Случаи языкового контакта в Латгалии

LIETUVIŲ KALBOTYROS KLAUSIMAI, VI LIETUVOS TSR MOKSLŲ AKADEMIJA CASES OF LANGUAGE CONTACT IN LATGale P. ARISTE In the Latvian SSR, in the Ludza district of Latgale, even today one can still encounter several dozen people, mostly elderly, who speak Estonian. In Estonian ethnographic and linguistic literature, these Estonians are usually called Ludza Estonians, since the main centre of their settlements is the town of Ludza (formerly Lucin). Some of these Estonians settled around the town of Ludza, apparently a very long time ago, but most of them moved to the Ludza district, in all probability, in the seventeenth century. Under the feudal system, the Ludza Estonians preserved their ethnographic distinctiveness and native language exceptionally well, since at that time they had no contact with the outside world and hardly ever travelled beyond their homes. In addition to their native language, the Ludza Estonians were to some extent familiar with the Latgalian dialect of Latvian; in areas bordering Russians and Belarusians, they also knew Russian and Belarusian. As Catholics, the Ludza Estonians maintained closer ties with their fellow believers—the Latvians and Belarusians—while interaction and closer relations with Russians were observed only in villages where the population had converted to Orthodoxy. Since sermons and confessions in Catholic churches were conducted in Estonian, the Ludza Estonians could manage without knowing Latvian or Belarusian; at that time, there was no direct need for either language. They encountered neighbouring peasants most often while performing corvée on the manor. They also often heard Polish spoken at the manor, since the owners and their stewards were predominantly Polish. In Latgale, Polish was also the language of local cultural interaction until Russian replaced it. By the middle of the previous century, church services and sermons in Catholic churches began to be conducted only in Latvian, which had a substantial influence on the local Estonian language. In Orthodox villages, the influence of Russian had become apparent considerably earlier. 137 Undoubtedly, mixed marriages that occurred over time among Estonians, Latvians, Russians, and Belarusians also played a significant role in this respect. Towards the end of the feudal period, the influence of Russian increased and intensified markedly, affecting Estonian as well as Latvian, Belarusian, and other languages of the peoples inhabiting Latgale, especially after Russian schools were established in the region. At the same time, young people from Latgale, including local Estonians, began travelling to Russian territory for seasonal and temporary work, to areas where large cities and industrial centres were located, which in turn helped spread knowledge of Russian. Russian became the language of local communication among all the peoples inhabiting Latgale already in the previous century. Besides Latvians and a small number of Estonians, in the 1920s Russians accounted for 20.13% of Latgale’s population, Belarusians for 13.96%, and Poles for 4.49%; there were also small percentages of Jews and Lithuanians. Estonian settlements lie in the immediate vicinity of Latvian, Russian, and Belarusian settlements.1 In 1893, when O. Kallas visited this area, most Ludza Estonians, besides their native language, also knew Latvian, and Russian was quite widespread as well. (Unfortunately, O. Kallas did not distinguish between knowledge of Russian and Belarusian.) Many Estonians at that time also knew Polish.2 At present, the last speakers of the Ludza dialect of Estonian all know Latvian, either in its literary or dialectal—i.e., Latgalian—form. Knowledge of Russian is likewise ubiquitous. Most local Estonians have switched definitively to Latvian or Russian. Since the Ludza Estonians were in close contact with a number of other peoples for a long time, they also came into contact with them linguistically. This territory should therefore be regarded as one of the most interesting areas of the Baltic region, because here we can directly observe the process of mutual influence among languages of different origins, as well as the changes that occur in the domains and directions of linguistic influence over different periods. A close collaborative effort by Slavicists, Balticists, and Finno-Ugric specialists is needed to establish fully and definitively the interrelationships among all the languages found in the Ludza area; folklorists, ethnographers, historians, and archaeologists should also take part in this research. Only then will it be possible to answer many of the complex questions concerning the ethnogenesis of this microregion. 1 E. B l e s e, Latgales cittautieši un viņu valodas, „Izglītības Ministrijas Mēnešraksts“, Rīgā, 1925, стр. 357—369, 478—485. 2 O. K a l l a s, Lutsi Maarahvas, Helsinki, 1894, стр. 11 и след. 138 This article will consider only the lexical features of the Ludza dialect of Estonian, which has been very strongly influenced by Latvian, Russian, and Belarusian. At the same time, it also contains a considerable number of Polish elements. This communication is intended to serve as a kind of milestone in the further study of the contact relations among the various peoples inhabiting the Baltic region. The Ludza dialect of Estonian belongs to the South Estonian dialect group, whose basic vocabulary is typically South Estonian in character. In contrast to all other South Estonian varieties and dialects, the Ludza dialect contains above all Latvian words, which entered it at different periods and are connected with the most diverse spheres of life. The older Latvian borrowings have by now fully adapted to the phonological structure of Estonian, whereas later borrowings retain phonological features of Latvian that are entirely foreign to Estonian. There are also words used in parallel in two variants—one Estonianized and the other retaining the original Latvian pronunciation. The preservation of Latvian phonological features in the borrowed words of the Ludza Estonians became increasingly pronounced when Latvian had in fact already become their second home and spoken language. Below are the Latvian borrowings that it was possible to document in recordings of the speech of the Ludza Estonians3. abada “a dish made from the liver or lungs of an animal just killed” <abādas, Latgalian (= Latg.) also abāda “a dish of pork and cabbage, usually prepared after a pig has been slaughtered”; bel’l “eye blemish” <Latg. bel’s’; beluga (maa) “soil that dries poorly” <Latg. beluga; bil’t “picture” <bilde; biž’atama “to offend” <Latg. apbižavout’; bor, gen. bora “harvest site” <Latg. bors; bruikos “morning breakfast” <Latg. brūkos; burnītama “to tease, annoy, entice, find fault, tempt” <burnīt; drutša “marsh fever, malaria” <drucis, gen. drucā; drōgin “henbane (hyoscyamus niger)” <drigene, Latg. also dridžina; dzint’s, gen. dzin’d’zi “pine-tar” <cints, cinte; dundur, tundur “uninvited guest” <Latg. dundurs “child during a manure-spreading work party”; duuda, duudakott “bagpipe” <dūda; gigāl, gen. gigāli “horsetail” < gigeles, Latg. gigāl’is; grius’l’i, krius’l’i, ka-n’ebi grius’l’i “a dish made from hemp seeds” < grūslis, Latg. gryūsl’is; 3 Most of the factual material was obtained from the collection of the Institute of Language and Literature of the Academy of Sciences of the Estonian SSR. The Latvian equivalents are drawn chiefly from the dictionary by K. Mühlenbachs and J. Endzelīns (К. Mühlenbachs—J. Endzelīns, Latviešu valodas vārdnīca, I—IV, Rīga, 1923—1932). As for the Latgalian equivalents, some are taken from the author’s personal notes, while others were obtained from research staff at the Institute of Language and Literature of the Academy of Sciences of the Latvian SSR. 139 gōn’d’zik, gen. gōn’d’z’igi “Belarusian” <Latg. g’en’d’z’iks “a derogatory, insulting designation for a Belarusian”; inā́dnik, gen. inā́dnigu “faultfinder, tempter” < ienaídnieks, Latg. īnaidnīks “enemy, adversary”; kalpak “wig” <Latg. kalpaks; kapl’i “hoe” < kaplis; kartupel’ “potato” < kartupelis; keistri “churchwarden, a deacon in the Catholic Church” < k’eis’t’ers; k’elne “cellar” < k̇elne, Latg. k’elne; kimin “caraway” <Latg. k’im’ini kood’z’i, “partitive”; kuut’j’ō “groats eaten on Christmas Eve”; kuod’z’ipāiv “Christmas Eve” <Latg. kīcys (<Belarusian куцця) and kīcysdīna, Latvian kīcās “groats,” kīċu diena “Christmas Eve”; korp, gen. kopa “haystack made up of ten smaller stacks” <Latg. (rye) kopa; krauts “tailor” <Latg. krauc’s; krump, gen. krumba, dimin. krumbake “fold, pleat” <grumbas, Latg. grumba; kutōl’, gen. kudōl’i “louse on livestock” <skutele, Latg. skut’āl’a; kul’ok “jacket, men’s coat” <Latg. kul’oks; labi, labis “good” <labi “well”; lāpat’s’ka “chatterbox, empty talker” <Latg. lapacka; leigutama “to sing Midsummer songs” <ligot, Latg. leiguot’; med’z’ina? “brain” <Latg. sm’ed’z’enes; misš, gen. mis’s’i “Mass” <Latg. miša, mise; mutul’, mutur’ “hub” <muturis, Latg. muturs; muzul’ “corn” <Latg. muzuls’; narits, gen. naridza “a horse ailment caused by an improperly positioned collar” <narica, naricas, Latg. narica; net’s’vā net’s’ua, “wooden trough in which laundry is washed or a child is bathed” <Latg. n’ečče; nāsālg’i? “stretcher” <nesilkas; obur “a special kind of fishing net” <abars, Latg. oburs; pat’s’min’, bat’uin’, gen. bat’uin’i “beet, sugar beet” <Latg. batvini, bac’min’c’; plakk, gen. plaka “flag” <Latg. plags; podmarouka “foundation” <Latg. podmorouka; poor’s’t’ “fringe (on a large shoulder shawl)” <Latg. bōrksts, buork’s’; prat’in, gen. prad’ina “small fishing net with two wings and a cod-end” <Latg. brad’in’c’; pimbat’s’ “ball made from a bladder” <bumba “ball”; pizur’ “urinary bladder” <Latg. pizurs; pōur, gen. pōuka, puur “pura, a measure equal to four poods” = <pīurs, Latg. pyurs; pōut’s, pōutši, pōž, pōžši “household spirit, brownie” < Latg. pyučs; rakan, gen. ragana “witch, devil (insult)” <ragana; rupi’t’s, gen. rupid’zi “toad” <rupicis, Latg. rupics’; runamata “to speak, converse” <runāt; ruulotama “to sing the songs customary on the eve of Midsummer Day” <Latg. rūtuot’; ruoga “ergot (disease)” <ruožā; rāu? “a particular skin disease of the head” <skrēda “eine Schramme, Hautritze”; sal’l, gen. sal’li “pipe tar” <Latg. suiles; saska “ferret” <Latg. sasks; skrōdul’ gen. skrōdul’i “pulley on a loom” <Latg. skrytul’s’; sumpur “insult for a lazy person” <sumpurnis, dialectal sumpuris “cynocephalus, ghoul”; šalōinu “settled, clear (of a liquid)” <Latg. acašāliejis; šopka “rotten egg” <Latg. šopka “egg broken during the game of kokanje”; tal’t’s, gen. tal’d’z’i, tar’t’s “stork” <starkis; tes’nik, gen. tes’nigi “one who keeps order at the market, market steward” <Latg. tis’n’iks “judge”; tsak̇ “paper decoration (around an icon)” <Latg. cakas; tseirul’, dzeirul’ “lark” <Latg. c’eirul’s; tsepel’nik “pan stand” < Latg. čepel’n’iks; tsilp, gen. tsilbu, tsōlp, gen. 140 tsõlbu “a knot that has formed, a knot in yarn, a knot made when knitting nets” < citpa, Latgalian culpa; tsõba “the spout of a milk pail,” tsõbakõnõ “a matchbox” < ciba, Latgalian cyba; t's'ekl', gen. t's'egl'i, tsõk'l “brick,” tsõglinõ ahi “a brick oven” <Latgalian ceglyš; tsāts “tip, fringe,” cf. Latvian ceci “old rags”; tulka “an iron spoke in a wheel hub, a bushing.” <Latgalian tulka; uroin “a spirit level” <Latgalian urobiņč; vaatre “whirlwind” <Latgalian vātra “storm”; vaidze (adverb) “must, need to” <Latgalian vād'z'ā; vuol'atama “to roll, to wrap” <Latgalian vuol'uot'; vāāpla “a numbskull, a dandy” <vēplis Latgalian vāpla, and so on. Among Latvian borrowings are words that entered the Latgalian dialect from Russian or another Slavic language. Since the phonetic features of these borrowings in the language of the Ludza Estonians indicate that they passed to the Estonians from the Latgalian dialect, all these words may be classified as Latvian borrowings. In meaning, they pertain to many different spheres of life and everyday activity—economic and occupational, as well as the cultural life of the people. Most of this borrowed vocabulary indicates that Latvians and local Estonians lived in close daily contact with one another, which led to bilingualism. Particularly ancient are such fully Estonianized Latvian words as kutõl, rǟä, pat's'mīn', poor's't'. In some cases, alongside such an ancient variant, a later borrowed form of the word is also used, for example: dundur and tundur, griusl'i and kriusl'i, etc. Latvian borrowings appear to have entered the local Estonian language from the Latgalian dialect, but some words, such as kartupel', tal't's' or tar't's', were borrowed from standard Latvian. Alongside Latvian words, Slavic borrowings are also found in the Ludza dialect of Estonian, and in most cases their origin cannot be determined precisely, since the phonetic composition of such Slavic borrowings allows them to be identified as Russian, Belarusian, or Polish borrowings, for example: paaba (an older borrowing) “woman, old woman” <Russian баба, Belarusian баба, Polish baba; domm, gen. domta “house” <Russian and Belarusian дом, Polish dom; draatva “wire, waxed thread” <Russian and Belarusian дратва, Polish dratwa; l'iis'na “superfluous” <Russian лишний, Belarusian лишні, Polish liszni; stal'l, gen. stal'li “steel” <Russian and Belarusian сталь, Polish stal; this group also includes the borrowing sid'i, sidi “Jew” <Russian жид, Belarusian жыд, Polish żyd, and so on. The source of these borrowings is one of the Slavic languages mentioned above; in different parts of the Ludza dialect, borrowing may have taken place from different Slavic languages at different times. The Ludza dialect of Estonian also contains quite a number of borrowed words whose phonetic composition indi- 141 cates Polish or Belarusian origin, e.g.: bul’ba, bul’bas, gen. bul’ba and the fully Estonianized form of this word pul’ba “potato” <Polish bulba, Belarusian бульба; böss “lilac” <bez, без; drott, gen. drota “wire” <drot~drót, дрот; drukavoodma “to print” <drukować, друкаваць; dõhavits “shortness of breath, asthma” <duchawica, дыхавица; hot’s “although, even if” <choć, хоць; in’dik, gen. in’digu “turkey” <indyk, індык; kapl’its, gen. kapl’idza “chapel” <kaplica, капліца; kapsük “purse, snuffbox” <kapszuk, капсюч «капшук»; knott “wick” <knot, кнот; kommen, gen. komena <komin, комін; k’s’ondz, gen. k’s’ondza, as well as the more Estonianized form sjondz “priest” <ksiądz, ксёндз; kul’ba “potato” <gulba, гулЬба; kurtka “women’s jacket, knitted garment, padded jacket” <kurtka, куртка; lantsuk, gen. lantsuga “chain” (in a folktale, also “bridle on the wolf’s head”) <lañcuch, ланцуге; lää läkene “doll” <lala, ляля; parahvia “parish” <parafia, парафія; plääm, gen. pläämä “spot, speck,” sündümeze plääm “birthmark” <plama, пляма; puška, puška “box, case,” tuваgu puška “snuffbox” <puszka, пушка; ratunka “help, rescue” <ratunek, also the older form ratunk, ратунок, gen. ратунка; ruža “erysipelas” <róża, in Belarusian dialects ружа; škapleri?, škapleri? “a cross sewn onto cloth, usually worn around the neck by Catholics who regard it as a religious talisman” <szkaplerz, шкаплеры; tal’ka “fine fabric” <талька, талька; tshuuda “miracle” <cud, cudo, чуд, чудо; tsõbuk, gen. tsõбука “pipe stem” <cybuch, цыбук; t’šüt’š “a little, just a bit” <чуть, цуцё; voот “overseer” <wojt, войт, etc. First and foremost, it should be noted that all the Polish or Belarusian borrowings cited above are also found in the Latgalian dialect of Latvian. Considering the characteristic features of this group of Slavic borrowings, it may be assumed that most of them entered both the Ludza dialect of Estonian and the other languages of the peoples inhabiting Latgale from Polish, most likely because almost all these words denote cultural and everyday concepts that the Latgalian peasants adopted from the Poles. It is entirely possible that some of them passed into the Ludza dialect of Estonian not from Polish but from Belarusian; however, the exact borrowing route cannot currently be established because the linguistic criteria needed to do so are lacking. The language of the Ludza Estonians also has borrowings whose Polish or Belarusian origin is beyond doubt. Thus, for example, the following are unquestionably Polish loanwords: apostol “apostle” <apostoł (since they are Catholics by confession, the Ludza Estonians could not have borrowed this word from Russian or Church Slavonic); magli “laundry mangle” <magiel; obroz, gen. obroza “icon, image” <obraz (and this 142 the word could have entered the local Estonian dialect only through Polish Catholics) and so on. Quite a number of words are undoubtedly of Belarusian origin, for example: dol’nik, gen. dol’nigi ‘worker, farmhand, to whom the employer paid no wages but only provided food and clothing’ <dol’nik; drut’sén ‘drone’ <trutsen; džužín ‘dozen’ <dialectal Belarusian дзюжына; dudar ‘bagpiper’ <dudar; hvat’sōr ‘apartment’ <dialectal Belarusian хвацера; kab ‘what, so that, in order that’ <kab; kuut’sl’i, koot’sl’i ‘tow’ <kudzelya (this Belarusian word also penetrated other southern Estonian dialects); lavonihha ‘a particular dance’ <lyavonikha; loška ‘bed, bedstead’ <lozhak, gen. lozhka (Polish łóżko is phonetically a more distant variant); muža, može, mož, moš, muša ‘perhaps, possibly’ <mozha; pat’s’an ‘stork’ <batstsyan; saussim ‘entirely’ <dialectal Belarusian заўсім (Lithuanian language: зусім); suhhota ‘consumption, tuberculosis’ <sukhoti, gen. sukhotav; t’s’i ‘or’ (määne sul jelo, t’s’i hää jelo vai halv? ‘how is your life, good or bad?’) <tsi; tult’s’a ‘pea porridge’ <stultsy; vargan ‘organ’, varganist ‘organist’ <dialectal Belarusian варган, варганы and варганіст, and so on.4 The word krädzotaja?, denoting singers who sing beneath windows on the eve of a holiday, “винаграцыя красна зялёна,” may also be of Belarusian origin; the Estonian variant of this word was apparently formed by distorting the word винаграцыя. The word harmooniki ‘accordion’ <гармонік is also most probably Belarusian, as indicated by its initial h. A whole series of other loanwords found in the Ludza dialect are also linked by their sound structure to Belarusian, for example: t’s’iligrám, gen. t’s’iligrámma ‘telegram’; t’s’ilifon, gen. t’s’ilifona ‘telephone’; skarlat’s’ina ‘scarlet fever’; sent’s’aabr ‘September’. Their Belarusian origin is indicated by the palatalization of t’, characteristic of Belarusian, and its shift to c’. At one time there were quite a number of Belarusian officials in Latgale, who pronounced Russian words in the Belarusian manner, which also influenced the pronunciation of the Ludza Estonians. Therefore, the words cited above were nevertheless borrowed from Russian. It is possible that traces of Belarusian influence are also reflected in Russian loanwords such as hloksikōrō ‘phlox’, horm, gen. horma ‘form’, hundāment ‘foundation’ < Russian флокс, форма, фундамент, which in Belarusian are pronounced хвлокс, хворма, хвуңдамент. The replacement of consonant f with the sound sequence хв is also observed in a number of Russian dialects, so it is quite possible, and even more plausible, that the words cited above were borrowed by the Ludza Estonians from Russian dialects. 4 Regarding Belarusian words, especially their dialectal variants, valuable information was provided to the author of the article by Associate Professor M. I. Semenova, an expert on Russian and Belarusian dialects. 143 The loanwords adopted from Belarusian belong, by meaning, to the most diverse areas of life and everyday practices and in this respect differ little from Latvian borrowings. This is explained by the fact that both the Ludza Estonian peasants and their Latvian and Belarusian neighbors were once in precisely the same position and lived under the same conditions; borrowing from one language into another took place through bilingualism, or even multilingualism, among the entire local population. The Belarusian loanwords cited above, which entered the Ludza dialect of Estonian, are also found in the Latgalian dialect of Latvian, particularly in areas where Latvians and Estonians live in close proximity to one another. In the closely related Belarusian and Russian languages, the vocabularies are largely identical, and this commonality is also reflected in the phonetic structure of words (differences are found only in the bases of their orthographies). For this reason, in a great many cases it is very difficult to determine exactly which language—Russian or Belarusian—a given word that entered the Ludza dialect of Estonian was borrowed from. The picture is further complicated by the fact that local Russian dialects share many phonetic features with Belarusian, such as akanye. Therefore, the following loanwords may be Russian or Belarusian in origin: aššol <Russian осёл, Belarusian асёл; balbatama <Russian балоботать, Belarusian балбатаць; birka <бирка, бірка; blin <блин, блін; bulan <буланый, буланы; bul’oon <бульон, булён; burlak ‘young man who left the village to earn a living’ <бурлак; dalažītama <доложить, далажыць; dul’i, duul’akõnõ ‘pear’ <дуля; halteri <холера, халера; hitra <хитрый, хитры; huttar <хутор, хутар; idrusk, gen. idruski and idrud’z’i? <игрище, ігрышча; ikatama ‘to stutter’ <икать, ікаць; juška <Russian вьюшка, юшка, Belarusian юшка; kal’idoora ‘corridor’ <Russian dialectal калидор, Belarusian калідор; kalun, gen. kaluna <колун, калун; kan’ok, gen. kan’ka <конёк, канёк; kantora ‘volost administrative building’ <контора, кантора; kantrõl’l <контроль, кантроль; karatama <копать, капаць; karoozda <короста, кароста; kazatškada <казачок, gen. казачка; kerka <кепка; kisset, gen. kisseda <кисет, кісет; kitaitsa? <китайцы, кітайцы; kulak <кулак; liiza?, lõeža? <льюса; lomm <лом; maitnik <маятник, маятнік; man’er’n’akõnõ <манерка; masselna <масленица, масленіца; moška <мошка; naššil’ka? <носилки, насілкі; n’emtsä <немец; ni-miä ni jääle ‘something or other’ <ни, ні; pal’eri? ‘wallpaper’ <шпалеры; palka <палка; pažar, gen. pažara <пожар, пажар; plintavotma <плинтовать, плінтаваць; puzan <пузан; raade <рад; razboinik <разбойник, разбойнік; rut’š’nik <ручник, ручнік; salavei <соловей, са́лвей; samavar <самовар, самавар; sort, gen. sorta <сорт; sutka <сутки (dialectal сутка), суткі (dialectal сутка); šuul’ik <жулик, жулік; sveeža <свежий, свежы; torp, gen. torba <торба; tsõrkul’ <циркуль, цыркуль; tšai <tea; 144 tuusk, gen. tuuza <tuz; val <val; vaašna vaažna <kvasnya; vaina <war, vaina; verna <right, right (fem.); vötr, gen. vödra <otter, etc. Given the overall pattern of borrowing, it should be assumed that most of the words in this group were nevertheless borrowed from Russian, since the borrowings cited above, which are mainly cultural and administrative in nature and relate to urban life, could most likely have entered the speech of the Ludza Estonians from Russian. Concepts connected with village customs and life, in turn, could have been borrowed from either Russian or Belarusian, since, as noted above, Russians and Belarusians lived in immediate proximity to the Ludza Estonians. The Belarusian intelligentsia in Latgale often spoke Russian with a somewhat Belarusian accent, which affected both their vocabulary and their pronunciation. This mixed language also influenced, among other things, the pronunciation of a word borrowed by the Ludza Estonians, such as rašeenija <Russian решение, Belarusian рашэнне. The largest number of Slavic loanwords in the language of the Ludza Estonians are Russian in origin, since, from the second half of the previous century until the October Revolution, Russian was the sole administrative language and the principal means of cultural communication in Latgale. Consequently, almost all new concepts encountered by Latgalian peasants outside their village communities are expressed in the speech of the Ludza Estonians by words borrowed from Russian. At the same time, Russian also played an important role during the feudal period, as the borrowings cited above already indicate. Moreover, it was specifically in Russian that Latgalian “seasonal laborers” communicated with one another when they traveled outside their native area. It is known that quite a large number of Latgalian young people went away—especially during the summer—to do various kinds of seasonal work in Russian-speaking territories far from home. The following words were borrowed from Russian: abiidna <dial. обидно, meaning “very, very much, abundantly”; abrátno <back; advakát, gen. advakáta <lawyer; ahvitséer <officer; aprél <April; bagdan “illegitimate child” <Bogdan; baranka? <bagels; ben'z'inka “lighter” <benzinka; burdoova <dial. burdovy (standard: burgundy); da <yes; deeda “husband, grandfather” <grandfather; dekaabr <December; d'ela, d'jeela <deed; divaovoitma <to admire; famil'ija <surname; flota <fleet; garlaviina <neck; gir, gen. gira <weight; gluhhoja <deaf; gos't' kos't' <guest; ind'uk, gen. ind'uga <turkey; jaakor <anchor; janvaar, janvaar <January; joožik <hedgehog; jul'l <July; jun'ni <June; kammuna, kannuta <commune; kanalia, kannalia <canal; karaš'sinn <kerosene; karauul'itma <to keep watch; karman <pocket; kašamirr “a particular type of fabric” <cashmere; kororka “flatbread” <kokorka; konts, gen. kondza, kon't's, gen. kon'd'z'i <hound; koozor 10. Kalbotyros klausimai VI. 145 <visor; korets <korets; kraaska <paint; krasnop’or’ka <krasno-pyorka; kriltsa <porch; kroossa <rat; kukšin <dial. kukishin (standard: jug); laatka <patch; lapatnik <lapathnik (part of a spinning wheel); l’uterana? <Lutheran; mart, gen. marda <March; mat’itama <to curse; motka <skein; mototama <to wind; mõšelofka <mousetrap; pérpija-tel’ <enemy; opštša, opša <in general; otška? <glasses; peššatama <to hurry; plann, gen. planna <plan; plas’s <layer; plos’s <entirely; pluuga <plough; praunale “soon, quickly” <dial. efficiently; priigon, bri-gon “serfdom” <prigon; pristuga <servant; propka, propki <cork; präľ’nik, gen. prääl’nigi <gingerbread; prääd’ma <to spin; prääl’its, gen. prääl’itsa, prääl’id’z’i <spinning wheel; puktatama “to mutter under one’s breath” <dial. to fart; puppõn’ <tambourines; rezinka <rubber band; roitma <to rummage (in something, looking for something); russalka, russolka, russafka <mermaid, dial. rusolka, rusavka; räädnig <police constable; seet’s’ka <chopped straw; sekletar “secretary” < dial. sekletar; skut’s’na <boring; spit’s’ka <match; spooritama, pooritama <to argue; suuding “court case,” cf. Russian судить; šolganõ <silken; šolgon <boaster; štakan <glass, dial. shtakan; šut’t <jester; (pidä) zaavistet “to envy” <envy; žääga “a woman who talks a lot” <dial. zzyaga; talkavuитma <to explain; trenõška <trivet; tooğa <also; toroz’nik, gen. toroz’nigi “manorial kubyas — overseer” <watchman; torozilõ minemä “to go to corvée”; tšarõunik <sorcerer; tšolonka “boat” <dial. cholonok, cholonka; tšuuda <miracle; tšärpak <scoop; uhvat, uhvatka <pot holder, pot-holder hook; ukr, gen. ugra <eel, plural eels; val’ka <valyok, gen. valka; ves’t’ <news; vzdor, vzdoritama <nonsense, to talk nonsense; volok “an old land-measurement unit — a gack” <volok, etc. Russian loanwords in the language of the Ludza Estonians are more numerous than Latvian, Belarusian, or Polish words. Most Russian lexical borrowings retain almost all of their original form, and therefore display structural features that are not characteristic of native Estonian vocabulary. For example, they contain phonemes alien to Estonian, as well as consonant clusters. Only some words have adapted to the phonological structure of Estonian. These Estonianized Russian borrowings apparently date from an earlier period. Since Russian became widespread everywhere, borrowings have generally begun to be used in a sound form more or less characteristic of their source, that is, of Russian. In conclusion, it can be said that the number of Latvian and Belarusian words that entered the Ludza dialect of Estonian is almost the same. All these borrowings belong to various spheres of the local peasant’s domestic life and immediate surroundings. They include both more recent loanwords and ancient lexical items that have become fully adapted phonologically to the sound structure of Estonian. Those that passed into the Estonian dia- 146 Polish words belong to various spheres of musical and urban life, since Estonian peasants (like the local Latvians and Belarusians) came into contact with these aspects of life through the local Polish population. The sphere of Russian influence is particularly diverse. Among the Russian borrowings are concepts that passed directly from Russian peasants to their Estonian neighbors, but there is a particularly large number of words that spread in the Estonian dialect as a result of the influence of Russian education and Russian culture. In addition to direct borrowings, the Ludza dialect of Estonian also contains translated borrowings, or calques, from Russian as well as Belarusian, Polish, and Latvian. Latvian, Russian, and Belarusian have also had a fairly substantial influence on the phonetic and grammatical structure of the language of the Ludza Estonians. It goes without saying that Estonian, too, has exerted a certain influence on the neighboring languages. Thus, certain differences can be identified in the speech of speakers of the Latgalian dialect of Latvian who live in traditionally Latvian villages, on the one hand, and in villages originally inhabited by Estonians, who have preserved their native Estonian language to some extent even to this day, on the other. In recent decades, interest in studying the mutual contacts between various languages has noticeably increased. In view of all the facts presented above, the micro-region of the Ludza Estonians should be regarded as a rewarding field of research for Balticists, Slavicists, and Finno-Ugric scholars alike, since they face common tasks of great importance for resolving a whole range of problems concerning language contact. Tartu KALBINIO KONTAKTO ATVEJAI LATGALIŪJE P. ARISTĖ S u m m a r y The article examines cases of language contact in the Ludza Estonian dialect, spoken in the territory of the Latvian SSR. This Estonian dialect has experienced direct influence from Latvian, Russian, Belarusian, and Polish. The author discusses lexical borrowings from these languages. It is noted that some Latvian, Russian, Belarusian, and Polish borrowings that entered the Ludza Estonian dialect earlier became fully adapted to the phonetic rules of Estonian, whereas later borrowings retained forms uncharacteristic of Estonian phonetics. There are cases in which, alongside borrowings, adapted- 147 Alongside forms adapted to the phonetic patterns of Estonian, newer variants of the same loanwords with phonetic forms uncharacteristic of Estonian are also found. It is not always possible to determine the source of Slavic loanwords. However, in many cases it is possible to establish fairly precisely from which Slavic language a particular loanword entered. In general, this Estonian dialect contains mostly Russian loanwords. Latvian and Belarusian loanwords account for approximately equal numbers. Polish loanwords come next.