Rytų aukštaičių pontininkų ir vakarinių puntininkų tarmių būdingosios fonetinės ypatybės

LIETUVIŲ KALBOTYROS KLAUSIMAI, V LIETUVOS TSR MOKSLŲ AKADEMIJA CHARACTERISTIC PHONETIC FEATURES OF THE EASTERN HIGHLANDER PONTININKAI AND WESTERN PUNTININKAI DIALECTS J. ŠUKYS Area and Neighbors of the Dialects under Discussion By tradition, Lithuanian dialects are classified according to phonetic criteria. Eastern Highlander pontininkai are distinguished from puntininkai by the pronunciation of the acute diphthongs am, an: pontininkai pronounce acute diphthongs in the word stem, am, an, as óm, ón, whereas puntininkai pronounce them as üm, ün. In this article, Western puntininkai1 refers to the dialect whose territory occupies the western edge of the puntininkai area and does not belong either to the rotininkai puntininkai or to the žalininkai puntininkai (see Figs. 1 and 22). As the maps show, the neighbors of the pontininkai to the west and south are the pantininkai; the neighbors of the Western puntininkai to the southwest are the Central Highlanders, to the southeast the žalininkai, and to the east the rotininkai. The eastern edge of the pontininkai area borders the Western puntininkai along its entire length. Newly collected dialectological material makes it possible to refine and correct the boundaries of the dialects under discussion as given in Lithuanian linguistic literature. For example, the new material now available shows that the pontininkai occupy a smaller area than has been shown on maps published to date3 (cf. Fig. 2). On maps drawn earlier, the points found now to be puntininkai-like had been assigned to the pontininkai4: 234 (Miežiškiai – Mieškai), 803 (Manikūnai), as well as the pantininkai-like points 168 (Getautai), 201 (Smilgiai), and 231 (Sidabravas). On the other hand, the pontininkai living around Uliūnai and Dūdoniš (268) had not been included among the pontininkai. The boundaries of the pontininkai were indicated much more accurately than on the maps mentioned above 1 The term “Western puntininkai” had not previously been used in Lithuanian linguistic literature. 2 The maps were compiled on the basis of material held at the Institute of the Lithuanian Language and Literature of the Lithuanian SSR Academy of Sciences, collected during dialectological expeditions in the Soviet period. 3 “Archivum Philologicum,” vol. 4, Kaunas, 1933, pp. 21–35 (a map is appended to the article); Lietuvių kalbos rašybos žodynas, Kaunas, 1948, p. 118. 4 The locations marked with numbers in the article denote points in the network established for the “Atlas of the Lithuanian Language” by the Language History and Dialectology Section of the Institute of the Lithuanian Language and Literature. For more detailed information, see the appendix, “List of points in neighboring dialects bordering the pontininkai and Western puntininkai.” 175 In P. Būtėnas’s article “The boundaries of the Aukštaitian dialect subdialect with *okuojančioji*”5, although P. Būtėnas understood the *okuojančioji* subdialect much more broadly than the Pontininkai are understood today (he distinguished the *okuojančioji* subdialect on the basis of the change of tvirtagalė am, an into om, on; in this way, he also assigned a large part of the Pantininkai to the *okuojančioji* subdialect). General phonetic characteristics of the described pronunciations The Pontininkai and western Puntininkai dialects do not form absolutely homogeneous dialect units. The Pontininkai are somewhat more unified, at least phonetically, whereas the western Puntininkai in the north, through retraction of stress, shortening of endings, and certain other features, align with the Pontininkai, thereby differing from the remaining western Puntininkai. But this is entirely understandable. As V. Grinaveckis6 correctly observed, the center of stress retraction and word-final shortening in the Aukštaitian area is the Mūša river basin; consequently, the Pontininkai and the western Puntininkai in the north share many features in this respect. On the other hand, the waves of the change of diphthongs am, an and the hardening of consonant l spread from the east, and the isoglosses of these phenomena are distributed quite differently from those of stress retraction and word-final shortening. For these reasons, the phonetics of the dialects under study is varied and complex7. This article will review only the characteristic phonetic features of the Pontininkai and western Puntininkai dialects, without examining their historical development and setting aside certain less important phonetic phenomena and variations in the dialects under discussion. 1. The fate of stem diphthongs am, an, em, en: ám, án, ém, én Throughout the Pontininkai dialect area, ám, án >become óm, ón8, e.g.: kónd9 ~ kánda, lóngs ~ lángas, póntis ~ pántis, sómės ~ sámtis, tónke ~ tánkiai, vónt ~ vánta, while ém, én are preserved intact, e.g.: gyvénį ~ gyvénti, pémpė ~ pémpę. The Pontininkai examples givėnt, pěmpę10 given in some literature are not attested at present and, it seems, could not have been attested earlier either11. In place of the old án before the fricative consonants l, m, n, r, j, v, s, š, z, ž, the Pontininkai dialect has a long o, e.g.: kóst ~ kǫ́sti, ǫžals ‘oak’; in place of the old én before the same consonants, a long e is pronounced, e.g.: sprėś ~ spręsti. 5 Žr. P. Būtėnas, Aukštaičių tarmės okuojančiosios pašnektės sienos, „Archivum Philologicum“, t. 3. Kaunas, 1932, p. 168—194. 6 Vl. Grinaveckis, Galūnių trumpėjimas lietuvių kalbos tarmėse, „Vilniaus Valstybinio pedagoginio instituto mokslo darbai“, t. 8, Vilnius, 1959, p. 97—104. 7 Plg. I. Jasinskaitė, Kirtis, priegaidė ir jų poveikis vokalizmui Biržų tarmėje, „Lietuvių kalbotyros klausimai“ (toliau — LKK), t. 1, Vilnius, 1957, p. 189—194; J. Šukys, Miežiškių tarmės vokalizmo bruožai, LKK, t. 2, Vilnius, 1959, p. 151—163. 8 Both among the Pontininkai and the western Puntininkai, dialect speakers somewhat influenced by the standard language often avoid this prominent dialect feature (the change of ám, án), and frequently pronounce ām, ān as in the standard language. 9 The northern Puntininkai also pronounce kónd, not kánd. Perhaps the analogy of kóst, kóśanś is at work. 10 Žr. Lietuvių kalbos rašybos žodynas, Kaunas, 1948, p. 119. 11 Plg. P. Būtėnas, min. str. 176 Throughout the western puntininkai area, ám, án < ú.m, ú.n¹², e.g.: kú.nd(u) ~ kánda, lú.ng(v)s ~ lángas, pú.nti.(s) ‘pántis’, sú.mti.(s) ‘sántis’, tú.nkė ~ tánkiai, vú.nt(u) ~ vánta, while throughout nearly all of the western puntininkai area, ém, én > i.m, i.n, e.g.: givi.nt ~ gyvénti, pi.mpe ~ pémpė. Western puntininkai adjacent to the northern pontininkai (26, 55, 80, 80ᵃ, 112) and to the pantininkai (373, 408, 446) preserve ém, én intact. In place of the old án before l, m, n, r, j, v, s, š, z, ž, the puntininkai dialect has ū, e.g.: kũši ~ kãšti, ũžal(u)s || ũžol(u)s ‘ąžuolas’¹³. ám, án, ém, én For all pontininkai, ám, án, ém, én > become om (òm), on (òn), ēm (ēm), ēn (ēn), e.g.: komša (kòmša) ~ kamšo, roñkos (rõñkos) ~ rankos, tēmpį (tẽmpį) ~ tempia, švẽnte (švẽnte) ~ šventė. In exactly the same way as in Pontininkai, ám, án, ém, én have shifted in the western puntininkai around Saločiai (26, 55, 80, 80ᵃ). In all the remaining western puntininkai, ám, án, ém, én > become um, un, im, in, e.g.: kumša ~ kamšo, ruñka.(s) ~ rankos, tẽmpi ~ tempia, švĩnte(.) ~ šventė. In the pontininkai dialect, in place of the old an before l, m, n, r, j, v, s, š, z, ž, there is long o, e.g.: žõsis ~ žąsys, grõsts ~ grąžtas, whereas in place of the old en before the same consonants there is long ē, e.g.: grēž ~ gręžia, tēst ~ tęsti. Accordingly, the pontininkai forms sprēsti, tēst14 should be considered unattested. In the western puntininkai dialect, in place of the old an before l, m, n, r, j, v, s, š, z, ž, there is ū, e.g.: žũsi(.)ˢ ~ žąsys, grũšt(u)s ~ grąžtas, whereas in place of the old en before the same consonants there is ī, e.g.: grĩži ~ gręžia, tĩst ~ tęsti. Only the transitional Saločiai dialect (55, 80ᵃ, 112), like pontininkai, has ē in place of old en before l, m, n, r, j, v, s, š, z, ž, e.g.: grēž, tēst. Unstressed am, an, em, en In unstressed position, the pontininkai am, an, em, en > become om (om), on (on), ēm (ēm), ēn (ēn), e.g.: kompēls (kòmpēls) ~ kampėlis, roñkēla (roñkēla) ~ rankelė, kēmpi.ne (kēm-pi.ne) ~ kempinė, pēnkōlek (pēnkōlek) ~ penkiolika. Just as in Pontininkai, the unstressed am, an, em, en have shifted in the western puntininkai around Saločiai (26, 55, 80, 80ᵃ). In all the remaining western puntininkai, am, an, em, en > become um, un, im, in, e.g.: kumpēli.(s), ruñkēla(.), kim-pi.ne(.), piñkōlek(v). Instead of the old unstressed an, en, in the Saločiai dialect of the Pontininkai and the western Puntininkai who have joined them, the short vowels are o, e, e.g.: kɔsnēls ~ kasnēlis, žąsēles ~ žąselės, grēž.m.s ~ gręžimas, while in all the remaining western Puntininkai, the short vowels u, i occur before the same consonants in place of the old unstressed an, en, e.g.: kusnēli.(s), žusala(.)s, grĩži.m(u)s. 12Of course, ám, án>ú.m, ú.n and the other puntininkai features, as well as the features shared by the western puntininkai with other puntininkai or distinguishing them from the latter, are not discussed in this article. 13No examples with old én before l, m, r, v, j, s, š, z, ž were found in the western Puntininkai. 14 Žr. Lietuvių kalbos rašybos žodynas, Kaunas, 1948, p. 119. 12. Lietuvių kalbotyros klausimai, V 177 2. The fate of the old word-final diphthongs an, en *án, *én In place of the old word-final *án, *én (Lith. a, e), almost all Pontininkai have lost the vowel, e.g.: sǫ rǫnk ~ su rankà, sǫ kárv ~ su kárve, mėšk ~ miškè, whereas the western Puntininkai, except for the localities around Saločiai and Biržai, which in this respect pattern with the Pontininkai, have reduced ų, į, e.g.: su ruñku, su kárvi, miški. *ān, *ēn In place of the old word-final *ān, *ēn (Lith. a, e), the Pontininkai dialect has short ǫ (o), ė (e), e.g.: vaikǫ (vaiko) ~ vaiką, ląpę (lapę) ~ ląpę, bū.vęs (bū.vęs) ~ būvęs. The western Puntininkai around Saločiai have exactly the same vowels (26, 55, 80, 80ᵃ). All the remaining western Puntininkai have the vowels į₍ₙ₎, u₍₊₎. Half-long i, u occur among western Puntininkai along the Rotininkai border, e.g.: vaiku., ląpi., bū.vi.s, while short i, u occur among western Puntininkai along the Žalininkai border, e.g.: vaiku, ląpi, bū.vis. 3. Lengthening of stressed short vowels in the word stem i, u lengthening In the dialects described, stressed short vowels in the word stem i, u have lengthened to half-long vowels, e.g.: vi.s(u)s ~ visas, ki.t(u)s ~ kitas, bū.va ~ būvo, šū.ni(i) ~ šūnį. 4. The broadening of short stem vowels i, u in words that are unstressed or later acquired retracted stress broadening In a large part of the Pontininkai dialect area (around Pasvalys and Joniškėlis), the short stem vowels i, u in words with no stress or with retracted stress acquired later have become more open: i before a palatal consonant is pronounced as ę, e.g.: ęšę ~ išėjo ‘went out’, prėlędęs ~ prilindęs ‘having squeezed in’, mėšk ~ miškè ‘in the forest’, vės ~ visi ‘all’; i before a non-palatal consonant is usually pronounced as a retracted ǝ, e.g.: pažǝnk ~ patinka ‘is pleasing’, lǝg ~ liga ‘illness’; unstressed u is pronounced as ǝ everywhere, e.g.: ǝštėka ~ užtėka ‘dam’, būv ~ buvau ‘I was’, tǝ ~ tu ‘you’. 5. Shortening of unstressed long vowels in the word stem and monophthongization of the diphthongs ie, uo All pre-stress and post-stress long stem vowels i, ū have shortened to short vowels in the Pontininkai and western Puntininkai dialects, e.g.: tilė̇ ~ tylėti ‘to be silent’, grudėl(i.)₍ₛ₎ ‘little grain’. All pre-stress and post-stress long stem vowels ė, o have likewise shortened to short vowels. In some of the dialects described (in the central area of the western Puntininkai), the vowels ė, o shortened without changing their quality, e.g.: tėvėli(.)₍ₛ₎ ‘daddy’, žolīte(.) ~ žolytė ‘little grass’. In some of the dialects described (Pontininkai and southern western Puntininkai), they narrowed as they shortened and became ę (i), ǫ (u), e.g.: tėvėl(i.)₍ₛ₎, tivėl(i.)₍ₛ₎, žolīte, žulīte. In the western Puntininkai around Biržai and Vabalninkas, o becomes more open as it shortens and is pronounced as ǝ or even almost entirely like a, e.g.: žolīte, žaīte(.) ~ žolytė ‘little grass’, stovėj, stovėt ~ stovėti ‘to stand’. Instead of standard Lithuanian unstressed ė, around Raguva (302) and south of Raguva e is pronounced, e.g.: mešīte ~ mešytė ‘little forest’, dėžū.te ~ dėžytė ‘little box’. 178 The unstressed stem diphthongs ie, uo have become monophthongs and are likewise short, e.g.: donìte, doñte, duñte, doñte, dañite ~ duonýtė ‘little loaf’; pěnėl(i.)s, pěnėl(i.)s, pinėl(i.)s, pěnėl(i.)s, pěnėl(i.)s ‘dandelion’. 6. Stress Retraction and Word-Final Shortening The degree of phonetic shortening at the ends of words in the Pontininkai and western Puntininkai dialects depends on the degree of stress retraction (see Appendix, Fig. 3). Stress is retracted most extensively in the Pontininkai dialects of the Mūša river basin and in the western Puntininkai dialects (around Saločiai). Here, stress is always retracted from a short or circumflex-ending syllable to the preceding long or short syllable of the word stem, e.g.: t̃vor ~ tvorà, šåk ~ šakà, gaid̃s ~ gaidỹs, šåkù ~ sakaũ. Since stress retraction is most intensive here, the word endings in these dialects are also shortened the most. Short word-final vowels (including those that developed from old circumflex long vowels and the diphthongs ie, uo) have been reduced or dropped, e.g.: vaĩks ~ vaikas, ak̃s ~ akis, sūns ~ sūnùs, gẽr ~ geri(i < -ie), vaĩk ~ vaikų (u < -uo). In such cases, the word-final consonants l, m, n, r, j, v have a certain syllabic character. If a consonant cluster that is difficult to pronounce arises, an epenthetic vowel appears: in a cluster of palatal consonants, this vowel is front, e.g.: ar̃klės ~ arklys, tẽkār ~ tikri; in a cluster of non-palatal consonants, it is back, e.g.: ti.kars ~ tikras, kãkals ~ kaklas. Circumflex word-final vowels are shortened to short vowels, e.g.: šiaudù ~ šiaudų, gražù ‘gražų’. Short vowels also occur in place of monophthongized diphthongs, e.g.: gẽre ~ gerai, šåkù ~ sakaũ. In some cases, old circumflex word-final vowels have even disappeared: the nominative singular ending ỹ of ia-stem nouns, e.g.: ar̃klės ~ arklys, ẽžs ~ ežys; the accusative singular ending į, e.g.: ãk ~ akį, aũs ~ ausį, di.dėl ~ didelį; the unstressed y in shortened locative forms of ia-stem nouns, e.g.: daržėl ‘darželyje’, miškel ‘miškelyje’. There is no vowel either in the dative singular ending of masculine nouns, e.g.: gaid̃ || gaid̃ ‘gaidžiui’, vaĩk ‘vaikui’. South of the Pontininkai area, around Panevėžys, and in the western Puntininkai areas adjoining the Pontininkai, stress is consistently retracted from a short ending to the preceding long syllable of the word stem, e.g.: dien(u) ~ dieną, per̃k(i) ~ perki; in other cases, however, variation occurs, e.g.: šåk || šakù ~ šaką, vis || visi ~ visi, gaid(i)s || gaid̃s ~ gaidỹs, gẽre || gerẽ ~ gerai, šåkù || sakõ ~ sakaũ (at point 268 only labc, sakõ; stress is never retracted here from a long ending to the preceding short syllable). In some Pontininkai areas (points 202, 203, 233), such instances of non-retraction of stress are very rare (and are determined by sentence rhythm, the age of the dialect speaker, etc.), whereas the variation is quite pronounced in the western Puntininkai areas adjoining the Pontininkai. In all these transitional dialects, between universal and conditional stress retraction, short vowels are sometimes (especially in consonant clusters that are difficult to pronounce) not reduced or dropped, but are still pronounced indistinctly, as murmurs; the disappearance of long vowels is not characteristic here, e.g.: ti.kr(u)s ~ tikras, ar̃k(i)s ~ arklys. In the northern part of the western Puntininkai area (along the border with the Latvian SSR and around Biržai), stress is consistently retracted from a short ending to the preceding long and short 15At the very northern edge of the Pontininkai area, stress is sometimes retracted even from an acute ending, e.g.: blõgom ‘to bad (fem. pl.)’, sūnam ‘to sons’. However, stress is not retracted from the shortened locative ending, e.g.: denõ ‘in the day’, galvõ ‘in the head’, kertẽ ‘in the corner’, vagõ ‘in the furrow’. 179 syllable, e.g. tvor ~ tvorà, šūns ~ šunùs, šāk ~ šakà, viš ~ visi. As the examples show, all short word-final vowels have been reduced or dropped here. In the Biržai dialect, unstressed long word-final vowels have been shortened only to half-long vowels, e.g.: bù.vi.s ~ būvęs, kàtì. ~ katę, pì.gù. ~ pigù, stógù. ~ stógų. In the remaining western Puntininkai areas, stress is consistently retracted from a short ending to the preceding long syllable, e.g.: mokýkla ~ mokyklà, tvorõ ~ tvorà, verkì ~ verkì. Short word-final vowels in this dialect are neither reduced nor dropped, but all are reduced in quality, e.g.: vãkarus ~16 vãkaras, lazdu. ~ lazda, gýji ~ gýja, bitìs ~ bitès. Unstressed long word-final vowels along the rotininkai border have been shortened to half-long vowels, e.g.: grãžu. ~ grãžų, kãrvi. ~ kãrvę, nãmu. ~ nãmą, pìrtì. ~ pìrtį, sãki.s ~ sãkęs, whereas along the žalininkai border they have been shortened to short vowels, e.g.: grãžu ~ grãžų, kãrvi ~ kãrvę, nãmu ~ nãmą, pìrtì ~ pìrtį, sãkis ~ sãkęs. Stress retraction, word-final shortening, and other phonetic phenomena have so changed the phonetic system of the Puntininkai, and especially the Pontininkai, dialects that since the 1st century it has had quite a number of differences. List of neighboring dialect points bordering the Pontininkai and western Puntininkai areas Point No. | Point name | Locality | District | Dialect affiliation 25 | Žeimelis | Žeimelis | Pakruojis | pant.17 53 | Stegviliai | Bardiškiai | „ | „ 60 | Virškupėnai | Pundurai | Biržai | rot. 78 | Guostagalis | Guostagalis | Pakruojis | pant. 84 | Skrebėškiai | Kvetkai | Pandėlys | rot. 115 | Kupreliškis | Kupreliškis | „ | „ 138 | Kapčiūnai | Valdeikiai | Pasvalys | pant. (Pontininkai traces only) 143 | Baksėnai | Salamiesčiai | Kupiškis | rot. 168 | Getautai | Klovainiai | Pakruojis | pant. 174 | Pyragiai | Kupiškis | Kupiškis | rot. 201 | Smilgiai | Smilgiai | Šeduva | pant. 205 | Noriūnai | Noriūnai | Kupiškis | rot. 231 | Sidabravas | Sidabravas | Šeduva | pant. 235 | Subačius | Subačius | Kupiškis | rot. 267 | Eriškiai | Eriškiai | Ramygala | pant. 270 | Surdegis | Surdegis | Anykščiai | rot. 271 | Vaidlonys | Troškūnai | „ | žal. 304 | Grybuliai | Traupis | „ | „ 340 | Narbutai | Dabužiai | Kavarskas | „ 372 | Pagirys | Pagirys | Ramygala | pant. 375 | Knitiškiai | Kunigiškiai | Kavarskas | žal. 16In some rotininkai border points (114, 142, 172, 173), a word-final a has also been recorded alongside u. 17pant. — Pantininkai, rot. — Rotininkai, žal. — Žalininkai, vidur. — Central Aukštaitians. 180 Fig. 1. The area of the Eastern Aukštaitian pontininkai and Western puntininkai dialects. 1 — area of the pontininkai dialect, 2 — area of the Western puntininkai dialect 181 Point No. | Point name | Locality | District | Dialect to which it belongs 407 | Gaiziunai | Bukoniai | Jonava | central. 445 | Pasoda | Pasoda | Jonava | ” 447 | Juoduasiai | Lyduokiai | Ukmergė | green. — rot. 474 | Vepriai | Vepriai | ” | central (only traces of puntininkai) 475 | Kulniškiai | Kulniškiai | ” | green. Fig. 2. The boundaries and neighboring dialects of the Eastern Aukštaitian pontininkai and Western puntininkai dialects. 1 — Eastern Aukštaitian pantininkai, 2 — Eastern Aukštaitian pontininkai, 3 — Eastern Aukštaitian Western puntininkai, 4 — Eastern Aukštaitian puntininkai rotininkai, 5 — Eastern Aukštaitian puntininkai žalininkai, 6 — Central Aukštaitian, 7 — boundaries of the pontininkai and Western puntininkai dialects, 8 — boundaries of the pontininkai dialect in earlier printed maps. Fig. 3. Retraction of stress in the pontininkai and Western puntininkai dialects. 1 — stress is consistently retracted from a short and long circumflex ending to the preceding long and short syllable, 2 — stress is consistently retracted from a short ending to the preceding long syllable and somewhat inconsistently from a short ending to a short syllable or from a long circumflex ending to the preceding long and short syllable, 3 — stress is consistently retracted from a short ending to the preceding long and short syllable, 4 — stress is consistently retracted from a short ending to the preceding long syllable, 5 — boundaries of the dialects described. 182 CHARACTERISTIC PHONETIC FEATURES OF THE EASTERN AUKŠTAITIAN PONTININKAI AND WESTERN PUNTININKAI DIALECTS И. ШУКИС Summary The Eastern Aukštaitian pontininkai dialect includes the dialect in which the stem diphthong combinations ām, án>ōm, ón occur. The Eastern Aukštaitian Western puntininkai dialect includes the dialect in which the stem diphthong combinations ām, án>ūm, ún occur and which, while occupying the western part of the puntininkai area, belongs neither to the puntininkai rotininkai nor to the puntininkai žalininkai. The pontininkai and Western puntininkai chiefly cover the Biržai, Pasvalys, Panevėžys, and Ukmergė districts of the Lithuanian SSR, as well as the outskirts of some neighboring districts. The dialects described are distinguished by a great variety of phonetic phenomena, the vast majority of which are new in comparison with the literary language. This is particularly characteristic of the basin of the Mūša River and of settlements along the border of the Latvian SSR. Here, intensive retraction of stress and intensive reduction of word endings are observed, to the point of eliminating all short vowels and, in some cases, unstressed long vowels (with rising intonation). Retraction of stress and reduction of word endings, although less intensive, are also observed throughout the rest of the dialect area described. Throughout the area of these dialects, unstressed vowels i, u, ē, o in the stem are shortened, while stressed short i, u are lengthened to half-long vowels. Stem diphthong combinations am, an, em, en with falling intonation are pronounced in the pontininkai dialect as ōm, ón, ēm, én, and in the Western puntininkai dialect as ūm, ún, īm, ín. The same diphthong combinations with rising intonation are pronounced in the pontininkai dialect as oт(ōт), oп(ōп), ēт(ēm), ēп(ēn), and by almost all Western puntininkai speakers as ūт, ūп, īт, īп. 183