into the grass”). Plural ranka.s, saula.s. ranku., saulu. ranka.m, saula.m. rankas, saulas. ranka.m, saula.m (ža.lōm alongside ža.lēm “with grass”). (ža.lōs, ža.lēs “in the grasses”). (ža.lōs, ža.lēs “into the grasses”). 52 Cf. O. Sedelskytė, Debeikių tarmės daiktavardžių linksniavimas, MADA, 1 (4), 200 ff. (1958). 45 Understandably, once the endings of the aforementioned group of ē-stem words had become so mixed with those of o-stem words, the variant singular accusative form šalù also emerged. This may be a newer form, created on the model of rùkų.53 The same applies to forms in other cases (e.g., the singular instrumental) that had the sound sequence *-len at the end of the word. In addition, other forms of the same stem may also have exerted some influence on forms of this type. For example, rapt instead of the old locative *stalẽn, *šìlẽn, stalì, šìli are now used predominantly. Many other East Aukštaitian dialects also have this locative form; cf. atòli, kubìli, stalì (Debeikiai, Svėdasai). It may be assumed that the falling-accented -en > became -in before l hardened. However, we also have evidence that does not support this view. First, the later change of this -ẽn into another diphthong is indicated by Širvydas’s singular locative dẽrkovy PS I 113₉, galỹ PS I 222₂₀, mezlỹ PS I 242₇, mokslỹ PS I 255₁₇, 287₁₂, as well as by present-day forms of this case in some dialects: galbì, katìbli, kubìli, šìlì (Obeliai), galù, šìlu (Miežiškiai). In dialects where šìl is now most commonly said, another form, such as šìlb (Čiobiškis), also occurs. Moreover, these dialects often use the palatalized form galù, galbì (rapt), galì (Svėdasai54), derived from *galẽn. Second, the fate of falling-accented -ẽn in the singular instrumental after l likewise does not show that its change began earlier than the change of rising-accented -en; cf. singular instrumental forms: atvìkti PS I 82₂₉, paukšzẽly PS I 85₂₇; siùlbl, skarelbi (Linkmenys, Obeliai), pelù ~ pelė, šaulù ~ šaule (Miežiškiai, Raguva)55. This suggests that the singular locative šalì, šìli is now a newer form in many places. Instead of hard l, soft l may have arisen here on the model of much more frequent singular locative forms of the same stem that have a soft stem-final consonant, e.g.: mišì ~ miške (< *miškẽn), namì ~ name, sodì ~ sode, stogì ~ stoge. Moreover, in dialects where *šìlẽn > became šìlì, two singular locative endings arose for the same stem: -u and -i. Understandably, the less frequent ending -u could have been displaced. In rapt and some other eastern dialects, past active participle forms of similar origin may also include acigùlęs ~ ats igùlęs, acigùlì ~ ats igùlė, pakėlìs ~ pakėlęs, pakėlì ~ pakėlė, sušėlìs ~ sušėlęs, sušėlì ~ sušėlė. These forms, used (in rapt and by speakers of the older generation) alongside acigùlbs (acigùlas), acigùlbl (acigùla), pakėlbls, pakėlbl, sušəlbls, sušėlbl, may have arisen on the model of participles such as būvis ~ buvęs, būvì ~ buvę, mātìs ~ matęs, māti ~ matę, vėžìs ~ vėžęs, vėžì ~ vėžę. The soft l of standard-language forms ats igùlęs, ats igùlė… may also have exerted some influence. We see that the question of the fate of the word-final sequence *-len is much more complicated than that of the stem sequence. Unfortunately, we still have relatively little material from various dialects for comparison on this question. On the age of l-hardening in rapt, cf. also §§ 29, 32, 55. n § 86. The dialectal n has the same origin as lk, e.g.: nãgas, naktìs, nẽrti, niẽkas, nìkti ~ nykti. 53Also cf. J. Šukys, cited work, 160. 54Also cf. Lietuvių kalbos žodynas, 3, 72, Vilnius, 1956. 55The earlier forms of Rapt, from which the present singular instrumental šaulaĩ “with the sun,” pelai, “with the mouse,” derive, could have been either šaulu, pelù or šaulbt, pelbt (for more on the emergence of the Rapt feminine singular instrumental forms lazdaĩ, katì… see MADA, 2 (7), 198 ff. (1959). 46 In the old mixed diphthongs an, en, in, un, tautosyllabic n was retained if these diphthongs occurred before the consonants t, d, k, g, p, b, e.g.: unt̃ras ~ antras, pín-tė ~ pėntė “pentis,” kaũdis ~ kaũdys, sùnku, žiñgsnis ~ žingstnis, į̃mpilas ~ į̃mpilas (for m < n see § 91). In the diphthongs an, en, in, un occurring before s, š, z, ž, r, l, m, n, j, v, and at the end of a word in an open syllable, n disappeared. The loss of tautosyllabic n, which took place gradually, is in many cases not an old development. First, Rapt, like the other eastern dialects, this n must have disappeared only after an, en > un, in (§§ 35 d, 36 c, 60, 61, 65). Second, we see from old writings that as late as the mid-seventeenth century and even later some Aukštaitians pronounced a, e, i, u with a distinct n coloring, or nasalization, in the aforementioned contexts in place of the old diphthongs an, en, in, un. For example, in his grammar D. Klein discusses separately the vowels of this origin because of their particular pronunciation56. In certain forms (e.g., the plural accusative, § 53), n disappeared from the Rapt endings, as in other dialects, a very long time ago57. In Rapt verbs, n was retained in certain cases even before s, e.g.: givė̃nsu ~ gyvėnsu, givė̃ns ~ gyvens, sénstu, sė̃nsu ~ sénsiu, señs (for this dialectal en see also § 48), giñsu ~ ginsiu, giñs, žriñsu ~ trinsiu, žriñs. Here, the retention of tautosyllabic n before s was supported by analogy with other forms in which this n, occurring before other (plosive) consonants, was not regularly lost; cf.: givė̃nti ~ gyventi, givė̃ndava ~ gyvendavo, givė̃nk ~ gyvenk, žriñti, žriñdava ~ trindavo, žriñk. In the prefix in- (occurring alongside the more frequent un- < ant-), n was retained in the dialect before all consonants, e.g.: iñdave ~ indavė, iñkė̃la ~ inkėlė, iñgėri ~ ingėrė, iñšėda ~ insėdo, iñmetė ~ įmetė, iñvė̃rti ~ inverti. f, ch, h § 87. The consonants f, ch, h are rare in the dialect. They occur: 1. In ideophones and interjections, e.g.: fė, fá “fe,” fít, fùchti (!fùkti), “to mark the sudden extinguishing of a fire”; màchti “makt,” trach “to mark the sound of a shot and other sounds,” žàch “to mark the sound of falling, sawing”; ahã, ohõ, į̃haha ~ ýhaha. 2. In words of non-Lithuanian origin, e.g.: fanjėra “veneer,” felčeris, frántas; chrõmas ~ chromas; hùonaras ~ honõras “honor, ambition.” Representatives of the older generation of the dialect often pronounce p, k, g instead of f, ch, h in words borrowed from other languages, e.g.: pabrìke ~ fabrikė “factory,” panabėrija ~ fanabėrija, pùosfaras ~ fosforas; krizantėma ~ chrizantėma, tėchnìkas ~ tèchnikas; gusáras ~ husáras. The consonant h is sometimes dropped entirely, e.g.: aktãras “hectare,” iònaras “honorarium.” Representatives of the younger generation most often pronounce the consonants f, ch, h in words of non-Lithuanian origin. 2. Affricates § 88. For dialectal č, dž < *tj, *dj, see § 82d. In the dialect, the affricates c, č, dz, dž also occur in the following cases: 1. In sound-symbolic words, e.g.: capsót, cikšėt; čekšėt, čiaukšt ~ čiaukšt, čùkšt ~ čiùkšt; dzìrint, dzupsėt ~ dziubseti; džerškė̃ti, džiñkti ~ džingt. 56Cf. The First Lithuanian Grammar, pp. 418 ff., Vilnius, 1957. Also cf. K. Eigminas, op. cit., pp. 168–169. 57Also cf. Z. Zinkevičius, Lietuvių kalbos įvardžiuotinių būdvardžių istorijos bruožai, pp. 25 ff., Vilnius, 1957. 47 2. Those arising through assimilation from two other consonants occurring next to each other (most often c < t-s, č < t-š, dz < t-z, dž < t-ž), e.g.: ackirė < at-skirti, ackėlė < at-sikelti, acminė < at-siminti, acnešė < at-sinešti, pač < pats; ačūlė < at-šalti, ačlaimas < at-š laimas, ačlauži < at-šla užti; ādžvimbė < at-žvimbė, adzbósta < at-sibósta, adzdūoda < at-sidūoda; adžagarei < at-žagar iai, adžnupė < at-žnybti, adžvingė < at-žvengė. 3. In words of non-Lithuanian origin, e.g.: cigònas “Gypsy,” cimantas “cement,” čolis; česnākas. 4. In the dialect, affricate c is also sometimes pronounced instead of s, chiefly in suffixes of non-Lithuanian origin before the consonant k, e.g.: kvietkāučkas ~ Kvietkāučkas, jeblūonckas ~ Jablònskas, gelvańckas ~ gelvańskas “person from Gelvonai,” brudūlckas ~ Brudūlskas, kavārckas ~ Kavárskas “surname and town,” pabaickas ~ Pabaiskas. II. Combinatory consonant laws 1. Consonant palatalization and hardening Palatalization. § 89. a) Consonants are always palatalized when they occur directly: 1) before front vowels (cf. also §§ 84, 90), e.g.: bìlinėtis ~ bylinėtis, dègimas, kèškas, lėptas, ši̇emėniškas, fėtas, kėksmas, sėdynė ~ sėdynė, šilkas, ievvas, vēri ~ vėria, ēilas; 2) before retracted back vowels; see §§ 75, 82. b) When word-final front vowels (usually e, i, less often the diphthongs ei, ie) are lost, the consonants preceding them mostly remain palatalized, e.g.: būt ~ būti (cf. also § 62)⁵⁸, būkit ~ būkite (cf. also § 54), kōtū “kitten”; bādās ~ bādosi, gīris ~ giriasi, praūisis ~ praūsiasi; mān (cf. maní (cf. mánig DP 287₂₆ alongside mań DP 1₁₁); dēl (cf. del’ KA 48₃₀, 57₁₅) < dėlei, vėl (cf.: vėl’ KA 48₁₂, vel KA 48₂₇) < vėlei, kōl ~ kólei, tōl < tõlei⁵⁹. The consonants k, m are pronounced hard in this case, e.g.: auk (cf. also §§ 62, 93), dirbam ~ dirbame, aišim ~ eīsime, senam ~ senamė (cf. §§ 54, 60). c) When a front vowel is lost from the middle of a word, the consonant preceding it usually remains palatalized (cf. § 79), but the reflexive particle -s- < -si- also hardens before hard consonants, e.g.: nėsmāta ~ nesimāto, paslaūdzī ~ pasilėidžia, pasrōda ~ pasirodo, parsūara ~ parsivāro. d) In consonant clusters, a palatalized consonant usually palatalizes all the other consonants preceding it as well, e.g.: baršti ~ barstyti, bēlštis, dūnīti ~ dantyti, drēške ~ drėškė, kēlvertas, skauterė ~ skiauterė, šmilkinīs ~ smilkinys, spīrti, šlaūži ~ šliaužti, trūškinti ~ triūškinti, sužlūnga ~ sužliūnga. In compound words, a hard consonant in the first component before a palatalized consonant in the second component sometimes remains unpalatalized, e.g., dańkėpė (but apparently more often dańkėpė) ~ duonkepė. ⁵⁸ In the dialect, the -t of interjections is also always palatalized, e.g.: kišt ~ kyšt, krūšt, šūst ~ šūst. It is conjectured that this -t < -ti is the remnant of the old singular dative ending in -i. Cf. Otrebski, GrJL, 3, § 843. ⁵⁹ The palatalized l in the examples cited shows that -ei was lost before this consonant hardened (§§ 84, 85). 48 Not all consonants in a cluster are equally palatalized. The consonant that comes (or came) immediately before a front vowel or a fronted vowel is pronounced most softly, while the palatalization of consonants farther away is less pronounced. Not all consonants are affected equally by palatalization. Velars g, k and labials b, p, m, when separated from front vowels or fronted vowels by other consonants, are generally pronounced hard, e.g.: aũglis ~ aũglius, ugnìs, brukšnìs ~ brúkš- nìs, trùkšėt ~ trūkčioti; kablìs ~ kablys, gõbšì ~ gobši, capšėt, bumpšėt ~ bamp- šėti, kamšì ~ kamšyti. However, these consonants become palatalized when, whether long-standing or newly formed, they occur in the same syllable as other palatalized (or softened) consonants that follow them60, e.g.: glìtus, gnìaušì ~ gniaužti, kveĩs ~ kvie- tỹs, kniaũkti ~ kniaukti, arkìs (pronounced syllabically: ar-klìs) || arklys (: ar-lìs) ~ arklys; bliaũ ~ bliáuti, nubrizga ~ nubrizgo, kėblìnti (: kė-blìnti) || kėblìnti (: kėblìnti), pliaũpi ~ pliaũpti, trėpsė̃ti (: tre-pšė̃ti) || trepsė̃ti (: trep-sė̃ti), tìmpì. Consonants preceding the hard g, k, b, p in the clusters mentioned above are also generally pronounced hard, whereas before those same palatalized velars and labials, other consonants are palatalized as well, e.g.: unglìnas ~ anglinas, snarglìs ~ snarglys, karklìnas ~ karklynas; bùrptelėt ~ burbtelėti, pùrptelėt ~ purptelėti; išg̃vėris ~ išgveręs, pėrg̃rìš ~ pergręžti, sklaũtas ~ skliautas, šìnkė ~ stengti; atbrìzga ~ atbrizgo, užbliaũt ~ užbliauti, atplìšt ~ atplyšti, bùfì ~ burbti. Consonants preceding a velar k that has hardened at the end of a word are always pronounced hard, e.g.: dìrbk ~ dirbk, graũšk ~ graušk, krėšk, pìrk, skìnk. In the clusters mentioned above, l is generally pronounced softly, e.g.: alkšnìs, dìlki ~ dilgt, sìlpìnėt, dìlpė̃t ~ dilbčioti, gùlk, kėlk (gùlk, kėlk are also said). e) Consonants become palatalized when in a cluster with j, e.g.: bjaũris, subjūra ~ subjūro, pjaũti, špjáuti, atjùnkti ~ atjunkti, išjudìnti ~ išjudinti, parjòd, užjòd. f) In certain cases, consonant palatalization also occurs across word boundaries. A palatalized consonant at the beginning of a word palatalizes the hard final consonant of the preceding word, e.g.: bèt kiẽk ~ bet kiek, dĩeną dĩeną ~ dien dieną “day by day, every day,” gan gẽras ~ gan geras, kas dìrbs ~ kas dirbs, kad gẽras ~ kad geras. g) Other cases of consonant palatalization: 1. In individual words, e.g.: ležuvis || ležùvis ~ liežuvis, šaũdiklė ~ šiaudykle “with a gun,” šėmet < this year (< these year). 2. In words of non-Lithuanian origin, l is often pronounced softly even when it precedes hard consonants, e.g.: bùlba “potato,” pùolka ~ polka. In fact, in these instances the dialect has merely retained (not hardened) soft l, since it is pronounced this way in the languages (Polish, Belarusian) from which these words entered the dialect. Hardening. § 90. In the dialect, only consonant l has regularly hardened before e, ė (§ 84). In individual words, r, s, t and other consonants are also sometimes found hardened, e.g.: 1) in Lithuanian words (rarely): graĩt < quickly, graĩtas < quick, graũstis || grâuštis ~ griauštis, graũšì || grâušì ~ griaušti, graũšmas || grâũšmas ~ griaušmas, 60However, it should be noted that the palatalization of velars g, k is very slight. For this reason, it is not marked elsewhere in the work. 4. Kalbotyros klausimai, III 49 grõzdas “a jumble,” grazdēt ~ grozdóti “to make a jumble,” saptní < seven, tašlė < dough “dough,” nãt < not; strūbki ~ strýkt, budõlškì ~ budýkšt, žýbì ~ žýbt. 2) in words of non-Lithuanian origin (quite often): agzãma “eczema,” cantnaris “centner,” falčeris “barber-surgeon,” mātrikai “registers,” ramantuõj “to repair,” saradālė “seradėlė”; adālė “Adelė,” faleksas “Feliksas,” ragina “Regina”; žìgma “Zigmas.” This hardening of consonants occurs mainly in the speech of members of the older generation61. 2. Assimilation § 91. The dialect has regressive contact and distant consonant assimilation. a) Cases of contact assimilation: 1. A voiceless consonant before a voiced one becomes voiced, while a voiced consonant before a voiceless one becomes voiceless, e.g.: abgalēt ~ apgalėti, ãdbulas ~ atbulas, rēgdava ~ rėkdavo, kaz būsva ~ kas buvo, mezgalis ~ mėsgalýs, iž dūgna ~ iš dugno, ižgērk ~ išgerk; dirpk ~ dirbk, grapštūkas ~ grabštūkas, dēkt ~ degti, užkūrt ~ užkurti, miẽspelį ~ miežpeliai “barley chaff.” 2. The consonant s before č becomes š, and z before dž becomes ž, e.g.: unkščiau ~ anksčiau, sugrēbščiu ~ sugrėbščiau, praščiausis ~ prasčiausias; laždžõke ~ lazdžiokė. 3. The apical n before the labials b, p becomes the labial m, e.g.: imbērti, umbērti (< inbērti, unbērti) “to pour in,” iṃpilas ~ įmpilas (< įnpilas), um punēs ~ an punės “at the barn.” Before the velar consonants g, k, the consonant n becomes a velar n; cf. § 14. 4. In certain cases, as a result of assimilation, one of two consonants may disappear. This happens when two identical consonants come together within a word or at a word boundary. The consonants that come together may be identical by nature (1) or have become identical later through assimilation (2), e.g.: 1) (d-d > d) ka duõs ~ kad duos, (g-g > g) dau gēra ~ daug gero, (k-k > k) ti kū ~ tik ką, (l-l > l) vē lāki ~ vėl lėkia, (n-n > n) unēšti < annešti “to bring in,” (p-p > p) tei padāre ~ teip padarė, (r-r > r) pērišt ~ perrišti, (s-s > s) pūssesere ~ pusseserė, 61Occasional hardening of some consonants is also found in other East Aukštaitian dialects, as well as in old written texts; cf.: Gravycianos PS I 45₁₁, (ne)greytay PS I 231₈, 315₁₃, II 61₉, grausmays PS I 83₈, grausmyngays PS II 117₃₀, traċias PS II 76₁₂, 171₁₇, but: (ne) greytay PS II 61₂₀, 62₂₆, 70₁₀, 233₂₅, reykia PS I 188₂₅, II 61₁₉, regieimi PS I 90₉, Trečias PS II 161₁₅. 50 (š - š > š) jumps out ~ jumped out, to the side ~ from the side, (t - t > t) but only ~ but only, (ž - ž > ž) overgrew ~ became overgrown; 2) (d - t > t - t > t) because of that ~ because of that, (t - d > d - d > d) but a lot ~ but a lot, (g - k > k - k > k) a lot of things ~ a lot of things, (k - g > g - g > g) go to bed ~ go to bed, (s - š > š - š > š) who was calling ~ who was calling, (š - s > s - s > s) boiled over ~ boiled over, (ž - s > s - s > s) forgets ~ forgets, (ž - z > z - z > z) to trample ~ to trample, (ž - š > š - š > š) to shoot ~ to shoot, (š - ž > ž - ž > ž) to scatter out ~ to scatter out. In the cases mentioned, especially at word boundaries, a consonant may also fail to disappear if the words, or their individual parts, are pronounced emphatically. 5. For cases in which two adjacent consonants become affricates through assimilation, see § 88. b) Distant consonant assimilation occurs rarely in the dialect. In Lithuanian words, s sometimes changes to š before š or ž in the following syllable, e.g.: pašišaušė < pasišiaušė, nuššveitė < nusišveitė, pašišnibždė < pasišnibždėti, pašišnekėt < pasišnekėti, šližė < Šližiai “village.” However, š in place of s occurs irregularly, usually due to rapid speech. The result of this type of assimilation is preserved mostly only in etymologically obscure words, usually loans or foreignisms, e.g.: legulātaris < reguliatorius, šiečka, šiečke ~ šieckė “chopped straw for fodder; chopper” (cf. Russian, Belarusian сечка, Polish sieczka), šėkšlōt < siečkuoti “to slice, chop” (cf. Russian сечь, Polish siec). c) Consonant palatalization due to assimilation has already been discussed in § 89. 3. Dissimilation § 92. In the dialect, consonant dissimilation (progressive and regressive) occurs chiefly only in words of non-Lithuanian origin, e.g.: añtilerije < artillery, kal̃daris < corridor, malinārka || marinārka ‘jacket’ (cf. Polish marynarka), párkelis < párkeris. 4. Aspiration § 93. The dialect's word-final k (< k, g) is pronounced with aspiration, e.g.: baikʰ, daukʰ ~ much, dūrʰ, škėrškʰ, skinkʰ. At word boundaries, when occurring before other sounds, this k is usually pronounced without aspiration, e.g.: dauk nēr ~ there is not much, daũg aina ~ much goes, vešk šienu ~ take the hay. 5. Metathesis § 94. Both local and distant metathesis occur in the dialect. a) For the ancient metathesis of adjacent consonants (ks < sk, kš < šk, gz < zg), also characteristic of other Lithuanian dialects, see: Būga, RR, 2, 184; Endzelynas, GF, § 73 a; Otrębski, GrJL, 1, §§ 509, 510. 51 In Rapt, the present-tense infix n combined with stem-final l, r yields ln, mn, e.g.: dilna < di̇̀nla > cf. dyla, skilna < ski̇̀nla > cf. skýla, svilna < svi̇̀nla > cf. svỹla, (pri)šilnù < (pri)šinli > cf. (pri)šyli, atpùlna < atpùla (atpuonla) “cf. atpuola”; (nu)švirna < (nu)svi̇̀ra > cf. (nu)svỹra, prakūrna < prakiūra > cf. prakiūra. It is difficult to say whether the metathesis of the aforementioned consonants took place before or after an > un, since the dialect forms abžabalna “apžabala,” nukȧ̀rna “nukara” point one way, while the forms bulna “bȧ̀la,” sulna “sȧ̀la,” šulna “šȧ̀la” point another. This variation may have arisen through the influence of other forms. In the root of the first group of forms (before l, r), the vowel a instead of u may occur by analogy with forms such as: abžabálì ~ apžabálti, abžabàla ~ apžabálo, nukãrì, nukãra ~ nukãro; in the second group, u instead of a may have arisen by analogy with būla ~ bãla, sūla ~ šãla, šūla ~ šãla (these forms are also used in the dialect)62. Moreover, it is possible that the infix n did not arise simultaneously in all verbs63. Thus, metathesis may also have occurred earlier in some present-tense forms and later in others. Less frequent cases where ln > nl occurs in the dialect, e.g., aukštžė̃nlikas < augštielnykas (alongside the most common dialect form aukštienikas, cf. § 95). b) Distant metathesis occurs irregularly in the dialect, in only an occasional word, e.g.: keremėkas || (more common) kemerėkas “a crooked, branchy tree; an awkward, ungainly person,” varãtliñkis || varãtinklis ~ vorãtinklis. Metathesis of this type has sometimes occurred (or occurs) in words of non-Lithuanian origin and in proper names, e.g.: čevẽrikas ~ čeverỹkos “ankle boots” (cf. Russian черевик “women’s ankle boot,” and also Sirvydas’s čie-rewi̇̀kos PS I 69₁₇), raũlas ~ Raũlas, raulõkas ~ Rauliõkas (most often used by older dialect speakers instead of laũras ~ Laũras, laurõkas ~ Lauriõkas). 6. Loss of consonants § 95. For the regular loss of tautosyllabic n from the middle and end of a word, see § 86. Other consonants disappear from the middle of a word only in individual words, e.g.: apìnis (< apvynys) ~ apynys, aukštiẽninkas (< augštielnykas) ~ augštienykas (also cf. § 94a), dešìmis < dešimts, dešimė̃tis < dešimtmetis, dešim̃tas < dešimtnytas, kãrkvabalis < kãrkl(a)vabalis, kūrbez̃dalis < kūrm(ia)bez̃dalis “a round fungus, ripe and full of brown dust,” plūkšna < plūnksna (cf. Sirvydas: plūkšno-mis PS I 85₂₁, plūksnu “singular instrumental” PS I 18₆), žìmpti (< zvim̃bti) ~ žim̃bti. The loanword liekarstwa “medicine” (cf. Polish lekartstwo, Russian лекарство) is pronounced liekarsta in some places. For the loss of consonants from the middle of a word through assimilation, see § 91a₄. § 96. A consonant is dropped from the beginning of a word very rarely. Only speakers of the older generation say ùnta ~ únta “broom” without v-, and also the loanwords õpna || võpna “lime” (cf. Polish wapno), õpninis || võpninis “lime-based.” 62Cf. also forms occurring in the dialect: sūla “cooled,” šūla “cooled,” šált “to cool,” šūlt “to cool,” which likewise probably arose by analogy with sūla, šūla. 63The mixed diphthongs an, en arising through the infix very often remain intact in the dialect (cf. § 48₃), although in other East Aukštaitian dialects and in old written sources diphthongs of this origin have mostly changed into others, e.g.: rundà KA 13₃₀, PS II 44₂, tumpa “becomes” PS I 89₂₇, ginda PS I 95₄. 52 § 97. For the loss of į at the end of a word, see § 82b. Other consonants fall off the end of a word rarely, mostly in short words (conjunctions, prepositions, etc.), e.g.: à < or, bèn < at least, dà < still, ì < and, ùn < on, palà < wait. For the loss of a consonant at the end of a word due to assimilation, see 91a. 7. Consonant Insertion and Elision § 98. At the beginning of a word, before front vowels (i, ī, e, ē) and the diphthong ie, j is always pronounced in the dialect, e.g.: įinkštas ~ inkstas, įilė ~ ylė ‘awl’, įėglis ~ ėglis, ieškõti ~ ieškoti, įiena ~ ėna. This j is always inserted before the same root vowels after prefixes ending in a vowel, e.g.: ap̃įilgïs ~ apyilgïs, paĩlgas ~ pailgas, nuĩmit ~ nuimti; nujėjaũ ~ nuėjau, prãjemu ~ praėmiau; nujõde ~ nuėdė, prijiẽde ~ pridėdė, sujẽde ~ suėdė; paiẽška ~ paieško, sujẽško ~ suieško. After prefixes ending in a consonant, į is pronounced before the aforementioned vowels only when the prefix consonant does not form part of the root syllable, e.g.: ap̃-ĩmit, ap̃-ieškõti ~ apieškoti, ap̃-iẽška ~ apieško, but: ap̃im̃ (pronounced: a-pim̃), apẽje (:a-pẽje) ~ apėjo; ĩš-iõde ~ išėdė, ĩš-iẽška ~ išieško, but: išẽje (:i-šẽje) ~ išėjo, išẽme (:i-šẽme) ~ išėmė; pẽr-ĩmit ~ perimti, pẽr-iẽškai ~ perieškoti, but: pẽreje (:pẽ-reje) ~ perėjo; už-ẽde ~ užėdė, but: užẽje (: u-žẽje) ~ užėjo; uñ-ĩmit ~ anim̃ti ‘to take’, but: unėjau (: u-nejau) ~ anėjau ‘I went’. § 99. Prieš žodžio pradžios uo tarmėje pridėtas v, pvz.: vuõdas ~ úodas, vuõga ~ úoga, vuõsis ~ úosis, vuõstìti ~ úostyti. Greičiausiai, čia v atsiradęs dar prieš nekirčiuoto uo > a; plg.: vadegà < vuodegà < uodegà, vagáuti < vuogáuti < uogáuti, vagenjõjas < vuogienõjas < uogienõjas, vašinė́ti < vuostinė́ti < uostinė́ti. Širvydo „Punktuose sakymų“ šio v- prieš uo nėra, plg.: uoday I 260₁₈, uoga I 321₂₀. Rapt v prieš minėtus uo, a tariamas ir po priešdėlių, pvz.: prìvagãva ~ priuogãvo, išivagãva ~ išuogãvo, apvùoste ~ apúostė, suvuõde ~ suúodė. For words that have recently entered the dialect, the consonant v is not inserted before uo-, e.g.: ùostas ~ úostas. The following words are also pronounced without this v: ùošvis, ùošvene ~ úošvienė, ašvìje || ašvijė ~ uošvija. Before o- v has arisen only in the word vòpus (vòpas), -ì < opùs, -ì. The consonant v is sometimes inserted in the dialect between the prefixes nu-, su- and the root e- (< ē-), ē-, ei-, e.g.: nuvejau ~ nuėjau, nuvẽje ~ nuėjo, nuveiti ~ nueiti; suvejau ~ suėjau, suvẽde ~ suėdė, suveina ~ sueina (cf. also § 24a). § 100. At the beginning of a word, the consonant s is sometimes added. This s occurs most often before k- and less often before other sounds, e.g.: to cling || to hang on, škerečiótis ~ skerečiótis || kerečiótis ~ kerečiótis “skeryčiótis,” to straggle ~ to loiter || to straggle ~ to loiter, 53 cracked, got cracked || keši, pra-keši, to skate ~ to scrape || to swing ~ to sway, skregždė ~ skrėgždė “swallow,” škiklis || kikilis, to sweep open, to sweep open, to sweep open for oneself, sprunkšt “snort,” atasprunkščioji ~ atasprunkščiuoja “snorts back.” It is true that it is not always clear whether, in the cases mentioned, the consonant s has been added or has been lost. In verbs, this s- may in many cases have arisen from the reflexive particle -s(i)-: following the prefixed reflexive forms ap-sikabinėti, nu-sitvėrti, pa-siūlsėti, which in the dialect became ap-skabinėti, nu-švėrti, pa-silsėti, the unprefixed forms skabinėti, šivėrti, silsėti also came into use.⁶⁴ § 101. Insertion of a consonant into the middle of a word is a fairly rare phenomenon, e.g., api naširis “noseband”; it occurs somewhat more often in words of non-Lithuanian origin, e.g.: aksfáltas “asphalt,” čerėkšne ~ čerėkšne “sweet cherry” (cf. Russian черешня, Polish czereśnia). 8. Syllable deletion § 102. When two identical or similar syllables (with identical consonants) occur next to each other, one is sometimes omitted, e.g.: aštantas (~ aštuonýtas) < aštuonianẏtas, aštantis (~ aštuonẏtis) < aštuonianẏtis, malūnikas (~ malūnykas) < malūnininkas, vargoninkas (~ vargonykas) < vargonininkas. 9. Alternation of k- and g- § 103. At the beginning of a root, k sometimes alternates with g, e.g.: ap-kėpti || ab-gėpti “to embrace, seize,” nu-keipti || nu-geipti “to diminish, wither, perish,” kirkšnis ~ kirkšnys || girkšnis ~ girkšnys “groin.” Abbreviations⁶⁵ APh — Archivum Philologicum, Kaunas. (Bold numerals indicate books, ordinary numerals pages, and those in parentheses years.) brus. — Belarusian. Būga, LKŽ — K. Būga, Lietuvių kalbos žodynas, 1, Kaunas, 1924. Būga, RR — K. Būga, Rinktiniai raštai, 2, Vilnius, 1959. dipl. d. — diploma thesis. DK, KA — Der polnische Katechismus des Ledezma und die litauischen Katechismen des Daugsa und des Anonymus vom Jahre 1605… herausgeg. von Ernst Sittig, Göttingen, 1929. DK — text of Daukša’s 1595 catechism. KA — text of the anonymous 1605 catechism. 64Cf. Otrębski, GrJL, 1, § 543. On the additional s- in Lithuanian and other languages, see also Būga, RR, 2, 104. 65The abbreviations of grammatical terms are given here. They are the same as in the “Dictionary of Contemporary Lithuanian,” Vilnius, 1954. 54 DP — Postilla Catholicka. Tái est: Ižguldimas Ewangeliu... Per Kúnigą Mikalojv Davkszą... Wilniui Drukárnioi Akademios... 1599. Endzelynas, GF.— J. Endzelynas, Baltų kalbų garsai ir formos, Vilnius, 1957. Endzelīns, Gr — J. Endzelīns, Latviešu valodas gramatika, Rīga, 1951. IFF — Faculty of History and Philology. KA — see DK. le. — Polish. lk — literary language. LKK — Questions of Lithuanian Linguistics, Vilnius. (Bold numerals indicate volumes, plain numerals indicate pages, and those in parentheses indicate years.) LKRŽ — Dictionary of Lithuanian Spelling, Kaunas, 1948. MADA — Proceedings of the Academy of Sciences of the Lithuanian SSR, Series A, Vilnius. (Bold numerals indicate volumes, plain numerals indicate pages, and those in parentheses indicate years.) min. veik. — the work cited above. Otrębski, GrJL — J. Otrębski, Gramatyka języka litewskiego, 1 (1958), 3 (1956), Warszawa. PIMD — Scientific Papers of the Vilnius State Pedagogical Institute, Vilnius. (Bold numerals indicate volumes, plain numerals indicate pages, and those in parentheses indicate years.) PS — Širwyds Punktay sakimu (Punkty Kazań). Teil I: 1629, Teil II: 1644… herausgeg. von Dr. Franz Specht, Göttingen, 1929. raj. — district. rankr. — manuscript. rapt — southern dialect of Eastern Aukštaitian. rus. — Russian. tt. — and following (pages, paragraphs). UMD — Scientific Works of Vilnius State University named after V. Kapsukas, Vilnius. (Numbers in bold type indicate volumes, those in regular type indicate pages, and those in parentheses indicate years.) Universitas — Universitas lingvarum Litvaniae...1737, Vilnae. 55 INDEX OF DIALECTAL CORRESPONDENCES TO THE VOWELS AND DIPHTHONGS OF THE LITERARY LANGUAGE The vowels of the literary language correspond to the following in the dialect: Index 1 literary language | d i a l e c t s | in the word stem | at the end of the word a | a (§ 21), e (§ 75) | a (§ 52), α (§ 53a), e (§ 75), į (§ 63a)⁶⁶ ą | u (§ 35d), ū (§ 36c) | u, ū (§ 65₄) e | e (§ 27), ae (§ 77), a (§§ 24,26), ie (§ 41) | i (§§ 60, 64), a (§ 53a), bl (§ 85)⁶⁶ ė | i (§ 35d), ī (§ 36c) | i (§§ 61, 85), bl (§ 85), u (§§ 65₄, 85) ē | ē, e (§ 32), e (§ 28), ae (§ 77) | ē, e (§ 55), e, a (§ 54₁) i | i (§ 35a, b), ī (§ 36b), bl (§ 37) | i (§§ 56–58, 62) y | i (§ 35b), ī (§ 36a), bl (§ 37) | ī, i (§ 58) į | i (§ 35c), ī (§ 36c) | ī, i (§ 59) o | o (§ 32), a (§ 22), e (§ 75), uo (§ 41) | o (§ 55), a (§ 52ₐ), e (§ 75) u | u (§ 35a, b), ū (§ 36b), i (§ 76) | u (§ 65₁,₅), a (§ 53b), i (§ 63b) ū | u (§ 35b), ū (§ 36a) | u (§ 65₂) ų | u (§ 35c), ū (§ 35c) | u, ū (§ 65₃) The diphthongs of the literary language correspond to the following in the dialect: Index 2 literary language | d i a l e c t s | in the word stem | at the end of the word ai | ai, αi (§ 38) | ai (§ 66), αi, ii (§ 67), ei (§ 75) au | au, αu (§ 39), āu (§ 16) | au (§ 66), αu, iu (§ 67) ei | ei, ii (§ 40), ai (§ 38) | ei, ai (§ 66), αi, ii (§ 67) ie | ie (§ 41), e (§ 29), ae (§ 77) | ie (§ 68), e (§ 54₂) ui | ui, ai, αi (§ 42) | ui (§ 69), αi, ii (§ 67) uo | uo (§ 41), a (§ 23), e (§ 75) | uo (§ 68), a (§ 52ₐ), e (§ 75) al, ar | al, ar (§ 44) | el, er | el, er (§ 45), al, ar (§ 44) | il, ir, ul, ur | il, ir, ul, ur (§ 46) | im, in, um, un | im, in, um, un (§ 47₁) | am, an, em | um, un, im (§ 47₂), am, an, em (§ 48) | en | in (§ 47₂), un, um (§ 85), en (§ 48) | PHONETICS OF THE SOUTHERN DIALECT OF THE EASTERN AUKŠTAITIAN К. Ф. МОРКУНАС Summary The study examines the sound system, vowel system, and consonant system of the dialect. The approach to explaining phonetic phenomena is historical. The facts of the dialect under investigation are compared with corresponding facts of the litera- 66 Instead of the Lithuanian singular instrumental endings -a, -e (< -ān, -ēn), the dialect also has -αi, -ii, but the emergence of these diphthongs is most likely not a phonetic phenomenon but a morphological one (see § 67). 56 ture and other dialects. Some parallels are drawn from ancient written sources (most often from K. Širvydas’s “Punktai sakymų”). The introduction defines the territory of the dialect. Its more important settlements are Pašilė, Pabaiskas, Krikštėnai (Ukmergė district), Gelvonai, Bagaslaviškis, Čiobiškis, and Musninkai (Širvintos district). The ancient clusters am, an, em, en are pronounced in the dialect as um, u(n), im, i(n), e.g.: súntis ~ sámtis ‘ladle’, rùṅka (< *rankan) ~ rãṅka ‘hand’, tĩmpt ~ těmpti ‘to pull’, pìṅki ~ peṅki ‘five’. On this basis, the dialect under investigation belongs to the Eastern Aukštaitian group. To the southwest and west (approximately along the line Čiobiškis — Keižoniai — Mančiūnai — Samantonys — Kalveliai), it borders the Central Aukštaitian dialect, in which the aforementioned clusters are pronounced as in the literary language. It should be noted that the boundary between the Eastern Aukštaitian and Central Aukštaitian dialects from Kalveliai southeastward had not previously been precisely established (cf. Archivum Philologicum, 4, Kaunas (1933)). The dialect under investigation also differs from other Eastern Aukštaitian dialects in certain phonetic features. Across the Šventoji River, from Kalveliai to Ukmergė (i.e., beyond the dialect’s northwestern boundary), a reduced vowel o is pronounced instead of ancient -á (piẽvų ~ piẽva ‘meadow’, galvù ~ galvà ‘head’); unstressed vowels o and ė in the middle of a word have changed to u and i (sudėlis ~ sodėlis ‘little garden’, sidėti ~ sėdėti ‘to sit’). The vowel u is also pronounced there instead of the unstressed diphthong uo (dunelà ~ duonėlė ‘little loaf of bread’). The eastern boundary runs between the settlements of Graužėčiai — Jogvilai, Papreniškiai — Inkilai, and then through the forests toward Širvintos and farther south to Kaimynai. Beyond it, from the Šventoji River almost to Širvintos, live the so-called rotinininkai (they pronounce long stressed a in the middle of a word as a slightly labialized o with a faint a quality, e.g.: rōtài ~ rãtai ‘wheels; cart, wagon’, kólnas ~ kálnas ‘hill’). No significant phonetic differences have been observed east of the Širvintos — Kaimynai line; only instead of en after the consonant l, in is most often pronounced there (lintà ~ lentà ‘board’), whereas in the dialect described here un is pronounced (luntà ~ lentà). In the south, the dialect under study borders the Dzūkian dialect. Sound system. The dialect has the following vowels: a, ą, e, æ, ė, ę, i, y, o, u. The pronunciation of the vowels a, e, ė, i, o, u is basically the same as in the standard language. The remaining vowels are pronounced as follows: ą—as a quantitatively and qualitatively reduced a (stãlas ‘table’), æ—as a sound intermediate in articulation between e and a (žẽmas ~ žēmas ‘low’), ė—as back-series ē (kalbė̃t ~ kalbėti ‘to speak’), y—as Russian ы (prapuolìs ~ prapúolęs ‘lost’). The vowels a, e, æ, i, y, u can be short or long, ē, ę, o are only long, while ą is always pronounced short. In addition, so-called nonsyllabic i (= į—is pronounced as a sound intermediate in articulation between i and j) and u (= ų—intermediate between u and v) are also found. 57 The dialect has 23 consonants (including 4 affricates): b, d, g, j, ž, l, m, n, p, r, s, š, t, v, z, ž, f, ch, h; c, č, dz, dž. The consonants f, ch, h occur very rarely (most often in words of foreign origin). All consonants can be hard or soft; only j is always soft. Their pronunciation differs very little from that of the corresponding consonants in the standard language. Only the hard l is pronounced a little harder here than in the standard language. The following diphthongs are found in the dialect: ai, au, ai̯, au̯, ei, ēi, ēi̯, ie, ii, iu, oi, ui, uo. In addition, the dialect has diphthongal (ancient and secondary) and triphthongal (all secondary) combinations: a vowel + l, m, n, r, or diphthong ie, uo + l, m, n, r, j. Vocalism. This section examines the quantity, origin, and combinatory patterns of vowels. The most characteristic features of the dialect’s vocalism (besides those already mentioned above) are: 1. Vowel quantity depends on stress, since all unstressed vowels (in the middle and at the end of a word) in the dialect are short, while stressed vowels (including ancient short vowels, with some exceptions) are long. 2. Ancient long a, e have been preserved in unstressed position; in the standard language they changed to o, ē: stavēt ~ stovėti ‘to stand’, gálvas ~ gálvos ‘(nominative plural) heads’, sedēt ~ sedėti ‘to sit’, sākę~sākė ‘said (masculine, feminine, plural)’. 3. The unstressed diphthongs ie, uo became e, a: pēnelis ~ pienēlis ‘little milk’, šlatela~šluotėlė ‘small broom’. 4. Instead of e, a is pronounced at the beginning of a word: ažeras~ēžeras ‘lake’, ait̃~ēiti ‘to go’. 5. At the end of a word, instead of ancient short a, and sometimes instead of u, the following are pronounced: after a hard consonant, the reduced vowel α: dirba ~ dɪrba ‘works, work’, gãlas~gãlas ‘end’, sūnas (|sūnus)~sūnūs ‘son’; after j and a soft consonant, i: geri~gēria ‘drinks, drink’, vējis ~ vējas ‘wind’, sūkcis ~ sūkčius ‘swindler’. Instead of ancient ā, at the end of a word the dialect, like the standard language, has short a: galvā ‘head’, várna ‘crow’. 6. At the unstressed end of a word after a hard consonant, the diphthongs ai, ui > ai: virai~vyr ai, vỹrui ‘(nominative plural, dative singular) men, to a man’, au > au: dɪrbau ~ dɪrbau ‘I worked’; after j and a soft consonant, ai, ui > īi: peili̯is~peiliais ‘with knives’, sveči̯i~svečiu ‘guest (accusative)’, au > ių: žinojių ~ žinojau ‘I knew’. The unstressed diphthong ei in the ending is likewise pronounced ii: kárvii~kárvei ‘to a cow’. Consonantism. With minor exceptions, the origin of the dialect’s consonants is the same as that of the corresponding consonants in the standard language. j has been preserved before back vowels in the word stem after the labials b, p, e.g.: bjauribe ~ bjaurỹbė ‘ugliness, foulness’, pjāut ~ pjāuti 58 ‘to cut, saw’. From combinations with other consonants, j disappeared, while *tj, *dj before back vowels changed into č, dž. j also disappears in the stressed ending of certain forms of the singular inessive, e.g.: dabēz || dabēs < duobējē ‘in the pit’, šterblē || šterblē < sterblejē ‘in the barn’. The consonant l before e, ē is pronounced as a hard consonant (after depalatalized l, the vowels e, ē > become a, э), e.g.: lādas ~ lēdas ‘ice’, lāiš ~ lēisti ‘to let go, allow’ lēkē ~ lēkti ‘to fly’. The fate of the ancient sequence en after consonant l shows that in some East Aukštaitian dialects depalatalization of l occurred after the sequences am, an, em, en > um, un, im, in had changed, whereas in other dialects l was depalatalized earlier, and only then did the aforementioned sequences change. The dialect under study belongs to the latter group, since lunta could have arisen here only from lanta < lenta ‘board’. In the dialect described and in some other dialects, the sequence bln: lъnta is still found after l. It apparently could have arisen in the following way: 1) lenta>lenta>lęnta (depalatalization of l occurred) > lъnta, or 2) through contamination of the forms lunta or lanta and linta. In the ending after l, the same sounds as in the middle of the word do not always occur in place of the ancient en. This is primarily explained by the fact that: 1) in some dialects, the change of en in the middle and at the end of a word did not occur at the same time; 2) in endings, certain changes could have occurred later, under the influence of other forms. This section also examines other consonant phenomena: palatalization, assimilation, dissimilation, consonant metathesis, etc.