Veikiamųjų dalyvių formos Karsakiškio tarmėje

LIETUVIŲ KALBOS MORFOLOGINĖ SANDARA IR JOS RAIDA LIETUVOS TSR MOKSLŲ AKADEMIJA FORMS OF ACTIVE PARTICIPLES IN THE KARSAKIŠKIS DIALECT A. VIDUGIRIS Here the most important forms of active participles used in the vicinity of Karsakiškis, Panevėžys District (pronounced dialectally Karšakiški.s, less commonly Karšakiške., Karšakine.), are briefly described1. Relatively many well-preserved forms of active participles are found in this area. Some participle forms used by older speakers of the Karsakiškis dialect are now encountered neither in Standard Lithuanian (hereafter — lk.) nor in other dialects. The dialect uses mainly active participles of the indicative present and simple past tenses. Present-tense active participles Present-tense active participles are formed from the third-person present forms of a, ia2, a (Standard Lithuanian o) verbs and, rarely, consonant-stem verbs, e.g.: mõkʒ ~ mõka: mõk.u.s, mõkunt⁴; kèlʲ ~ kèlia: kèlù.s, kelnìt; gū.l ~ gūlia: 1 The town of Karsakiškis (the centre of the local area), situated 17 km east of Panevėžys, lies almost at the very centre of the western puntininkai dialect of the Eastern Aukštaitian dialect group (cf. J. Šukys, “Characteristic features of the eastern pontininkai and western puntininkai dialects,” *Questions of Lithuanian Linguistics*, vol. 5, Vilnius, 1961, p. 182; Karsakiškis is marked as number 204 on the maps given there). The material presented in this article was recorded in the author’s native village of Velniakiai (pronounced dialectally Velnekẽi), situated about 4 km northeast of Karsakiškis. Examples were also taken separately from the neighbouring villages of Karsakiškis, Palaukiai, Vepai, Daukšėnai, Grėvėiškiai, Butėnai, Ropidai, Pelediškis, Bygailiai, Aščialagiliai, and others. The inhabitants of all these places speak the same western puntininkai dialect as in the village of Velniakiai. 2 All old i verbs, as well as many consonant-stem verbs, have shifted in the dialect to the i ia stems, e.g.: gãlem ≈ gãliam(e), stóvem ≈ stóviam(e). 3 The symbol ʋ denotes a broad, reduced back vowel, usually u, occurring in the root and ending, and also as the first element of stressed circumflex and unstressed mixed diphthongs, and in the ending a, e.g.: rūnkʋ ~ rankù, sukʋ ~ sukù; the symbol ɪ denotes a broad, reduced front vowel, usually i, and fronted u, a, occurring as the first element of stressed circumflex and unstressed mixed diphthongs, e.g.: kìñčʋ ~ rẽnčia; su lãkñčʋ ~ su lẽkiančia. This ɪ, instead of fronted u, a, sometimes has an additional mid-vowel quality (ə). 4 Since the final consonant t of feminine forms is only slightly softer than, for example, in the adverbial participle sėdžint, but harder than in the infinitive sėdėt, its softness is not indicated at all. 187 gū.lu.s, gū.lint || gulīnt; perščč ~ peršččia: perščč.u.s, peršččnt; praša. ~ prašo: prašu.s, prašvnt; ēsti (dial. ásti) ~ ēsti: asū.s, asūnt. The participles of this tense are declined as follows: Singular Nom. di.rbū.s, di.rbunt, lakū.s, lakūnt Gen. di.rbunčė., di.rbunčė.s, lākunčė., lākunčė.s Dat. di.rbunčem, di.rbunčė., lākunčem, lākunčė. Acc. di.rbunti., di.rbunčū., lākunti., lākunčū. Instr. di.rbunčō., di.rbunčį, lākunčō., lākunčį Iness. augunčem, augunčō., lākunčem, lākunčō. Illat. augunčen, augunčō.n, lākunčen, lākunčō.n Plural Nom. di.rbū., lakū. Gen. di.rbunčū., lākunčū. Dat. di.rbunčiem, di.rbunčō.m, lākuntiem, lākunčō.m - Acc. di.rbunčō.s, di.rbunčīs, lākunčō.s, lākunčīs Instr. di.rbunčė.s, di.rbunčō.m lākunčė.s, lākunčō.m Iness. di.rbunčō.su, lākunčō.su Illat. di.rbunčō.sru, lākunčō.sru Masculine nominative singular forms with the ending -(i)us ~ -(i)ąs are generally used in the dialect only predicatively (i.e. as a predicate or as the nominal part of a predicate) in reported speech, e.g.: dedū.s pl.nigus kapšīn ir niekam nerōdu.s; bū.va. beinu.s (ir beinū.s) čīnai, al vēl susitūrėję; dā ir dabar tebegailu.s sava. pirmōse.s pačēs. Adjectivally, newer forms, formed on the model of other cases (singular genitive, dative, instrumental), with the suffix -(i)untis ~ -(i)antis are sometimes used, e.g.: stōvinti.s, tēkunti.s ū. ndo.; di.rbunti.s žmogus badū nemirs. The feminine nominative singular form has no -i, e.g.: ji mōkvnt vi.sa di.rpį; jās širdis nvjaāčint nelāimi. Adjectivally used feminine nominative singular forms have not been heard; for example, the standard-language sentence “here the smell of drying grass is in the air” would be expressed in the dialect as follows: či žolā džu.stv, te ir kvēp. Many nominative singular forms have highly varied stress patterns, e.g.: masculine ainū.s, asū.s, dedū.s, degū.s, kelū.s, peršū.s, šnekū.s and ainu.s, āsu.s, dėdu.s, kēlu.s, peršu.s, šneku.s. Particularly striking are the feminine forms with ending stress, e.g., ainvīt, asunīt, kelūnt, lakūnt, which should be phonetically transposed into the standard language as follows: esantį (< *esantį, cf. the pronominal forms occurring in Daukša’s Postilė santijį 354₃, 542₆, atēntū 251₃), keliantį, lekiantį⁵. These forms are used alongside forms with root stress: āinunt ~ ēinanti, āsunt ~ ēesanti, lākunt, peršunt, šnekunt. The identical masculine and feminine plural nominative forms ending in -(i)ų ~ -(i)ą (historically these are neuter nominative singular forms⁶) are also used mainly in reported speech, e.g.: tās gurgōže.s te a s ū miestā. II.kūčė.; ir bužėnėlė- ⁵ In some areas, the Western Aukštaitians have retained intact feminine participle forms, e.g.: nenorianti, see E. Grinaveckienė, Mitu vos upyno tarmė, filol. m. kand. disert. autoref. Vilnius, 1956, p. 13. ⁶ Žr. J. Endzelīnas, Baltų kalbų garsai ir formos, Vilnius, 1957, p. 202; J. Otrębski, Gramatyka języka litewskiego, III, Warszawa, 1956, p. 250. 188 (residents of Butėnai village) they help to weed; they don’t want to go, and they won’t go.. When referring to a particular characteristic of an object or person, plural nominative forms made on the basis of other cases are also sometimes (very rarely) used, e.g.: sōpunčė.s rūńka.s; stōvnčė. medžė. ~ stōviančiai medžiai7. The masculine singular instrumental and plural accusative have a vowel o, resulting from the monophthongization and shortening of the older ending diphthong uo to half length, e.g.: su gį.rgždunčo. ratō; šōvų paskūm važūjnčo.s nū.seke8. The masculine plural inessive and illative forms have merged with the corresponding feminine forms because of the monophthongization of unstressed uo: sōdžunčo.si, važūjnčo.snu. The singular inessive forms are shortened systematically: masculine forms lack the ending vowel – tėkunčėm < tėkunčėm ~ in the flowing, ži’džnčėm < ži’džnčėm ~ in the blooming; feminine forms lack a whole syllable: augunčo. < augunčo.ji ~ in the growing, stōvnčo. < stōvin-čo.ji ~ in the standing. Reflexive and pronominal forms are considerably rarer, e.g.: šnekūsi(s) visų sustōji.; sāka., visūs nōrīnčo.s.o.s lais važūoi. Past simple tense participles Past simple active participles are formed from verbs in the same tense, e.g. ā-stem: bū.va. (< *buvā): bū.vi.s, bū.vus; norējė.: norēji.s, norēji.s; ē-stem: rōdė. (< *rādē): rōdi.s, rōdžus, vēžė.: vēži.s, vēžus. Singular Nom. di.rbi.s, di.rbūs, lėki.s, lėkus Gen. di.rbūse., di.rbūse.s, lėkuse., lėkuse.s Dat. di.rbūsem, di.rbūse., lėk·sem, lėkuse. Acc. di.rbūsi., di.rbūsu., lėkusi., lėkūsu Instr. di.rbūso., di.rbūsi, lėkūso., lėkusi Iness. di.rbūsem, di.rbūso., lėkūsem, lėkūso. Ill. di.rbūsen, di.rbūso.n, lėkusen, lėkūso.n Plural Nom. di.rbi., lėki. Gen. di.rbūsu., lėkūsu. Dat. di.rbūsiem, di.rbūso.m, lėkusiem, lėkūso.m Acc. di.rbūso.s, di.rbūsi.s, lėkūso.s, lėkūsi.s Instr. di.rbūse.s, di.rbūso.m, lėkuse.s, lėkūso.m Instr. di.rbūso.si, lėkūso.si Ill. di.rbūso.snu, lėkūso.snu 7 Both these and other forms, e.g., the vowel of the ending in the feminine singular dative and masculine plural instrumental is -ė (di.rbunčė., lākčnčė., di.rbunčė.s, ži’džnčė.s), and in the Karsakiškis dialect it arose phonetically from the diphthong iai; cf. other forms: arklē~arkliai, gardžē~gardžiai, smarkē~smarkiai. 8 These case endings are most often found in the dialect in polysyllabic pronominal and non-pronominal adjectives, numerals, participles, and also in end-stressed and polysyllabic pronouns, e.g.: su di.delo., pirkti.no.s pirmōjo., untrōso.s, katrō, visokōs. The diphthong uo usually monophthongizes to o when unstressed in the word stem and stressed in the word ending, cf.: podēlis, ūndo., sesō, dōs ~ duōs. 189 The masculine singular nominative forms end in -i.s ~ -ęs, and the feminine in -(i)us ~ -(i)usi: ėjis, ėjis, prižėbl.s, prižėlus. The plural nominative of both genders has the generalized ending of the neuter singular nominative, -i. ~ -e⁹: pabaigi., susidėji.. In the dialect, active participles of the past simple tense are most often used only predicatively, e.g.: pirmučiausi iš Palauku. b ū. v i. s mátinikus; ar da buvę įsipībl.s baršču.; ke močį grižus, te sūmus vžli.p.i.s vūt aukšta. ir pasisėpi.s; labė bjauri stoviėne. b ū. v v s; buvō prėjus pre stala. “I had gone over to the table”; but also mán vi.s tokį širdis nvsigvndvs “I always feel somehow rather unwell”; pabrū.ki, užž.kala, pati.lte. “having tucked it in, she nailed it up (the goat) in the lean-to”; par kāru. ž ū. v i. daug žmonių; svsėdi, boba.s ir taušku. niekus. The endings of all the other cases are the same as those of the present-tense active participles. Reflexive forms occur only occasionally: bāri.s.i.s, bāri.s.i.s lig vdu.nakčė.; Joniene. jūsksis iš jų. Past Frequent Tense Participles The dialect, like Standard Lithuanian, forms active past frequent tense participles from verbs in the same tense. They generally have only singular and plural nominative forms, whose endings do not differ from the endings of the corresponding cases of active past simple tense participles; cf.: di.rbdavi.s, di.rbdavus, di.rbdavi., lėgdavi.s, lėgdavus, lėgdavi.; saka., senōbe.s, laikūosi tmai sōdžs stovědavi.s; senō dvārį reigdavi. labė daug di.rpi; priseidavi. vsaķu. jei vienē padi.rpi; ji vi.s gi.rdavusi.s. Future Tense Participles Active participles in this tense are formed from the future-tense verb stem (-šio-), e.g.: aišu.s, aišunt, di.rpšus, di.rpsunt, jaušu.s, jaušunt, nėšu.s, nėšint. The singular nominative forms of the feminine gender are stressed on the suffix as well: nešint (< nešianti), vešint. Besides the singular nominative, future-tense plural nominative forms are also frequently used in the dialect, e.g.: ritō jei priseišu. kārve.s gani.t; reikšu. jam da gvelū pažūrēt; jė da norēšu. ir daugō pasisėnaū. Other case forms are almost never found in the dialect. Conditional Mood Participles Unlike Standard Lithuanian and many other Lithuanian dialects, the Karsakiškis dialect uses conditional mood participle forms. They are generally used by older speakers of the dialect when recounting another person’s wishes, preferences, and intentions. Until now, conditional mood participle forms had been recorded only in the vicinity of Subačius, Kupiškis district, e.g.: atknabī’tunt ir ji, tik nešū su kuo “atknabītant(i) and she (the folded-back cover), but carrying it with something” (Subačius¹⁰); kad norētū.s, tai jimtū.s ir padarītus (Budrionys village, Subačius vicinity). Mentioned— ⁹ Cf. J. Endzelynas, cited work, p. 205; J. Otrębski, cited work, p. 258. ¹⁰ See Lietuvių kalbos žodynas, VII, Vilnius, 1962, p. 194. 190 Those forms of the Subačius dialect seem, by their origin, to be related to the third-person form of the subjunctive11. In the dialect spoken in the Karsakiškis area, the subjunctive participle forms are used with the stem-final affricate č, e.g.: aiču.s ~ eĩčias, aičint ~ eĩčiant(i), bū‘čiu.s, bū‘čint. This suggests that these forms are made from the first-person singular of the subjunctive, cf. aiči ~ aičia, bū‘či ~ būčia. The endings of subjunctive participles are the same as those of the corresponding active present ia stem and future-tense participles. However, these participles are inflected only for gender and number, e.g.: masculine singular nominative aiču.s da, al nebegālu.s; jėgu bū‘čiu.s žmōji.s, kad nieka negauis, te nebū‘čiu.s nė iš vieta.s jū.dmi.si.s; kad p a j i e š k o č u.s, te gal dā ir rāšču.s kokū‘vienu.; feminine singular nominative, sāka. aĩčint (|tekėdint) už jė, kad imtū; kad reiks, te galėčint ir jinė palūopt kaũlus; apsidīrpčint ir vienu pati; jām vi.sa pasakīčint apė tū pām.; veščint parduot visūs pašūs, kad sāu nereikt (ir n e r e i k č u.). The masculine and feminine plural nominative forms are the same (historically, a generalized neuter singular nominative): rāša., kad atvažiōčiu. visi, jėgu žmōnu nesirikt (ir nesirīktint); laišėu. ir jė sāva. sūnu. važuōt, al nebū‘su. kām senū. žūrėt; reiktėu. aplenktī tōvus, al nōsu. vi.s laika.. Reflexive subjunctive participle forms also occur, e.g.: bažčintis ir jimė už tokos darbos; kad bū‘čiu iš kā, te statī.čiu.si naūju. gričiu.; žemėčiu.si.s da ir vūnkarṭ. The peculiar subjunctive participle forms recorded in the Karsakiškis and Subačius areas (which belonged to the Subačius parish until about the mid-18th century) are probably not very old, but rather later innovations that arose in individual dialects on the model of indicative participles. Over a longer period, perhaps other kinds of subjunctive participle forms from other localities will also be recorded. For example, there may be more of them at least in the neighboring areas of the western puntininkai dialect. FORMS OF ACTIVE PARTICIPLES IN THE KARSAKISKIS DIALECT А. ВИДУГИРИС S u m m a r y The article describes the forms of active participles used in the environs of the village of Karsakiškis (Panevėžys district, Lithuanian SSR), which belongs to the western punktininkai dialect. The participle is formed in the dialect in the same way as in the standard language, except that forms with a stem in -ia are used in the dialect instead of forms with a stem in -i: gū.lu.s, gū.lint “lying,” tū.lu.s, tū.lint “having.” Active present and past simple (indefinite) participles are used most often in the dialect; cf. nominative singular di.rbu.s, di.rbunt “working,” di.rbi.s, di.rbus “having worked”; genitive singular di.rbunče, -e.s; di.rbuse, -e.s, etc. The forms of the oblique cases are common to masculine and feminine, e.g.: di.rbu “working,” važuōju. “going,” bū.vi. “having been,” turėji. “having had.” 11 For more on the origin and use of these forms, see A. Kučinskaitė and K. Morkūnas, Rare Forms of the Lithuanian Subjunctive Mood, “Proceedings of the Lithuanian SSR Academy of Sciences,” Series A, vol. 1 (16), 1964, pp. 215 ff. 191 Active participle forms of the past frequentative and future tenses are usually used only in the nominative: di.rbdavi.s, di.rbdavus, di.rbdavi., di.rpsiu.s, di.rpsunt, di.rpsiu.. In addition to indicative participle forms, subjunctive participle forms are also found relatively often in the dialect; they are thought to be formed from first-person singular subjunctive forms, e.g.: “would be”: būčiu.s, būčint, būčiu.; norėč “would want”: norėčiu.s, norėčint, norėčiu. Stress placement in some two-syllable present participles is variable: the same forms may be stressed on the root or on the ending, e.g.: ainù.s, ainùnt “going” and ainù’s, ainvìt < einanti < *einanti; aišìnt, aičìnt and aišùt, aičùt. It should be noted that most active participles in the nominative singular and plural function as predicates: susėdi. bōba.s ir taušku. niėkus “the women are sitting and chatting.” Pronominal and reflexive participles are rare. 192 9