Čiornos Padinos lietuvių tarmės morfologinės ypatybės

LIETUVIŲ KALBOS MORFOLOGINĖ SANDARA IR JOS RAIDA LIETUVOS TSR MOKSLŲ AKADEMIJA MORPHOLOGICAL FEATURES OF THE LITHUANIAN DIALECT OF ČIORNA PADINA A. VIDUGIRIS After the suppression of the 1863 uprising, a considerable number of rebels and their supporters were exiled by the tsarist authorities from various parts of Lithuania to the Trans-Volga region. Many Lithuanians were settled in Russian villages in the former Samara Governorate (now the Saratov and Kuibyshev regions). Over time, three Lithuanian villages came into being in the former Novouzensk County (now the Yershov District): the largest was Čiorna Padina (which had 102 Lithuanian families around 1920–1921), and the smaller ones were Tolovka (34 families) and Litovka (25 families). After 1921–1922, when more than half of the Lithuanians returned to Lithuania, and again in 1929–1931, when many left to live in cities and elsewhere, the ethnic composition of the villages mentioned changed considerably. In connection with the centenary of the 1863 uprising, the Institute of the Lithuanian Language and Literature of the Lithuanian SSR Academy of Sciences, at the initiative of Academician B. Larinas, organized a research expedition in July 1963 to the village of Čiorna Padina in the Yershov District of Saratov Region to study the language, folklore, and, in part, everyday life of the descendants of Lithuanian exiles. To this day, most Lithuanians—more than 100 people (about 40 families)—still live in Čiorna Padina; a few families live in Tolovka, Krasnianka, Orlovgai, and other villages, as well as in Novouzensk, Yershov, Saratov, and other cities. During the expedition, in addition to folklore and ethnographic material, a considerable number of linguistically valuable facts were recorded from Lithuanians in the village of Čiorna Padina. Over the course of a century, a single, relatively unified Lithuanian dialect took shape in Čiorna Padina among exiles who spoke various Lithuanian dialects (the older representatives of the dialect still remember quite well their grandparents, who spoke more than one dialect, but no longer know the precise places their grandparents came from and usually name only the Kaunas or Vilnius Governorate). How many and which elements of Lithuanian dialects are present in the morphology of the present-day Lithuanian dialect of Čiorna Padina, to which this article is devoted1, is difficult to say precisely at this point. It need only be added that the development of this dialect’s morphology was influenced by 1An article on the historical, phonetic, lexical, and syntactic features of the Lithuanian dialect of Čiorna Padina will be published in “Proceedings of the Academy of Sciences of the Lithuanian SSR,” Series A (1965). 13. Lietuvių kalbos morfologinė sandara ir jos raida 193 Lithuanian publications, participation in local Lithuanian amateur activities, as well as the strong influence of the Russian language, etc. Of the more significant morphological features of the Lithuanian dialect of Čiorna Padina presented here, only those that help clarify the question of the exiles’ origins and the formation of their dialect are described in greater detail or emphasized. For this reason, the distribution of some morphological features in the Lithuanian SSR is also indicated. Word Formation The Lithuanian dialect of Čiorna Padina, like other dialects of Lithuanian, forms new words mainly with various suffixes. Prefixal and compound words are considerably less numerous. First, certain suffixes should be mentioned, as they form derivatives characteristic of, and not found in all, Lithuanian dialects. Nominal derivatives formed with the suffixes characteristic of the eastern Aukštaitian dialects -(i)okas, -(i)otė are very frequently used in the dialect. In derivatives formed from nouns, these suffixes impart a certain diminutive-affectionate or augmentative-derogatory shade of meaning. The suffix -(i)okas is added to masculine nouns, e.g.: berni̇́kas2 “a grown boy, a young man not yet mature,” maišakas, marškiškakiai, meičiakas “a grown lad, a half-grown boy,” te.vākas, unčākas, viščākas, žuščākas. The suffix -(i)otė is added to feminine nouns, e.g.: a.škātė, karvātė, kirmėlātā.s, mergātė.. Less often, adjectives are formed with the suffix -oka(s), expressing an extent of the quality denoted by the adjective stem that is either less than complete or greater than complete, e.g.: aukštākas, ilgākas, mažāka. The dialect also has many derivatives with a truly diminutive-affectionate meaning, whose more characteristic suffixes are -elis and -elė. This suffix is highly productive and is added mainly to disyllabic nouns, e.g.: gri.čėla. ~ gryčėlė, jeknėla.s, karvėla., namėlis, šakėla., šaukštėlis, pulkėlis, te.vėlis, upėlis, žirgelis, žluktėlis. These suffixes- The transcription used is that of the “Program for Collecting Materials for the Atlas of the Lithuanian Language” (2nd ed., Vilnius, 1956, pp. 105–118; hereafter “Program”). The frequently used symbol ą denotes an a with an o-like quality, pronounced in place of the stressed and unstressed o in the stem of a Lithuanian standard-language (hereafter — lk.) word (<Baltic ā) and of unstressed uo. The symbol ę denotes a vowel e with a ę-like quality. This vowel is pronounced in place of unstressed lk. ė, ie in word stems. A dot to the upper right of a letter indicates that the vowel is long. The dialect has preserved the length of: a) stressed long vowels, of which only i· (<y, ī, ē) and u· (<ū, ų, ą) are marked with a dot, e.g.: teisi·bei, tū.sa. ~ tāso; b) unstressed long vowels in the penultimate syllable when the final syllable retains the falling accent, e.g.: kai-minūs, nedru.sūs ~ nedra.sūs. A dot to the lower right of a letter indicates that the vowel is half-long. Half-long vowels include: a) short vowels lengthened under stress, e.g.: brū.kit, ši.tėi “these”; b) shortened unstressed long vowels and monophthongized unstressed ie, uo, e.g.: ši.tā.ke. ~ šitokie, te.vū.ku. The symbol for the mid accent (s) indicates either a half-long vowel lengthened under stress or a stressed syllable in a word. After j or, sometimes, after a palatalized consonant, fronted unstressed vowels a, ą or the diphthong ai are pronounced and written as e, ei. The palatalization of consonants immediately preceding a front vowel is not marked with a separate symbol. In all other cases, consonant palatalization is marked with an arc above the letter (e.g.: mān sū.t vālgī.r). 194 The vowel e is often pronounced as a not only after the hardened consonants l, r, s, ž, e.g.: balsális ~ balsélis, brà.lãlis ~ bro.lėlis, bẹ.rãlis “little bay horse,” daržãlis (alongside daržélis), stalãlis, važãlis, but also after n, which otherwise does not harden in the dialect, e.g.: balnãlis, bernãlis, kalnãlis, svirnãlis, but su.nėlis, svirnėlis. Sometimes in folktales, probably by analogy with derivatives of disyllabic nouns, polysyllabic nouns are also used with the suffixes -elis, -elė, cf.: ã.škėlė. nabagėlė.. The derivatives avėlà., kumėlà., vadėlà.s do not have a diminutive-affectionate meaning. The suffix -ėlis, -ėlė is added to polysyllabic nouns, often to already suffixed derivatives, e.g.: augintã.jėlà., avėlėlà., babutėlà., bernùkėlis, kumelėlà., mã. tinėlà., mažužėlis, nakvì.nėlà., patalėlis, undenėlis, u.žã.lėlis, vakarėlis, valgi.mėlis. -ytė. In the dialect, only feminine derivatives with this suffix are generally used, formed from nouns, e.g. common nouns: ašarì.te.s, avì.te., burnì.te. “little face,” galvì.te., gegutì.te., gri.cėlì.te., lã.velì.te., mamì.te., mã.tinì.te.; proper nouns: Alenì.te., A.nì.te., Marì.te.. -iukas, -iukė. The suffix occurs attached to both disyllabic and polysyllabic nouns, e.g.: gri.cū.ke., gurbėlù.kas “little barn,” vaikėlù.kas. -(i)ulis, -(i)ulė. Derivatives with these suffixes are formed from disyllabic nouns. Feminine forms more often than in standard Lithuanian have the suffix -iulė, e.g.: gegù.la. ~ gegùlė “little cuckoo, cuckoo,” sesù.la. “little sister,” svã.cū.la. alongside ku.mù.la. “godmother,” tatù.la. ~ tetùlė, vė.jù.lis, dę.vù.lis. The derivatives didžù.lis, stã.rù.lis “stout fellow” no longer have a diminutive-affectionate meaning. -(i)utis, -(i)utė. This suffix is more often found on derivatives of disyllabic or polysyllabic adjectives, e.g.: mažù.tis, mažù.te., žemù.tis, žemù.te.s, mažùžù.te. (< maž-ut-j-utė), žemùčù.tis; proper names formed from disyllabic proper nouns, e.g.: A.nù.te., Karù.te., Katrù.le., Marù.te.; and, less often, common nouns, e.g., svã.cū.te. The derivative rãgute.s “sleigh,” formed with the suffix -utis, has lost its diminutive meaning; it is also used in eastern Lithuania approximately as far as the Rokiškis–Anykščiai–Ukmergė–Musninkai–Dieveniškės–Lazūnai line³. A distinctive group of suffixed nouns with a diminutive-affectionate meaning consists of girls’ surnames with the suffixes -učia, -aičia, -yčia characteristic of eastern Aukštaitians, e.g.: Gi.lù.če, Jankù.naiče.s, Kazickaičė, Kã.saiče, Raikallì.če, Šùtì.če, less often Mikšaitė., Miškinì.te. Alongside these, girls are referred to by the genitive of their father’s surname, e.g.: Mi.kše. Varù.te., Klòsu. A.nù.te., Gi.le. Viktà, Namajù.ška.s Vàle. and the like. Among other suffixed derivatives, one may mention frequently used nouns formed from verbs with the suffix -alas, e.g.: api.taisalas “garment,” api.valkalas “cover,” ìmpilas “funnel,” reikalas, vi.ralas. The derivative virbalas is formed from a noun, and rę.balai from an adjective. In place of the standard Lithuanian verbal suffix -inti, the dialect very often uses the suffix -enti (pronounced: -ìnte., -ėna, -ėna.), e.g.: gru.žėna. “returned,” išdė.vėna. “dried,” išnaikėna. “eradicated,” marėna “is killing,” vė.dėna “is leading.” In the Lithuanian SSR, this suffix is more characteristic of the eastern žadininkai and Dzūkians. ³ The discussion is based on the card index of materials for the Atlas of Lithuanian Dialects, held at the Institute of the Lithuanian Language and Literature of the Academy of Sciences of the Lithuanian SSR (see the material collected in response to question No. 25 of the “Program”). 13* 195 In formations with prefixes, the fuller forms of prefixes characteristic of the Eastern Aukštaitian dialects often remain intact, e.g., in nominal forms: apy-: api.stalis “a place around a table,” api.taisalas; ata-: atàgala (hand), atàlapas “open,” atàpakalas; ažu-: ažù.pinčei “back parts, heels,” ažù.pkalas || ažù.pakalis || užù.p.kalis, ažù.stala. “a place at the table,” ažù.ve.ja; in-: įmpilas (< in-pil-alas); užu-: užù.darbis, užù.sakai; prie-: prieprà.tis “habit.” Longer prefix forms are especially often used in verbs, e.g., api-: api.dinge., api.dedam, apisuks ~ apsùks, api.šveite. alongside ap.diėki, apsirgą, aps.ta.isa.m; ata-: atabėga ~ atbėga, atàglau, atakràpštė. ~ atkràpštė, atàmena alongside atgri.š, atgùlkit; in-: įnikše., inkù.nda. ~ įkàndo, insà.di.ni ~ išodinti, inspàk ~ išpėk; ažu-: ažù.kasa, ažùsėkki, ažùstū.me. alongside ažgìrs, ažmà.kėte., asì.kasa ~ užsikasa; už-: uždàre., u.žmena, less commonly užù.dege., užù.turi. The prefix per- is used (in place of which, in certain Eastern Aukštaitian dialects, par- occurs), e.g.: pėrait, pėrdalije, pėrveikau “I accomplished, overcame,” sometimes pėrėje. ~ pėrėjo. In place of the standard Lithuanian prefixes iš-, nu-, pa-, used to form perfective verbs, the dialect often has the prefix su-, e.g.: sugėrte. “to have a drink, drink up,” sudari.te. “to clean, put in order,” sunėšte. “to carry out, lift,” sukavàte. “to bury,” supė.tàute. “to have lunch.” In laments, the particle gi is sometimes inserted between the verb stem and prefix, e.g.: pagisaki˙k, miėlas, nà.r vienu. žà.dėli.; pagitàrk, sesù.la., nà.r vienu. žà.dėli., cf. the forms ordinarily used with other particles, e.g.: nebe.išneša, nebe-ažustàta., tebėr. The same laments also contain formations with two prefixes, e.g.: pasisùtik.si (she) pàr tū˙ di.di. kelàli.; and pasùti.k.si miėlu. te.vėli. The verb sutikti is ordinarily not used with the same meaning without the prefix su-. Individual verbs are also expressed with Slavic prefixes, e.g.: dagi.vi.nsta “you will manage to live,” dapi.lite. “to pour in,” nedalàušu; neraspi.lsi “you will not pour over,” rasìlsta “you will get tired,” rasimùša. “forgot.” In compound nominal forms, connecting vowels are very often retained, e.g.: dabekasì.s, kri.žàkela., nugàrakàulis, šaltàme.te.s, vė.nàmarškìnis, vė.na-sėdžei, ù.bagapàlaikis; less commonly pù.snaktiš “half the night, midnight,” stàlinkte. “at the table.” Inflection of words Most nominal forms in the Lithuanian dialect of Čiorna Padina have two numbers: singular and plural, e.g.: gri˙čė: gri˙če.s, gūrbas “barn”: gurbai; mitulì.s “best man, groomsman”: mitulėi, raugžlà: raugžla.s. Dual forms were not heard. As in other Lithuanian dialects, so too in the Lithuanian dialect of Čiorna Padina, some nouns have only a singular, e.g.: kùparas “end, death,” pienas, sviestas, or only a plural, e.g.: pakasì.na.s “funeral, funeral rites,” pàrpelei “thick soup, dumpling soup,” pràge.ra.s “engagement,” pràžvalg.a “inspection of the place where the future husband lives.” However, plural forms are also quite often used for certain singular nouns in the dialect; these, admittedly, carry a particular stylistic nuance, e.g.: širdìs kraujeis usi.kišė.; jù.su. krašti, tai lė.tai ir lė.tai; kaip sne.gai nuši˙la, tai ù.pe.s pi.lna.s; 196 a forceful, long spring, then it would be like this... Conversely, a plural noun may be used in the singular, e.g.: we have all the grain; there is little bread for them, give them some bacon. In addition to the seven Lithuanian cases, the dialect under description also uses the interior directional locative—the illative—for example: into the grove, into the barn, into another country, into the bathhouse, to the top. The plural illative is usually without a postposition, e.g., we would go to the homes, to the guests, rarely to the wedding. The singular allative, the outward directional locative form namopi, has survived fossilized in a line of a folksong: come back, dear little daughter, back home. The case endings of the dialect under discussion differ from the corresponding endings of the Eastern Aukštaitian dialect mostly neither phonetically nor morphologically; cf. child ~ child, mother ~ mother, rue ~ little rue, pig ~ pig, mortar ~ mortar, at night ~ at night, at the edge ~ at the edge, can speak || can speak. The singular inessive forms, which had the ending j or m followed by e, have been shortened in the dialect through paradigmatic analogy, e.g.: in the granary, in the barn, in the head, at the market, in the water, in the middle, with the beautiful ones, with one's own, with the second ones. In the plural dative of all stem classes, the endings o, ė, i, as well as the instrumental ending of consonant stems, lack s, e.g.: to the turnips, to the cows, to the pails, with the beautiful ones, with the daughters, with these men. The plural accusative of the dialect’s ē-stem has two endings: -es (weddings, candles) and, less frequently, -is (cabbages ~ cabbages, little legs ~ little legs, seeds). Separate Eastern Aukštaitian dialects also have such endings. The plural interior locative (inessive) and directional locative (illative) have the same form, e.g.: I served the boys, the sledges are sitting; the pails were in the house and you were sunk in the flax; he came to the guests; drown the boys, your sons; the soldiers’ doors are creaking. This form of these locatives is most widespread in the northern and northeastern parts of Eastern Aukštaitia⁴. It is characteristic that plural locative forms of feminine nouns of accent class 2 mostly have stress on the ending, e.g.: they load the sledges; they pick the berries; the children’s little sledges (the sleigh for going out) is harnessed and driven around; they carry the turnips. A longer ending also occurs in folklore, e.g.: that hen is among the little rue plants; you sent your daughter-in-law among the little brides. Only once was the more regular plural illative ending to the wedding heard. In individual cases of nouns belonging to the so-called weaker stem classes (i, u, ju and consonant stems), endings of the stronger stem classes (a, ja, o, jo, ė) intrude; for example, alongside the singular nominatives eye, goose one also hears goose, fish; singular genitives of a daughter, of a sister, of a dog, of a pig, of a tailor alongside forms meaning of an ear, of a tenth, of a sister, of a dog, of a tailor; singular instrumentals with an eye, with a fish, with sugar, with flax, with honey, with a son, with a person alongside with eyes, with hearts, with sons; plural nominatives geese, dogs, guests alongside stones, sons; plural genitives of ears, of fish, of fishes alongside of eyes, of sisters, of fishes; plural locatives in flax, in pails alongside in stones. Worth mentioning separately is the singular inessive form of derivatives with the suffix -ukas, which has shifted to the ja stem, with stress on the suffix, e.g.: in the little evening “in the late afternoon,” in the little evening “in the evening.” 4 Cf. K. Morkūnas and A. Vidugiris, Some Features of the Dialects of Northeastern Lithuania, “Proceedings of the Lithuanian SSR Academy of Sciences,” Series A, vol. 2, Vilnius, 1957, p. 181; K. Morkūnas, On the History of Plural Inessive Forms in Eastern Aukštaitian Dialects, see this volume, p. 145. 197 The nominative plural of a-stem adjectives and passive participles has two endings: -i, e.g., balti, juodi, nesoti, and, less commonly, -ūs, e.g., bältu.s, gēru.s, miñku.s, supjāusti.tu.s. The masculine singular nominative of pronominal adjectives, numerals, pronouns, and participles is formed with the formant -ai, e.g.: brù.ngusai, di.džesai, grãžusai, jáunasai, pí.rmasai, patsai, tā.ksai, prakéiktusai. The feminine singular nominative has two forms: gerōji, gražōji, jaunōji, less commonly — jaunòje ~ jaunōja, vi.resnēje and vi.resñaje. The masculine plural nominative ending is -e. < -ie: me.lēje. ~ me.lējeje, senie.je.; the feminine ending is -e.s < -ios: di.dže.se.s, l.ilgā.se.s. Other cases: singular genitive jáuna.je, jaunāje.s and jaunāse.s; singular dative mažājei, trečējei; singular accusative jáunu.ju., jáunu.ji., žālu.ju.; singular inessive svečimājē.i ~ svetimōjoje; singular illative srañjāje.n. Adjectives and adverbs have four degrees. The comparative degree of adjectives is formed with the suffix -esnis, -ė, e.g.: minkesnis, senesne. (plural nominative jaunēsnei, pigesnei, pigesne.s), while that of adverbs is formed with -iaus or -iau < jau(s); daugiau, dažniau, plãniau, stā.raus alongside labjāu mažāu, sunkāu, ti.kāu. The superlative degree of adjectives is formed chiefly with the pronoun pats, pati, from pronominal or non-pronominal adjectives in the comparative or positive degree, e.g.: pats vi.resnesai, pati jaunēsñāji, pati vi.resne. and pats gērasai, pats jāunis “youngest”; less commonly, the adjectival superlative has the suffix -ausia(s): didžāuses, -e. The adverbial superlative, too, is more often formed from comparative adverbs with the singular instrumental of the relative pronoun kuo, e.g.: kuo gēraū; kā plā.niaus alongside daugāuse. Adjectives and adverbs have forms intermediate between the positive and comparative degrees, with the suffixes -ēlesnis, -ė and -ēliau(s): jaunē.lāšnis, trumpē.lāsne., pigē-lāūs). This degree, i.e. the attenuated comparative, usually merely qualifies the comparative degree. Probably on the model of Russian, the prefix pa- is often added to dialectal adjectives or adverbs in the comparative degree, e.g.: ānas pasenēsnis, āš pavi.rēsnis; pagerāūs, pagražāūs. Other parts of speech, too, have many interesting features, most of them characteristic of the eastern Aukštaitian dialects. In ordinal numerals from 11 to 19, the second component is not -liktas but -likis: aštā.ne.li.kei, dvi.li.ki.s, pinke.li.ke., ve.nā.li.ki.s. Such forms are used throughout the area of the eastern Aukštaitian and neighboring eastern Dzūkian dialects as far as Pabradė⁵. Multiplicative numerals from 5 to 9 are formed with the suffix -ēli, e.g.: aštā.nel, pinkelū, septi.nelūs. The cardinal numerals du, dvi in the dialect usually take the formant -ienai: dú.-je.nai, dvi.je.nai, as also in the Lithuanian SSR around Pandėlys, Rokiškis, Dusetos, Anykščiai, Ukmergė⁶. Various reflexive and personal pronoun forms are especially often used with the formant -(ie)nai, e.g.: singular nominative āše.nai, tū.je.nai alongside āšei, tū.jei and āš, tū, sometimes āše.na.s⁷; singular and plural dative jāmē.nai (kūgi tu jāmē.nai pasakīsi), māmē.nai ⁵ Cf. the dialect material collected in response to question 331 of the “Programos”. ⁶ Cf. the material collected in response to question 332a of the “Programos”. ⁷ In the formants -ę.nai and -e.nos (the latter is more characteristic of eastern žadininkai and Dzūkians), the half-long vowel ę-, often with an ė tint, indicates that it developed from the diphthong ie, which became attached to the particle -nai or -nos, probably at a later date. In earlier times, most likely var- 198 (mãnę.nai little children), sãvę.nai (you made the gates for yourself), tãvę.nai (I cannot give it back to you), jũ.mę.nai (they are digging and digging), mũ.mę.nai (we have enough fat for ourselves). Alongside these forms, shorter ones are also used: mãn, sãu, tãu, jãm, jũ.m, mũ.m. Among other more characteristic forms of the pronouns in the dialect under discussion, noteworthy are the nominative forms of the third-person singular and plural personal pronouns ãnas, anã, ani.s, ãna.s ~ ãnos. less frequently jìs, jì, jìę. In the singular, the root is usually stressed in the genitive and instrumental forms, e.g.: mãni.s, tãvi.s, sãvi.s, mãnim, sãvim, tãvim, less frequently manì, savìm. Such forms are used around Vyžuonos, Užpaliai, Daugailiai, Antalieptė, Dusetos, Imbradas, Stelmužė, Jūžintai, Rokiškis, Kamajai, Obeliai, and Juodupė⁸. The singular and plural accusative forms are of two types: manì || manì, savì, tavì, mũ.mim and mãñ, sãũ, tãũ; mũ.m, jũ.m. The usual infinitive ending of verbs is the half-long -e. (<ie), e.g.: apsivìlkite., pagę.dãte., pasisvėikìnte., pataisì-te., pì.lte., švì-ste., cf. reflexive forms gùlte.s, svėikìnte.s. Shortened forms are also used alongside them, for example: abdìnkt ~ to cover, ažrì.ši, mìrt, vãlgi.t. Rarer infinitives ending in -i(s), probably entering the dialect being described from the standard language or from dialects closer to it, e.g.: ažliñkti, gérti; sáugã.tis, sãstis. The oldest representatives of the dialect occasionally use infinitive forms with the formative -nai, e.g.: nebũ.va. kã apsãũtę.nai, nė apsivìlkite.; vãrna.s mũ.m tik gãudi.te.nai; tadũ visiem nusimẽtę.nai (to photograph oneself) is necessary. In the Lithuanian SSR such infinitive forms occur around Rokiškis, Obeliai, Šimonys, Svėdasai, Užpaliai, Anykščiai, Utena, Ukmergė, Želva, and Pabaiskas⁹. Many present-tense verbs in the dialect under discussion have the -ia stem characteristic of the Eastern Aukštaitians (in standard Lithuanian, corresponding to the -o, -a, -i stems), e.g.: ãžmi.nke, bãldže, brũ.ke “he puts, throws,” gẽse, gì.rdže, gi.rdže, grẽsem “we adorn,” ingùldže, lì.dže, mì.sle, mãke, pì.le, rã.džes “it pleases, one feels like,” rũ.ke, skauždže, skraidže, skiù.be, sukìnke, susũ.dže, stãve, vẽče, vi.rgãdže alongside brũ.ka, gì.rda., gùlda., stãvi. Few athematic verbs were recorded: ẽsti, ẽsmi “I am,” kvẽpti “it smells.” In the Lithuanian dialect of Čiorna Padina, the singular first-person future form with a hard s (š), used by the Southern Western Aukštaitians (around Vilkaviškis and Kybartai), in places by the Samogitians and Western Dzūkians¹⁰, has become relatively widespread, e.g.: ãisu, bũ.su, dì.rpsu, numẽšu, vẽšu alongside ãisu, ìžgẽršu, numainì.šu, sugrì.šu, vẽšu. The occurrence of hard s (š) here cannot be explained phonetically. Nor is it likely that this form became established through one or another family originating from Vilkaviškis¹¹, even if it were — these were merely the emphatic particle -(i)ai, if the word ended in a consonant, cf. ãšei, ìsai, tãsai, or -jai, -nai, -nos, if the word ended in a vowel: dùjei, dùvijei, jìnai, čẽnai, cf. forms with two particles ãšeinos, dùjeinos. This is how the Eastern Aukštaitian dative singular pronoun forms mãnę.nai < manie + nai, tãvę.nai and the verb infinitives aìtę.nai < eitie + nai, dì.rptę.nai arose. Since shortened forms either already existed alongside them or began to emerge—mãn, tãu, sãu; aìt, dì.rpt—the sequences -ienai, -ienos eventually came to be understood as formatives and began to be added to words that had never had the ending ie, cf.: ãšę.nai, ãšę.na.s, jũmę.na i “to him,” dù.ję.nai, whence, probably, ãšę.n, dù.ję.n, dvì.ję.n, rũ.ję.n also arose in Eastern Aukštaitian dialects. 8 Cf. the dialect material collected in response to question 284 of the “Program.” 9 Cf. the material collected in response to question 351d of the “Program.” 10 Cf. the material for question 234b of the “Program.” 11 Separately, dialect speakers assert that they have relatives around Vilkaviškis, but it is unclear whether their grandparents originated there and, moreover, whether they sometimes confuse the name of this town with Vilkmergė (Ukmergė). 199 formerly used by some more authoritative cultural figure. The spread of this form was probably helped considerably by the plural first- and second-person forms of the same period with a hard s(š), e.g.: bū'sma, dúosma, atsiminsma, nerasma, sage.dásma, užkasma, užmiršma; užraš' sta, nuvešta, pa.me.gásta, panéšta, uštikšta, važiuosta. These latter forms are also pronounced in the northeastern corner of Lithuania, roughly from a line passing through Papilys, Salamiestis, Subačius, Troškūnai, south of Anykščiai, Utena, and Dūkštas¹². The form atidúosma, characteristic of the northern part of Lithuania west of the area mentioned above, was heard once. The third-person forms of the future tense are pronounced as among the northeastern Aukštaitians, e.g.: atsimè.gas ~ atsimiegós, bè.gas ~ begiós, dãs || dós ~ dúos, nesumã.kės ~ nesumokės, padès, pribėks, pasidaris, sakis. The first- and third-person singular forms of verbs in the conditional mood are of two types: longer and shorter. The longer endings are found mostly in primary verbs, e.g.: ataìcė, bú·čė, papìlcė, pašàkcė. The third person of primary verbs and of prefixed verbs derived from them always has stress on the ending, e.g.: bu.tù', dirptù', inaitù', keltù', nenuvarktù', pradžù.tù', cf. the reflexive forms jã.kùtùs, suktù's. Shortened forms of these verbs occur less often, e.g.: bú·č, bú·t. Shortened forms are more commonly used with secondary verbs, cf. mã.kėč, pasakì·c, ažustatit, pamatit, prisìžu.rèt, prisklausit. The first- and second-person plural forms of the conditional mood are also of two types, cf. galėtume.m, galėtume.t, ge.dãutume.m, nesmaiši·tume.t, paválgi.tume.t and bú·tum, bú·tut, žinátum. The form with the formant -ba, more characteristic of the eastern Dzūkian dialects, was heard only once: mės pasakì·tumba. The imperative forms are generally as follows: nešà.kinèk, še.dèk || sa.dèk, aìkim, lėkit. The second-person singular forms sometimes have the ending -e. < -ie, e.g.: paìmìke. šaukštėli. and aìke. Jussive forms are most often formed from third-person present- or future-tense verbs and the particle tegul, e.g.: tegú.l ataina, te-gú.l 'atsivėš. Forms with the particle te- are less common, e.g., dabar tàva. vàle.i tebú·na. The first-person plural forms of non-prefixed reflexive verbs in all tenses and moods lack the ending vowel é, e.g.: baìgems ~ baìgiamés, gi·dzèms, kàpstams, kláusems, mãkems, sėdams, si.ìsims ~ ilsimés, tú.rims, rù.pindava.ms, sar-màdavams “we used to be ashamed,” mi.lesme.ms, dètums ~ dètumés, màki.tums, taisi·kims. These forms probably arose by analogy with non-reflexive forms that lack the ending vowel -e. Among participles, the past active simple-tense forms are best preserved in the dialect, e.g.: atvažėvi.s, isinu·ti.s, sušàlb.ls, suti.nus, usiri·šus, pašù.ti., pavargì., prapìolus.e.s. No nominative singular forms of present active participles were heard (Russian forms stojàščes “standing,” tekù.čes “flowing” are used in their place). Only forms of other cases of these participles occur: accusative singular mieġamti., ver.kunčù., instrumental plural dėgunče.m. The past simple tense is also more commonly used for passive participles, e.g.: api·rištas, atàšu.stas, išvì.rtas, iškeptà, nupjàutas, nesèti, supjàusti.tu.s “supi aukštyti”. The following present-tense forms were recorded: àremas, nevi.rgdžema, pakelėma “part of a harness”. 12 Cf. the material for question 353 in “Programos”. 200 The forms of the half-participle are relatively rare, e.g.: present tense -ainunt, beaugunt, besėdžunt, verkunt; past tense – susėdus, suvedus. Even fewer half-participle forms have been recorded: dirbdamas, ge. dėdama, nukludi·dami “snatching.” The supine forms are used quite extensively, e.g.: atsisėda. vakarieni, válgi·tu.; pe.táutu. áina; ažustati·dava. mėlstu.; ci.ba, ci.ba, á.škėla.s, karklálu. grâuštu.; kėlkis, brá.lu.kai, di.rptu. darbėle.; práša.m, támsta svá.ču.la, viduñ suši.ltu. The forms of the manner participle are the same as in Eastern Aukštaitian and Dzūkian, e.g.: nėšti nėša kavàt; kaip pilti pi.la. The dialect has a considerable number of various adverbs, the more characteristic of which are presented here. Adverbs formed from fossilized noun cases, e.g.: singular genitive ri.ta., vákara., naktės; singular instrumental grėčum, kri·žum, naktù; singular inessive artė, rare artė “near,” namė, ri.tài, tá.lie; the adverbs paskuĩ, paskuĩ¹³, formed from fossilized singular instrumental and inessive cases, should also be distinguished; singular allative namũ, rarely namõn (where n has probably arisen by analogy with the singular illative), namõpi; plural instrumental basùm, skubùm, užkūrùm và.kėm. There are more compound adverbs whose second component is a shortened noun case form and whose first component is a word belonging to another part of speech, e.g., singular accusative with a pronoun or numeral: ki.tu.nde.n, ki.tu.rà.s (another rose), ši.nde.(i), ši.tu.de.n, treču.de.n, uñtru.dien, vi.su.de.n, vi.su.čės (the whole time), kažnu.de.n; singular genitive with an adjective or numeral (demonstrative pronoun): neviena. kart, paskuĩ.ne. kart, viena. kart, viena.si.k; plural nominative with a pronoun: aniemet, kitemet, šėmet, kažnimet. Also included in this group are adverbs formed from nouns with various prefixes or prepositions, where the noun is usually without an ending, e.g.: atgalà, likpiet || likpàt, pà.piet, parãden || pardien, parnãkį || pernãkį, pargavėn, paržėm, ažvakar. Adverbs are formed from adjectives with the following formatives: -(i)ai (gailei, graitai || grait, pérnei, ski.stai, sáčei, stúčei, túŋkei “often,” várgei, lę.tu.viškai, seniškiškai), -yn (arti·n, aukšti·n, tá.li·n, žemi·n). There are few fossilized individual adjective case forms; compare the neuter singular accusative dáugi, nedáugi; singular instrumental graitu nù.mire. beside greit, graitù·ju apsifga. Somewhat more common are adverbs formed from adjectives or adjectival adverbs with prefixes and prepositions, e.g.: ažupérnei, išlingvù.ka., pà.nedaik, palingvėle., pati·ke., pati.kù.ka., par ilga “in the course of time,” paskersai. Several numeral adverbs have also been recorded, e.g.: fossilized locatives dvejàs, dvejõs || dvejės || dvìese, keturiós, piñkàs, trijós || trìesà; the neuter form of an ordinal numeral pìrmà; fossilized combinations of a preposition and numeral ažvìen “as one, in one way,” išvìen. Adverbs formed from numeral adjectives may also be mentioned here, e.g.: dvejàkei, dvì.gubai, neve.nãkei, tri.gubai. Among pronominal adverbs, first to be mentioned are fossilized case forms of individual pronouns, e.g., neuter singular nominative and accusative vi.sa and the shortened forms kiėk, tiek (from which, it is thought, tik also derives); the phonetically altered singular genitive ka.nà of the interrogative pronoun kienas (< kę.na. < kienã~kienõ), and the singular instrumental kùo || ką, which has become a particle, meaning “best.” ¹³ Cf. K. Ulvydas, “Adverbialization of the Singular Dative and Adverbs with the Formants -(i)ui, -i in Lithuanian,” “Some Questions of Lithuanian Grammar” (collection of articles), Vilnius, 1957, p. 122. 201 Many pronominal adverbs are formed with various formatives, e.g.: -ur (elsewhere, where, nowhere, everywhere), -du ~ -da or -dãs ~ -dos (then, then, never, always), -ai and -(i)aip (when, how, how much, somehow, this way, so, sometimes, entirely beside entirely), -(i)aipos (otherwise, this way, so, in every way). Unlike Standard Lithuanian, the adverbs teipai, teipãja ‘likewise, also’, tã.jãs || tuo.jãs ‘right away’, ve.lãs ‘again’, and the form kãna, meaning ‘I wonder’: kãna kur nùjãs; kãna kiek aina. The latter adverb may have arisen from the co-occurring form kãžna (< kãžina < ‘who knows’) by analogy with the singular illative kanà of the interrogative pronoun. Individual pronominal adverbs, or particles derived from them, also occur with prepositions or prefixes, e.g.: dė.l kã; lik še.lai, šù.vis ‘entirely’. Prepositions and their usage also provide material for determining the relationship between the Lithuanian dialect of Čiorma Padina and the dialects of Lithuania. The dialect has preserved the full preposition in, which is used with the accusative and genitive with the same meanings as the preposition un ~ an(t): a) location, e.g.: in li.gaus kėle.; in vieta.s takù. padãra.; kaip išeini in pašalę., sušì.li; in turgau s nuvejai; in mum susidara. ‘they gather at our place’, less often sėskis un šùola.; sėdam un pašale.; b) direction, e.g.: išėjai in pãupi.; in žmãgu. žù.ri; pajė.me.. in saũ Anę.lù.ti alongside un Kiòsu. aìsma; jaunimas važùoje net un prù.dus; c) manner, e.g.: nėša dalgi. in pečù.; in vĩ.riška. dãve. žėme.s; rãgis in šir-dės gerãũ greta ulùje. un žã.las, un ãra.; d) time, e.g.: in že.mãs kurġi dėsì; in vãkara. bus gãtava; in mėnase. išeina šimtàs rù.blu. šalia un vãkaru. anã ir išrù:ksta; e) purpose, e.g.: in marškinù duoda rù.bli.; pajima in sėkla.s, cf. kaũ-lu. dė.l pje.vi.ma. tù.rim; f) means, e.g.: in rãguču. važinėjām; in arklù. važiuodava; g) relation, e.g.: babù.ti. pri.rìše. in vaikus beside pripràta. un duo nu.. The preposition lig(i) is used either with the singular dative or with the plural instrumental to express: a) a place or boundary up to which someone is or goes, e.g.: lik Sarãtavai bù.va. geležì.nkelis; lik pãčei Vòl gai bù.va. rajõnas; lik tai pãčei ve.tėlui; lik kapais jù.pi.lna; ligì vartėleis bù.va.; b) time, e.g.: there is none until this time; it lasted until two o’clock; in the garden until the very morning; outside until the division; everything needed was done by the time of the work; they fed them for years and for two years (afterwards); until eight in the morning it will be over; until the harvest, outside; c) degree, manner, quantity, e.g.: pull the gates as far as possible; it reaches up to two hundred; they even brought it to tears. With the genitive, lig(i) occurs only rarely (lig metais ir lik pusuntrù. penėdava.). In place of the standard Lithuanian preposition pas , the dialect uses the preposition par with the same accusative case, denoting the location of an action or of a particular object (person) in relation to other objects (people), their relationship or dependence, for example: par mum daržėlus šãka; par mum visi ge.sminì.kai; par gĩ.r.tus vi.sa. pi.lna; par tėvu. tì.kru. buvai mergù; par vilku. bù.va. stãras balsas, par ji.trìs vai- 202 kai bū.va.; par vėl.nų. kãjes kai árkle.; dni.s par mañ prãše.; kãlgi par tau au-sū nėr.; par kū daugãu vaikū. The preposition pas is used rarely, for example: aukštam kalnali. pa(š) žalų. gl.rū. (d.); nuvažavau paz gãru. gi.di.tã.ju.. The standard Lithuanian preposition per is pronounced par in the dialect; it is used here with the accusative and instrumental cases and denotes: a) a place over or across which something takes place, for example: važūoju par gi.ru.; preina, par petti. plãukši; ainam par kę.mais; b) distance, for example: par namėli. ki.tas kambari.s; c) manner, for example: par mūm par pū.si. sumaišīta (speech and inhabitants); par naši. šneką; d) time or a period of time, for example: par pū.si. mėtų. ar par metus mindava (of the dead); par sekm.lnis ge.lėm aptaisa. vartus. In the dialect, the preposition po is used with the dative, accusative, and instrumental cases and denotes: a) time, for example: balšu. sugadinau pã. li.gai; pã. tãm kãrui pabėge.lu. daug bū.va.; teip mėtai pã. mėtais ir aina (time); pa mezlevām vēždava.; b) manner, for example: gėre pã. vi.su. stikli.ni.; galėje. pajimte. pã. pãpereis “could take it according to the papers, the documents”; inlais pã. tã. raštelū; ir teip suveidava. pã. namais “(young people socializing) would gather at the houses in turn”; pavašari. kviečius pã. akę.čām sėje “in spring they sow wheat in harrowed soil”; c) quantity, for example: padã.vandje. pã. árkli.; pã. vienu., pã. pāru duoda; visi pã. pāri stãve; pã. žalū. rū.tū. šakėbl. mes tau vi.sa.s duosma; d) place, for example: pã. kiemu. vaikšče.je.; pavedžėje. ši.tã. kaminėlu, pã. tęšmeni. With the genitive, po occurs only rarely, for example: pã. savãite.s mergi.na.s tę.vai vadina iš šal. The dialect uses the preposition prie with the dative and instrumental cases to express: a) location, e.g.: prę. krãštui bū.va.; iškãskit duobi. prę. sliñkščėui; prę. šū.linių nāmas medi.nus stãve; prę. tãm medi.nui nāmui; prę. ū.pei gi.vēna.m; prę. mūre.m sōdi senėlis; pri trijeis kę.mais dara. altārius; b) the person toward whom something happens or is directed, e.g.: ãnas verkė. prę. jãm; vienā prę. vienai sustãjė; prę. mūnim bū.va.; prę. tāvim stãve; brãle.ne. išėje. prę. tę.vėli. The preposition pro is used with the accusative and means: a) an object that is talked about, recounted, or known, e.g.: senū.kai vis prã. tū. Lietuvū. šnekedava.; pakalbūtume.t nãr prã. šl.tu. krãštu.; suži.nās prã. seni.bi.; daug prã. ji. ži.na.; sakīdava. prã. vėlius ir velniukūs; prã. vilkų pasaka (in this case, a construction with the preposition apie occurs only very rarely, e.g.: apę. jauni.ki. gieda); b) place, e.g.: (in the sense “through something”) žūru prã. lū.ngu.; prã. āpačū. ū.ndā. aina; (in the sense “past something”) prã. māna. gri.ču. prãveže.; c) manner, e.g.: reikė ū.ndenū prã. atãgalu. runiku. apipurkšti. The preposition až(u) is used alongside už(u). Both prepositions are used with the genitive and accusative cases and mean: 203 a) place, behind something, e.g.: nestā.vėk až dū.ru.; ažū Urāla. skrañda gėrves; ažū sėnas gi.vėna; dabar daugau pridėjo. (žemės) ažū pru.dėle. greta dù už gri.čė.s susiāje.; pati stāje. už dū.ru.; b) cause, e.g.: ažū kū klì.sa; dabar nujìnsta ažū ge.smelās; ažū me-tėža. juos tadù iš tì varė; c) purpose, remuneration, e.g.: pāje.me až gānevu.; jiem dúoda kū už neši.mu.; d) manner, e.g.: aš kėtris reike dĭ.rpì; aš pas sāva. mū.tinėl. až vę.šnėbl. bū.su (d.); e) the thing or person one takes, catches, marries, etc., after, e.g.: až rūñka.s pājeme.; išklū.va. uš pavarčės; anā nenarėje. ažū Jū.rge. aite.; nebeìšės už vĭ.ra.; duktė už rū.sa. išžūota; užu jū. su.nauš mana. tikrā sesì; f) comparison, e.g.: vi.rėsne. už brālì.. The more significant morphological features of the Lithuanian dialect of Čiorna Padina presented here show that many of them [e.g., the identical plural inessive and illative forms, the infinitive of verbs and certain numerals or pronouns with the formant -(ie)nai, the stress on the stems of the pronouns māni.s, sāvim, the future-tense first- and second-person plural forms with -s-ma, -s-ta, the derivative rāgute.s, etc.] are characteristic of the eastern highlanders living in the northeastern corner, roughly as far as Kamajai, Svėdasai, Vyžuonos, and Utena. All this, together with the stem vowel ā instead of standard Lithuanian o (nārì, žādis), suggests that the majority of the deportees were western žadininkai. Historical facts also support this conclusion. For example, the 1863 report of the Kaunas Governor mentions a considerable number of inhabitants deported from the areas around Užpaliai and Dusetos, whole villages at a time.¹⁴ Of the other dialects, it seems, only isolated forms have survived; these sometimes lend the morphology of the Lithuanian dialect of Čiorna Padina a sense of heterogeneity and variation in forms; compare the various parallel forms presented above. Perhaps a somewhat larger number of eastern žadininkai and Dzūkians (from Vilnius Governorate) were deported here, helping the verbal suffix -enti take hold in the dialect, giving rise to parallel forms with the formant -(ie)nos, the conditional form pasakì-tumba, and so on. In addition, some such parallel forms may also have arisen through the influence of cultural figures who worked here and spoke various Lithuanian dialects. The morphology of the dialect also shows the influence of Russian. Individual verbs are often formed after Russian models or translated morphologically, e.g.: prašāla “cooled down,” nušālo “cooled,” pravārė “I drove out,” nepājima “does not understand,” išbrì.da. “went out, spread”; comparative forms of adjectives and adverbs are formed, e.g.: pasenėnis, pagerāus; various hybrids occur: davāre, neraspi.šì; Russian forms have begun to be used in place of forgotten forms (e.g., present active participles in the singular nominative), cf. stojāščes, tekū.čes; the prepositions in, un, pra, etc., are used with certain meanings. However, the hybrids mentioned (especially the use of prepositions) may also result from an earlier influence of Slavic languages, characteristic of many Lithuanian dialects. 14Central State Historical Archive in Leningrad, fond 1281, inventory 6, file 144, folio 86. A copy of the report is held by the Institute of History of the Academy of Sciences of the Lithuanian SSR. 204 MORPHOLOGICAL FEATURES OF THE LITHUANIAN DIALECT OF CHIORNA PADINA А. ВИДУГИРИС Abstract The article presents the more characteristic morphological features of the Lithuanian dialect of Chiorna Padina (Yershov District, Saratov Region). The dialect developed in the 1860s, when, following the suppression of the 1863 uprising, many inhabitants from various districts of Lithuania were exiled to the territory of the former Samara Governorate. Linguistic material in the village of Chiorna Padina was collected during a scholarly expedition organized in 1963 by the Institute of the Lithuanian Language and Literature of the Academy of Sciences of the Lithuanian SSR, at the initiative of Academician B. A. Larinas of the Academy of Sciences of the Lithuanian SSR, in connection with the centenary of the 1863 uprising in Lithuania. Most of the morphological features of the dialect under description, both in word formation and inflection, are characteristic of the East Aukštaitian dialect of Lithuanian. For example, nouns with the suffixes -iokas, -iotė, which give them an affectionate-diminutive or derogatory-augmentative meaning, are widely used in the Chiorna Padina dialect, e.g.: senākas “old man, elderly person,” ži.šākas “gosling, thin, half-grown gosling,” mergāte “little girl, girl, young woman, wench,” ā.škāte “little goat, worthless goat”; names with the suffixes -(i)ulis, -(i)ulė, -iutis, -utė, which have an affectionate-diminutive meaning: gedū.la “cuckoo,” sesū.la “little sister,” ve.jū.lis “breeze,” mažū.tis, -e “little,” žemciū.tis (< žemut-j-ut-is) “short” and the noun rūgule.s “sleigh,” which has lost its diminutive meaning; nouns with the suffix -alas denoting concrete objects (api.-taisalas “clothing,” timpi.lalas “stuffing,” etc.). Many verbs are formed with the suffix -enti instead of literary Lithuanian -inti, e.g.: dže.vēna “dries, dry, is drying, are drying,” ve.dēna “aired, was airing.” In inflection, one may note the syncretic forms of the inessive and illative plural, cf.: pę.tū's namā vešmā “at lunchtime we will take [them] home”; kru.velēs krāuna “puts, put into little piles.” The following forms with the formant -(ie)nai occur frequently: numerals, e.g., dū.je.nai “two”; pronouns, e.g., āše.nai “I,” jāme.nai “to him,” mū.me.nai “to us”; and verb infinitives, e.g., apsāute.nai “to put on footwear,” more often apsāute., švi's-te “to celebrate.” In place of the present-tense verbs of literary Lithuanian with stems in a, o, i, verbs with a stem in ia are very widely used in the dialect: brū.ke “throws, throw; stops, stop; leaves, leave,” gį.dže “heals, heal,” stāve “stands, stand.” The following 1st and 2nd person plural future forms are used in the dialect: bū'sma “we will be,” uštīksta “you will meet.” Primary verbs in the 3rd-person subjunctive are stressed on the ending: aitū “would walk,” džū.tū “would dry.” These occur alongside shortened forms: būt “would be,” sakīt “would say.” The supine is used: pę.tāūti. aina “goes, go to eat lunch.” Alongside the preposition un(t) “on,” in is used with the same meaning; instead of the literary Lithuanian prepositions pas “at/by” and per “behind, through,” only par is used, etc. All the morphological phenomena mentioned occur in eastern Lithuania only in the dialect of the western Žadininkai (spoken by people in the vicinity of Užpaliai, Utena, and Dusetos). Exiles from the aforementioned places, on whose dialect the Lithuanian dialect of Chiorna Padina was formed, made up the majority of the village’s inhabitants. This is also confirmed by historical data. Traces of other dialects and of the literary Lithuanian language are reflected mainly in the use of parallel forms, e.g., accusative plural káugis “haystacks.” 205 and žvakės “candles”; gėru.s “good” and geri, ašė.nai “I” and ašė.nas; 1st person singular of the future tense: bū.su “I will be,” vešù “I will carry” and bū.sù, vešì; adverbs pardėn || pardien “in a day” and perñakì “overnight,” etc. Some calqued verbs are explained by the influence of Russian, for example: prašala “caught a cold”; nepajùta “does not understand, do not understand”; the comparative degree of adjectives and adverbs with the prefix pa-: pasenėšnis “older, somewhat older,” pageraũs “better, somewhat better.” Instead of forgotten participles, non-translatable forms are used, for example, stojàščes “standing,” etc.