Žemaitiškos morfologinės ypatybės Šakynos tarmėje

LIETUVIŲ KALBOS MORFOLOGINĖ SANDARA IR JOS RAIDA LIETUVOS TSR MOKSLŲ AKADEMIJA SAMOGITIAN MORPHOLOGICAL FEATURES IN THE ŠAKYNA DIALECT A. JONAITYTĖ Neighboring dialects always influence one another to some extent. This influence varies in strength not only between one dialect and another, but also between two different dialects and a third. The strength of influence exerted by one or another neighboring dialect is determined by various historical, economic, and linguistic factors. The influence of neighboring dialects is particularly strong in so-called transitional dialects, whose area brings together numerous features of different neighboring dialects: phonetic, morphological, lexical, and syntactic. One of the more distinctive transitional dialects is the Šakyna1 dialect, whose morphological features in relation to neighboring Samogitian dialects are examined here. The dialect under investigation is based on Aukštaitian, and its morphological system is therefore essentially Aukštaitian as well: it is close to the morphological systems of the neighboring Northwestern and Central Aukštaitian dialects. Differences arise mainly as a result of Samogitian features affecting the western part, and sometimes the entire dialect area. The more recent of these are used alongside older Aukštaitian forms as more or less frequent competing forms, while the older ones have spread throughout the dialect area and have often completely displaced the Aukštaitian forms. It is not always possible to say precisely whether individual forms entered the Šakyna dialect from Samogitian or developed independently and merely resemble the corresponding Samogitian forms. Their true origin is especially difficult to establish for forms of the dialect described here that are also used in neighboring Samogitian, Northwestern Aukštaitian, and even Central Aukštaitian dialects. Finally, some less common morphological features may have existed in the Šakyna dialect from the outset, but their persistence there until now may have been aided by identical features in neighboring Samogitian dialects, making them appear to have come from Samogitian. For this reason, the article often merely notes that a given dialect feature is the same as in neighboring Samogitian dialects, without determining whether it actually came from Samogitian. In addition to the Samogitian morphological features of the Šakyna dialect, the article also seeks to present the Aukštaitian features observed in neighboring Samogitian dialects. The Samogitian features are examined systematically by parts of speech. 1The name Šakyna dialect is used collectively for all Northwestern Aukštaitian subdialects along the border with the Latvian SSR in which the law of universal stress retraction operates (the environs of the towns of Žagarė, Skaistgirys, Kruopiai, Šakyna, and Gruzdžiai). 165 Noun. At the western edge of the dialect area (Aukščiai, Kruopiai, and sometimes Šakyna), the genitive and vocative singular of certain ia-stem nouns have iu-stem forms, e.g., genitive singular: krūpaus, rãniaus, šėniaus, spãlaus; vocative singular: krūpau, rãniau, šėniau. These iu-stem forms are used alongside the more frequent ia-stem forms. In neighboring Samogitian dialects (Kuršėnai, Papilė, Akmenė, Vegeriai), iu-stem forms are very widely used in this context, so it appears that they were introduced into the western part of the Šakyna dialect area from Samogitian. Another phenomenon characteristic of Samogitian is also observed in this same part of the Šakyna dialect area: i-stem nominative forms have intruded into the singular paradigm of certain ė-stem nouns, e.g., kãtis, kū'tis, ūpis, while ė-stem nominative forms occasionally intrude into the singular paradigm of i-stem nouns, e.g., ãrnte, ãrksle, v'i'te. Around Kruopiai, Aukščiai, Šakyna, and even Dilbinai, the singular locative of a-stem nouns with the suffix -ukas occasionally has a Samogitian form ending in -uo (~ -o) alongside its Aukštaitian form, e.g., blù'džiuo, daržiuo, laukùkuo Škn, kaklù-ko· Dilb. Cf. kalnùkuo, suodnùkuo Krš, eglì'nõkuo Akm, daržõkuo, kalnõkuo Vgr. The ia-stem nouns kè'lis, vè'jies, vè'lnis, as in neighboring Samogitian and Northwestern Aukštaitian dialects, have the ending i in the singular accusative (kè'li, vè'ji || vè'je, vè'lni), which arose by analogy with those ia-stem nouns that regularly have -i here (kìrvi, já'uti). Closer to the Samogitian border (Kruopiai, Aukščiai, and partly Šakyna), the singular locative of ia-, i-, and consonant-stem nouns fairly often has forms with the Samogitian ending -ie (~ -ė), alongside Aukštaitian forms ending in -y(je), e.g., gřõ-vie, mè'die; nõ'sie, pìrtie, vãndenie. Cf. luòpsie, mùolie, viejie Krš, gardėlie, svìrtie, pìrtie Akm, bū'rie, ménesie, pìrtie2 Vgr. In the same parts of the Šakyna dialect along the Samogitian border, the nominative and accusative plural of feminine i- and consonant-stem nouns occasionally have Samogitian ė-stem forms: á'ntes, á'rpkštes; dùkteres, sè'seres (cf. šìrdes, ùntes Krš, žõusęs Akm, ãvės, klìetės Vgr), while the plural locative has competing Samogitian forms with -iese (~ -ėse), e.g., ãkies(e), á'rnkšties(e), sèseries(e) Škn, Krp, klè'tė's(e) Žg. The feminine plural locative of all stem classes and all inflected parts of speech has, alongside forms ending in -os(e), also competing forms ending in -uos(e), which occur more or less frequently, e.g., ãkuos(e), pièvuos(e), rùnkuos(e) Škn, jáu`uos Darg, pùsuos Dilb. Precisely the same phenomenon is observed in many Samogitian dialects (Kuršėnai, Kaunatava, Šaukenai, and occasionally Akmenė, among others), where the plural locative of feminine words has, alongside its proper form, a masculine form as well. It appears that the Samogitian dialects gave rise to the forms in -uose in the Šakyna dialect. It may also be noted that, in turn, the Šakyna dialect’s locative forms in -uose sometimes make their way back into some neighboring Samogitian donininkai subdialects, e.g., dėdėlùos vėitùos ~ dideliuose vietuose Vgr (in Giepaičiai village). The Aukštaitian plural locative form of a- and ia-stem nouns, whose ending -uos(e) remains phonetically unchanged, also occasionally spreads into those Samogitian subdialects, e.g., mèškùos, tàukùos, ve- ² For the origin of these forms, see И. Казлаускас, Сокращение употребления имен существительных с основой на i в литовском языке, «Вопросы славянского языкознания», т. 5, Москва, 1961, p. 82—89. 166 lâ·čuos ~ Veláičiuose Vgr (Giepaičių, Velaičių, Aukštųjų k.), krūopuos ~ Kruo-piuose Akm (Sablauskių k.). In those same transitional-to-Aukštaitian villages, Aukštaitian dative and instrumental plural forms without the ending -s are also occasionally found among all parts of speech, e.g.: jaunėm (Giepaičiai), špuoká·m (Aukštieji), vī·tim (plural instrumental) Velaičiai, pūš·m (plural instrumental) žūolėm (plural instrumental) Giepaičiai, lâuká·m (Menčiai), šakòm (Sablauskiai). The singular locative of nouns with u- and iu-stems in these Samogitian dialects has the ending -uo, e.g.: vėlnõu ~ Vilniuo, tórgõu. However, in all the transitional-to-Aukštaitian dounininkai villages, Aukštaitian singular locative forms are also occasionally found, e.g.: vėdži (Giepaičiai). Adjective. The adjective in the Šakyna dialect also exhibits many features characteristic of neighboring Samogitian dialects. For example, the singular dative of polysyllabic adjectives generally has, alongside the old pronominal ending, a less frequently used nominal ending (lī·tiŋgam || lī·tiŋgui, cf. gailīngam || gailīngui, svetimá·m || svē·timui Krš); the singular accusative of ia-stem adjectives ending in -ias has a variant form with the ending -i (pē·šče || pē·šti, stā·če || stā·ti, tūščė || tūšti), characteristic of neighboring Samogitian dialects; and the singular genitive and locative, plural dative, instrumental, and locative of ē-stem adjectives didelė, dešinė, kairė have, alongside ē-stem forms, variant io-stem forms, e.g.: didelō·s || didelė·s, dešinė· || dešinõ·, didelė·m(s) || didelō·m(s), didelė·s(e) || didelō·s(e). Alongside the old singular genitive form of u-stem adjectives, a variant ia-stem form is sometimes already found in the dialect (lī·gaus || lī·ge, sū·raus || sū·re). The ia-stem forms may have arisen within the Šakyna dialect itself, but may also have come from neighboring Samogitian dialects (Kuršėnai, Papilė, Akmenė), where the convergence of u- and ia-stem adjective forms has progressed considerably further. The singular dative and plural nominative of masculine comparative adjectives have, alongside the old forms, variant nominal forms of the ia-stem (aukštēsná·m || aukštē·šnui, aukštēsni || aukštē·snei). The old forms of the singular genitive and locative and the plural dative, instrumental, and locative of feminine comparative adjectives are being gradually displaced by corresponding io-stem forms, e.g.: báltēsñō·s || báltēsne·s (rare), báltēsñō· || báltēsne· (rare), baltēsñō·m(s) || baltesnē·m(s) (rare), báltēsñō·m(s) || báltēsne·m(s) (rare), baltēsñō·s(e) || baltēsne·s(e) (rare). All these features of the declension of masculine and feminine comparative adjectives are also characteristic of neighboring Samogitian dialects; cf. báltēšnu· (singular dative), báltēsne· (plural nominative), báltēšnōs (singular genitive) Krš, šēnēšnũos (singular genitive) Pp. The singular nominative of masculine superlative adjectives has the ending -is (gerá·usis), and the dative has the nominal ending -ui (gerá·usui), as in neighboring Samogitian and Central Aukštaitian dialects, e.g.: baisá·usis, aukščá·usui Dnr, didžá·usis, gerá·usui Krš, joūdžá·usis, poikáusis Pp. But the singular accusative, as in Samogitian dialects, has the ending -i, e.g.: gerá·usi (cf. didžá·usi Krš, baisá·usi Vgr), differing from Central Aukštaitian, cf. skanā·use Dnr. The plural nominative of these adjectives likewise has a nominal ending, as in neighboring Samogitian dialects, e.g.: ilgá·usei (cf. didžá·use Krš, ramá·use Pp, gerá·use Akm). Pronominal adjectives formed from u- and ia-stem adjectives sometimes have, alongside the regular Aukštaitian forms, forms such as those found in neighboring Samogitian dounininkai dialects 167 or dünininkai forms, e.g., sg. nom.: á·iški·sis || aiškesėsis³, tamsi·sis || tamsėsis; žali·sis (cf. smólki·sis, stóm bi·sis Pp, šūnki·sis, náuji·sis Akm, áštri·sis, brūngi·sis, žáli·sis Vgr, brūngė·sis || brungėsis, gražėsis⁴ Krš); sg. acc.: graži·ji || gražė·ji; žali·ji (cf. smólki·ji Pp, tūnki·ji, tūšti·ji Akm, brūngi·ji, prásti·ji⁵ Vgr, grā·ži·ji Krš). The singular dative of pronominal adjectives has only a nominal ending, as in the neighboring Samogitian dialects, e.g.: á·ukšto·jui⁶. The singular locative in the Šakyna dialect is formed according to Samogitian patterns, e.g.: juodamė·je⁷ (cf. didemį·jie, Krš, didemėjie Pp, dēdemė·je Vgr). The plural nominative and dative, as in the neighboring Samogitian dialects, have nominal endings, e.g.: baltiejei, baltiešá·m(s)⁸. Moreover, the nominal plural nominative form is already used in the neighboring Central Aukštaitian Daunorava dialect (gerėjeje || gerėjį), but it may have entered that dialect from the Šakyna dialect. At the western edge of the area of the dialect under investigation (Aukščiai, Kruopiai, and sometimes Šakyna), the plural dative of non-pronominal masculine adjectives and pronouns sometimes has neighboring forms ending in -im(s), borrowed from Samogitian, e.g.: didelim(s), mažim(s), tim(s), visim(s), cf. anėms, jaunėms Pp, gerī·ms || gerī·rms Krš, patėms, jaunėms Akm, kėtėms, jaunėm, mažėms Vgr. Numeral. Closer to the Samogitian boundary (Šakyna, Aukščiai, Kruopiai), the genitive, dative, instrumental, and locative of the numeral dù, dvì sometimes have neighboring Samogitian forms with i: dvìju·, dvìm(s), dvìm(s), dvìjuose(e), dvìjo·s(e). The numerals from 11 to 19 are formed with two formatives: -lika and -leka. The formative -lika predominates in the eastern part of the dialect area (Kyburiai, Skaistgiris). Cf. the Central Aukštaitian Joniškis forms dvi·leka, tri·leka. In the western part, i.e. closer to the Samogitian boundary (Kruopiai, Šakyna, Aukščiai, Šiūpyliai), the formative -leka is used. Cf. vi·niū·leka, dvi·leka Krš, dvi·lekᵃ, tri·leka Pp, veiñūleka || viñūleka, dvi·lekᵃ Akm, veiñūleka || vi·ñūleka Vgr. It is true that the formative -lika occasionally occurs in some of the Samogitian villages of the Aukštaitian fringe as well, e.g.: devī·niolēkᵃ, peñkiolēkᵃ (Giepaičiai, Velaičiai). Alongside the numeral vienuoleka || -lika (cf. the Central Aukštaitian form, e.g. Daunorava ve-nuoleka), the form vienūoleka || -lika is also very widely used. As the examples show, the form with soft n is used in neighboring Samogitian dialects. In the area south of the Samogitian boundary (Šakyna, Kruopiai, Aukščiai, and sometimes even Dilbinai), the singular nominative and accusative of the inherited numeral trečias, trečiasis quite often have neighboring Samogitian forms treč, treti·sis, tre·ti, treti·ji. Cf. treti, treti·ji Krš, treti·sis Pp, trėti, trėti·sis, trėti·ji Akm. Pronoun. The singular instrumental of the pronouns àns, jìs, kàs, kàtras, niẽks, šìs, tàs, tàtras, vìskas has, besides forms such as those in the standard language, several more frequent or less frequent neighboring forms with -m, e.g.: ànuo || ànuom || ànum, jūo || jūom, kūo || kūom || kūm, šūo || šūom || šūm... Singular instrumental forms with -m are also widely used in neighboring Samogitian dialects. 3 Such forms occur around Šiūpyliai and Aukščiai, and sometimes Šakyna, i.e. near the boundary with the Kuršėnai dünininkai Samogitians. 4 Dar žr. Z. Zinkevičius, Įvardžiuotinių būdvardžių istorijos bruožai, Vilnius, 1957, p. 83. 5 Non-pronominal form: pràsc, prà·šče. 6 For the origin of the pre-ending syllable -oj-, see Z. Zinkevičius, op. cit., pp. 93—94. 7 For the origin, see K. Явнис, Перевод грамматики литовского языка исполненный К. Буга, Петроград, 1908—1916, p. 149. 8 For their emergence, see Z. Zinkevičius, op. cit., pp. 83—85. 168 (Kuršėnai, Papilė, Akmenė, Vegeriai). Pronouns àns, kìc, tàs and the numeral viėns in the western part of the dialect area, in the Žemaitian-border zone, quite often have Žemaitian neighboring singular locative forms ànem(i), kìtem(i), tėm(i), viėnem(i). These forms, apparently originating in the neighboring dounininkai dialects, even with their phonetically unchanged Žemaitian ending, compare ànem: kìteme, vėìneme, tėme Vgr; tėme, vėìneme, òntreme Akm. For plural dative forms with -im(s) see p. 168. The plural accusative of the pronouns àns, kàtras, šìs, tàs, tàtras alongside forms such as k-also has forms characteristic of Žemaitian dialects: ànus, kàtrus, tụs, šụs, tàtrus, compare tòs Pp, ànūs Krš, tòs Vgr. These neighboring forms are most widespread in the western part of the dialect area, closer to the Žemaitian boundary, although isolated instances occur as far as the area around Žagarė and Skaistgirys, that is, near the boundary with the central Aukštaitian dialect. The singular instrumental of the pronouns àna, ì, kàtra, šì, tà, tàtra throughout the dialect area most often has only pronominal forms: anà·je, jė·je, katrà·je... In addition, around Aukščiai, Kruopiai, and sometimes also Šakyna and Dilbinai, shortened pronominal forms occur, for example: anà·i, katrà·i, šė·i, tà·i. Such shortened pronominal forms are generally used in some neighboring Žemaitian dialects, for example, in Kuršėnai: anà·i, katrà·i, šė·i, tà·i. The singular locative of the pronoun tõ besides the feminine form tõ also has the widely used masculine form tàm(e). This form is used across almost the entire Šakyna dialect area, except for its far south (the Gruzdžiai vicinity), for example: tõ· daržinė || tàme daržinė· Kyb, tõ· jū·ujė·, tõ· priepirte· || tàme rà·štine·, tàme vanė·lo· Sk, tõ· kàkto·, tõ· pàčio· kù·tė·, tõ· virtuvė· || tàme bà·lo·, tàme lietuvo·, tàme rì·go· Žg, tõ· vieto·, tõ· trõ·bo· || tàme duobė·, tàme valgi·klo· Škn, tùo prieglau džio || tàme pusie Auks, tėmi vietuo, tàmi jà·ujuo, tėmi kamis juo Krp. Around Šakyna and Kruopiai, alongside the singular locative forms àna, šì, kìta, tõki of the pronouns and viėna of the numeral (sometimes also àntra), àno·, kìto·, šõ·, tõ·ko·, viėno·, àntro·, there are forms ànam(e), kìtam(e), šėm(e), tõ·kem(e), viėnam(e), àntram(e), for example: šėme trõ·bo·, šėm pusė·, àname vàgo·, viėnam lò·vo·, àntrame rù·ško·, tõ·keme bė·do·. The same phenomenon is also observed in neighboring Žemaitian dialects, compare tàm klebuonijo, tuokėmi šalcà·usio “in such cold” Krš, vėiname plì·die, kėtame rọ·pkuo Pp, tam patėm kū·rie, tėm· biržė Akm, tėm· ausie, kìtem· vėìtuo, šėm· pusie Vgr. In the Žemaitian-border zone, the pronouns àna, ì, kàtra, tàtra, šì, tà alongside the plural accusative forms anà·s, jà·s kàtrà·s, tàtrà·s, šà·s, tà·s also have forms with short a: ànas, jàs, kàtras, tàtras, šès, tàs. Forms with short a are also used in neighboring Žemaitian dialects. Around Šakyna and Kruopiai, alongside the regular singular accusative forms kas, tas of the pronouns kà·, tà·, neighboring forms kùo, tùo sometimes occur, for example: túr bū·t labai svėiks žmõ·gus, kàs tùo dà·ra Škn, kùo àns pasà·ki, tas vìskas bà·ikas; a žinai kùo? Krp. Such forms are also found in the neighboring Žemaitian dounininkai dialects of Akmenė and Vegeriai, for example: brõng·s ì·, ale kùo padarì·s Akm, tùo àš pažì·stū, tùo ženà·u; kùo tėn tėi špuokà· on tuo glõuksne· gàla tàisuos, a kìni Vgr. Among the Žemaitians they are used alongside kù·, tù·. The origin of the forms kùo, tùo is unclear: they may have arisen in these dialects, but may also be Latvian. The personal pronouns of the Šakyna dialect share many features with those of the Žemaitians, and sometimes with those of both the Žemaitians and central Aukštaitians. The more important ones are as follows. The third-person pronouns àns, àna, jìs, jì are not used uniformly throughout the dialect area. In the western part of the dialect area, closer to the Žemaitians (Šiupy liai, Šakyna, Aukščiai, Kruo- 169 In the villages (partly also Dilbinai), the pronoun āns, āna is usually used. Farther from the Samogitian boundary (Dameliai, Žagarė), jis, ji is also found. Around Skaistgirys (the northern fringe of the central Aukštaitian dialect area), jis, ji and āns, āna are used alongside one another, whereas in the southern part of the central Aukštaitian fringe (Kyburiai, Dargačiai) jis, ji is already predominant. The singular accusative forms of the personal pronouns aš, tu and the reflexive pronoun savęs, manì, tàvi, sàvi, share their endings with forms in neighboring Samogitian dialects (e.g., mùnē ~ munì, tàvè ~ ta- vi Krš, mônē, tàvè Pp, sèvè, mùnē, tēvè Akm, Vgr) and in central Aukštaitian dialects (e.g., Joniškis manì, tàvi). Around Kruopiai, Dilbinai, and Šakyna, alongside tàvi, sàvi, one sometimes also hears tēvi, sēvi. Compare the corresponding forms in Akmenė and Vegeriai. The pronoun mẽs also has the form mā·s. This form is also found in neighboring Samogitian dialects (cf. Papilė and Kuršėnai mā·s). Alongside mú·su, jú·su, the genitive of the personal pronouns mes, jūs also has the widely used forms mú·sa, jú·sa, characteristic of neighboring Samogitian dialects; and alongside the forms mùm(s), jùm(s), the accusative of these pronouns also has the forms mùmis, jùmis. Such accusative forms occur in neighboring Samogitian areas (Kuršėnai, Papilė, Akmenė, Vegeriai). In the Šakyna dialect, they are used only nearer the Samogitian boundary (Kruopiai, Aukščučiai, Šakyna). In the area bordering Samogitia, alongside the plural nominative and accusative forms ānglis, žā·sis, forms āpgles, žā·ses arose on the model of Samogitian. Following these forms, in the same localities (Aukščučiai, sometimes Šakyna), alongside mùmis, jùmis, mùmes, jùmes are also occasionally heard. In the area bordering Samogitia, the feminine dual nominative and accusative of the personal pronouns aš, tu sometimes have the neighboring forms mùdves, jùdves, as in the neighboring Samogitian dounininkai dialects of Vegeriai and Akmenė (cf. mòdv· || mòdv·s abèdv·s Vgr, mòdv· dvè || mòdv·s abèdv·s Akm). Around Kruopiai, Aukščučiai, and Šakyna, the masculine dual dative and instrumental of personal pronouns, besides mùdviem, jùdviem, anùdviem, also has the widely used neighboring Samogitian forms mùdum, jùdum, anùdum (cf. mùdum, jùdum Krš, jùdom, vẽdom Pp, mòdom, abõ·dom Vgr). The demonstrative pronoun šì, alongside the singular accusative form šā·, sometimes also has the form šì·, e.g., šì· nā·kti Auks, šì· vā·sara Škn. This form is particularly common in adverbs such as šì·nā·kì, šìndie, and so on. Here it may have arisen by analogy with the masculine singular accusative used adverbially (šì·rì·t, šì·mẽ·t, šì·vā·kar), and then spread from adverbs into the case form; that is, šì·nā·kì arose on the model of šì·rì·t, šì·vā·kar, and šì· nā·kti in turn arose from šì·nā·kì. However, the form may also have come from neighboring Samogitian dialects (cf. the feminine singular accusative šì· in Papilė, Vegeriai, and Kuršėnai), where šì· developed from šā· for phonetic reasons: in certain cases, nasal fronted a here changes to i·. A Samogitian feature may also be the variant singular locative form pàtem(e) of the attributive pronoun pàc; compare Vegeriai and Akmenė pàtēmē. Verb. In the Šakyna dialect, as in neighboring Samogitian dialects, verbs with the prefixes be-, ne-, nebe-, te-, tebe- usually place the reflexive particle at the end of the word, e.g., bẽšnėkas, nèšukas, nebẽsupus, tèkeps, tebès pà·do·s. Quite often, dialect reflexive prefixed verbs have two reflexive particles: one between the root and the prefix, and the other at the end of the word, e.g., nèacimenas, nèstveres, pasìgeres, susìdures, tebèsbaras, usìkišas. Two reflexive particles are most often found in third-person forms, much less often in forms of other persons, e.g., susìgrẽ·pšos (first-person singular), usìstàtì·stè·s (second-person plural). Prefixed verbs with 170 Regularly used with two reflexive particles in neighboring Samogitian dialects (Krš, Pp, Akm, Vgr). The dialect’s i-stem verbs have shifted to the ia stem, while near the Samogitian border (Aukščučiai, Kruopiai, etc.) ia-stem verbs, though not very regularly, shift to the a stem, e.g.: á’udu, apsíšaru, apsívėrtu, vėrku (1st person singular); bėgird, skūndas, vėrk (3rd person); á’udam, kàntam (1st person plural). However, not all ia-stem verbs shift to the a stem. Those that have partly retained the ia stem in neighboring Samogitian dialects most often do not shift, e.g.: gùlem, mī’lem, nebàgā’lem, tī’lem, tûrem || tûram, žū’rem || žū’ram. Cf. Samogitian gā’lem, núoram,|| núo- rem, tī’lem, žū’ram || žū’rem Krš, gā’lem, tī’lem, tȯ.ram || tȯ.rem Pp, gòlem, gā’lem Vgr, gā’lem, tī’lem Akm. In the present-tense forms, verbs with an old consonant stem in the Šakyna dialect, as in neighboring Samogitian dialects, have retained the relic t, e.g.: giest, liekt, miekt, skàust. But forms without t are now also used alongside such forms: gied, liek..., as in lk. Conjugation of verbs. Present tense. Right at the Samogitian border, and sometimes somewhat farther away (e.g., Šakyna), alongside the Aukštaitian forms of reflexive verbs, purely Samogitian forms also occur, e.g.: 3rd person bā’ga·s, didžiuoja·s, mėl’da·s, nebrieža·s, vadina·s, minais Auks, kė’leis, nē’ša·s, prìšeina·s Krp, bā’rais, darbūojeis, glūdžeis, mūšais Škn. Cf. neighboring Samogitian forms: kā’là·s, nēša·s, sē·kā·s Krš, lė·idà·s, ròndà·s Pp, pràšsėdėda·s, prėsėdudā·s, sōkā·s Akm, dōdudā·s, jōukā·s, pešā·s Vgr. It is assumed that the Samogitian ending here is lengthened because of a secondary retracted stress. The 3rd-person forms ending in -ais in Šakyna and partly in Aukščučiai and Kruopiai (minais, kė’leis...) may be a type of hypercorrection: for example, Samogitian vī’rā·s corresponds to Šakyna vī’rais, and therefore Samogitian rōndā·s may likewise become rāndais in the Šakyna dialect. However, following P. Arumaa⁹, it is also possible to suppose that these forms in Samogitian dialects were formed with the formant -ai. In that case the Šakyna forms mėl’da·s, vadina·s would have retained a phonologically regular Samogitian ending, whereas the Samogitian ending in the forms bā’rais, kė’leis would have changed according to the phonetic laws of the Šakyna dialect. It may also be mentioned that in the villages of the northern Samogitian dounininkai (Akmenė, the Vegeriai area) situated right by the Aukštaitian border, Aukštaitian 3rd-person forms are occasionally heard in turn, e.g.: nenusėtėpas (Giepaičiai), dėrbas (Sablauskiai). Around Aukščučiai and Kruopiai, and less often Šakyna, the 1st-person plural of reflexive verbs often has neighboring Samogitian forms, e.g.: jūokamuos Auks, nē’šamuos, vė’rdomo·s Škn. Cf. the Kuršėnai and Papilė form nē’šamuos. (The northern dounininkai dialects—Akmenė, Vegeriai—have differently formed plural forms, e.g.: nēšamės Vgr.). As the examples show, in this case too the Šakyna dialect sometimes preserves Samogitian phonetic features at word end. Occasional Samogitian forms are also found in the 1st-person plural of other tenses of reflexive verbs, e.g.: simple past kieliemuos, mūokiemuos Auks, šildē’mo·s, vė’žē’mo·s Škn; habitual past kē’ldā’vuomuos, pikleviōdā’vuomuos Auks, šē’lō’dā’vo·mo·s Škn; future kē’lsamuos Auks, nēšamo·s || nēšmo·s Škn. 9 Žr. P. Arumaa, Untersuchungen zur Geschichte der litauischen Personalpronomina, Tartu, 1933, p. 19–21. 171 Primary verbs whose infinitive stem ends in the vowels y or ū, e.g.: i·t, pū·t, have the consonant n in the present-tense forms, e.g.: bū·n, lį·n, as in neighboring Samogitian and northwestern Aukštaitian dialects. Secondary verbs whose infinitive stem ends in the diphthong au (šiená·ut, tarná·ut) have the consonant j after au in the present-tense forms, e.g.: tarná·ujem, but near the Samogitian border the consonant n is occasionally found, as in some Samogitian dialects, e.g.: riešutá·un, tarná·un Auks. Habitual past tense. At the Samogitian border, various Samogitian habitual past constructions formed with the auxiliaries liuobėti and liūbėti, though infrequently, also occur, e.g.: senė·lis lū·b sakė·s; kó·žna diena lub ateis ir ateis Šp; áns tàmi já·juo lū·b gulieti; i šláusc lū·b ateis Krp; tė·vė·lis amžiná·tilsis liuob sakė·dáva Škn; kita kárta liuob dáinuos, šó·ks, o· daba tik žū·r, kur arielkas nutvė·rė Žarėnai — Latvėliai. Future tense. Near the Samogitian border (Kruopiai, Aukščiai, and sometimes Šakyna), as in neighboring Samogitian dialects, 1st-person singular forms with a hard -s- are used, e.g.: bū·su, sakí·su. Throughout the dialect area, as in neighboring Samogitian dialects, the 3rd-person future of primary verbs with a circumflex accent whose infinitive stem ends in y or ū (e.g.: lú·sti, rí·t) retains a long stem vowel, e.g.: lí·s, lú·š. The only exception is būs. Throughout the dialect area, alongside the 1st- and 2nd-person plural forms, e.g., dírpsme, dírpste, Samogitian-type forms formed on the ia stem are also used, e.g., dírpsem, dírpset. In the area south of the Samogitian dialect region, forms of these persons based on the a stem are also used, e.g.: dírpsam, dírpsat, as in neighboring Samogitian dounininkai dialects (Vegeriai, Akmenė, and partly Papilė). At the border of the Samogitian dūnininkai area (Aukščiai), another Samogitian 1st-person plural form is occasionally used, e.g.: išvìrsma, kàšma, sumá·lsma (cf. Kuršėnai aísma, daínú·sma). Samogitian forms of the future tense of reflexive verbs also occur. Where people say bū·su, éisu, they also say gí·d’ suos, vėšuos. Around Šakyna, Samogitian 3rd-person forms are occasionally heard, e.g.: rìnkseis (važiuos po· upeles, žūveles rìnkseis), cf. rìnkšė·s Krš, diėsė·s Pp, vėšė·s Akm, matí·šė·s Vgr. Cf. also present-tense 3rd-person forms formed in the same way. Imperative mood. Throughout the Šakyna dialect, as in neighboring Samogitian dialects, the 1st-person plural is formed on the model of the ia stem, e.g.: dė·kem, eikem (cf. drėbėkem, raší·kem Krš, atėdóukem, pja·ukem Pp, maini·kem, pláukem Akm, biėkem, pastatí·kem Vgr). The 2nd-person plural, only in the western part of the dialect, very often has, alongside forms such as lk., forms characteristic of Samogitian and formed on the model of the ia stem, e.g.: dró·šket, mùšket. The 1st- and 2nd-person plural forms of reflexive verbs are formed in the same way as the 1st- and 2nd-person plural forms of non-reflexive verbs (sùkemė·s, sùkitė·s || sùketė·s). In addition, entirely Samogitian 1st-person plural forms are also found south of the Samogitian dialect area, e.g.: sùkemo·s Škn. The 3rd person of the imperative mood (the so-called permissive mood) is formed in the same way as in all neighboring Samogitian and Aukštaitian dialects, i.e., with the particles lai || lei, tàgu(l) || lėgu(l), e.g.: lei || lai dirb; tàgu(l) || lėgu(l) dirb. Infinitive. In the western part of the dialect area, reflexive verbs predominantly have infinitives ending in -ties, e.g.: nėšties, vėsties. In the immediate border area with Samogitian (Aukščiai) 172. In individual cases, reflexive Samogitian infinitives ending in -i's also occur, e.g.: dirbti's, nėšti's. This is probably not a borrowed Dunininkai ending, since infinitive forms with this ending also occur in Dounininkai subdialects of the Aukštaitian border area, quite far from the Dunininkai area, e.g.: maini'ti's, paršenešti's, ošepelni'ti's in Giepaičiai and Velaičiai villages (Vgr), šūkti's in Sablauskiai and Menčiai villages (Akm). Adverbial participle. Closer to the Central Aukštaitian dialects (Sk, Kyb), the adverbial participle ending in -te is more commonly used (mó·ki·te išmó·kai, skūste muskūs). Closer to the Samogitian boundary (Skn, Krp, Auks, Dilb), the adverbial participle characteristic of Samogitian, ending in -tinai, is used most often, e.g.: dauži·tinai, nėštinai. Participles. Active voice. Present tense. Some masculine participles derived from i-stem verbs retain, alongside the more frequent nominative singular and plural forms of the ia-stem, the less commonly used i-stem forms as well, e.g.: tūri's, tūri'. In this respect, neighboring Samogitian dialects also preserve traces of the i-stem in participles, e.g.: gā·lis, nūori's Pp, tūris, nūori· Krš, pasitūri's, tūris, gā·li· Vgr. Simple past tense. Alongside nominative singular forms ending in -es ~ -ęs, masculine participles also have forms ending in -is, e.g.: būves || būvis, and alongside nominative plural forms ending in -e' they also have forms ending in -i', e.g.: būve' || būvi'. Forms ending in -is, -i' are most widespread in the Samogitian border area (Šiupyliai, Auk sučiai, Kruopiai, and partly Šakyna), but they occur occasionally throughout the rest of the dialect area as well. The nominative plural ending in -i' is particularly widely used. For example, around Dameliai, Žagarė, Skaistgirys, and Kyburiai, the nominative singular in -is is quite rare, whereas the nominative plural in -i' is comparatively common, e.g.: išē'ji·, pasiliki· Dam, á·ugi·, prisivēisi· Žg, acirā·di·, dā·vi· Kyb. Masculine participle nominative singular and plural forms ending in -is, -i' have entered the dialect both from neighboring Samogitian and from Central Aukštaitian dialects. Cf. būvis, būvi· Krš, abgrō·vęs, pamē·ti· Pp, būvis, pašūti Dnr. As the examples show, the endings of these forms in the Šakyna dialect retain phonetic features characteristic of Samogitian or Central Aukštaitian dialects. Throughout almost the entire dialect area, the nominative plural form ending in -ie is found, e.g.: būvie, dirbie. This form is most widely used closer to the Samogitian area (Auk sučiai, Kruopiai, Šakyna, Dilbinai), but it sometimes occurs even around Žagarė, Skaistgirys, and Juodeikiai. Masculine forms ending in -ie are regularly used in the neighboring northern Samogitian Dounininkai subdialects; cf. prikēpēi Klykoliai, ā·ugēi, gāmēi Vgr, isitvirtēnēi, bōvēj. Akm. It seems that the forms in -ie most likely entered the Šakyna dialect from Samogitian10. Future tense. In areas closer to Samogitian (Auk sučiai, Žarenai, Šakyna, Kruopiai), masculine participles in the nominative singular and plural have, alongside Aukštaitian forms, e.g.: bē'ksa's, bē'ksa', also less commonly used Samogitian forms, e.g.: bē'ksi's, bē'ksi'; cf. ęžbaidī's, sakī's Pp, gē'rsī sūksi Krš, bū's Vgr, gi'vēnsi's Akm. Passive participles. As in neighboring Samogitian and Central Aukštaitian dialects, the Šakyna dialect has no necessity participles. They are replaced by passive 10 Masculine nominative plural forms of the simple past tense ending in -ie are also regularly used in some Northwestern Aukštaitian dialects, e.g., around Smalininkai (see the material collected by candidate of philological sciences E. Grinaveckienė during the 1961 LKLI dialectological expedition, registration No. 666). But they are too far removed from the Šakyna dialect to have had any influence on it. And if the ending -ie were old in the Šakyna dialect, it would most likely be distributed uniformly throughout the area. 173 Present-tense participles of this type, e.g.: rūgei pjaunami (pjauntini), vaikai barami (bartini), etc.11 Half-participle. In the Žemaitian area, alongside Aukštaitian reflexive half-participle forms, Žemaitian forms with the formant -damos are sometimes also found, used for both numbers and genders, e.g.: ānie dirb riedamo's; ano's ein bārdamo's; āns juogdamo's ta' bālki pakė'le. Adverb. The dialect has adverbs with a Žemaitian word ending. They are generally used as alternative forms of corresponding Aukštaitian dialect adverbs, e.g.: grėta || grėtu (cf. grėtu Pp, Krš), pirmà || pirmu (Žemaitian), to'li || to'li', ārti || ārti' (cf. tuodī· ~ tolie, ārti· ~ artie Krš). It is very easy for phonetic Žemaitian features to persist in adverb endings, since adverbs do not have a strict system of endings. In the dialect, as in neighboring Žemaitian dialects and Latvian, noun- and adjective-based adverbs with the preposition no· ~ nuo are widely used, e.g.: no· rì·ta “in the morning, in the morning hours,” no· vā·kara “in the evening, in the evening hours,” no· lēngva “lightly,” no· nāuje “anew, afresh.” Preposition. The older prepositions of the dialect, āpē·, nō·, prē·, pre'š, have Žemaitian alternative forms in the western part of the dialect area: āplē· || āplei, nù, pri || pri·, pri'š; cf. āple Krš, āplē· Pp, nù Krš, Pp, pri Krš, Pp, etc. Conjunction. It seems that alternative forms of some conjunctions, with phonetic features unusual for this dialect, also came from the Žemaitian dialects, e.g.: jė || jé- “if,” jāgu || jā·gu; cf. jė Krš, Pp, jė·gù Pp, jé·gù Krš. Having reviewed the principal Žemaitian features found in the Šakyna dialect, we see that they are not all alike or equivalent. Several groups can be distinguished: 1. Directly borrowed individual Žemaitian inflected forms of variable parts of speech, whose Žemaitian character is indicated even by endings that have not undergone phonetic change in the dialect, e.g.: the singular locative of a-stem nouns with the suffix -ukas, with the ending -uo (laukūkuo); the singular locative of ia-, i-, and consonant-stem nouns, with the ending -ie (āusie, vāndenie), and the plural locative of consonant stems with -ies(e) (ākiese, sēseriese); the masculine plural dative of adjectives and pronouns with -im(s) (didelims, tīms); the nominative singular and plural of masculine active-voice future participles with the ending -i's, -i' (bē·ksi·s, bē·ksi·), and so on. 2. Forms that are very widely used in neighboring Žemaitian dialects but much less frequently in the Šakyna dialect, and are moreover concentrated here only in the Žemaitian area, e.g.: the singular vocative and genitive of individual ia-stem nouns with iu-stems (rūniaus, rūniau); the feminine plural nominative and accusative of i- and consonant stems with -es (ā·ntes, dùkteres); the masculine singular nominative and accusative of pronominal adjectives derived from u-stem adjectives, with -i'sis, -i'ji (āiški'sis, ā'ški'ji); the plural accusative of certain pronouns with -u- (ānus, kātrus, šus, tus...), etc. 11Present-tense passive participles have the same modal meaning in Latvian as well; see Mūsdienu latviešu literārās valodas gramatika, vol. 1, Rīgā, 1959, pp. 645, 646 (§§ 789, 790). 174 3. Forms used in adjacent Samogitian dialects and in the dialect under study, but not used in adjacent Aukštaitian dialects, especially those of Central Aukštaitija12, for example: the masculine singular locative of pronominal adjectives (baltamė'je); singular locative forms of the masculine gender of certain pronouns, used instead of feminine forms (tame daržinė, āname vāgo'); prefixed verbs with two reflexive particles (neacimenas, pasigeres), the use of the pronouns jis and ans, etc. 4. Forms used both in adjacent Samogitian and Central Aukštaitian dialects, for example: the third person of the imperative mood, the so-called permissive mood; the substantival form of the masculine plural nominative of pronominal adjectives, and so on. It often happens that forms regarded here as Samogitian are widely used in some Eastern, Central, or even Western Aukštaitian dialects. But these are dialects far removed from the Šakyna dialect and without any direct contact with it, and therefore could not have influenced it. It was the neighboring Samogitian dialects that exerted influence; consequently, the forms mentioned are Samogitian in relation to the Šakyna dialect. As far as possible, the article has also sought to indicate the reverse relationship—the influence of the Šakyna dialect on neighboring Samogitian subdialects. Of course, the Aukštaitian features of the Samogitian dialects presented here are far from exhaustive; nevertheless, it is clear that the Samogitian dialects have influenced the Šakyna dialect under study much more strongly than that dialect has influenced the Samogitian dialects. This may perhaps be because the Samogitian dialect area is large and contiguous, whereas the Western Aukštaitian area here extends only in a narrow strip, which almost completely peters out just beyond Šiauliai. Thus the dialect under study, together with the sole neighboring northwestern Aukštaitian dialect, that of Šiauliai, is in a peculiar sense isolated from the other dialects of the same group. And the Šiauliai dialect, being as transitional as the Šakyna dialect, was scarcely able to withstand the influence of the neighboring Samogitian dialects. In addition, the spread of Samogitian influence was facilitated by the administrative and ecclesiastical division of the dialect area, and by the resulting increase in communication between the inhabitants and the Samogitians. ABBREVIATIONS Akm — Akmenė, Mažeikiai District. Auks — Aukščiai, Šelvenai rural district, Šiauliai District. Dam — Dameliai, Maželiai rural district, Joniškis District. Darg — Dargaičiai, Šelvenai rural district, Šiauliai District. Dilb — Dilbinai, Dilbinai rural district, Joniškis District. Dnr — Daunorava, Daunorava rural district, Joniškis District. Kyb — Kyburiai, Toločiai rural district, Joniškis District. Krp — Kruopiai, Kruopiai rural district, Joniškis District. Krš — Kuršėnai, Šiauliai District. Pp — Papilė, Mažeikiai District. Sk — Skaistgirys, Skaistgirys rural district, Joniškis District. Skn — Šakyna, Šakyna environs, Šiauliai district. Sp — Šiupyliai, Šiupyliai environs, Šiauliai district. Žg — Žagarė, Joniškis district. Vgr — Vegeriai, Vegeriai environs, Mažeikiai district. 12 The neighboring northwestern Šiauliai Aukštaitian dialect has also been Samogitianized, has quite a number of Samogitian features, and therefore cannot always be relied upon for this purpose. 175 SAMOGITIAN MORPHOLOGICAL FEATURES IN THE ŠAKYNA DIALECT A. JŪNAITYTĖ Abstract Samogitian morphological features are most often found in the western part of the dialect area along the Samogitian boundary, but in some cases extend across its entire area and occasionally even penetrate neighboring Central Aukštaitian dialects. Those Samogitian morphological forms that entered the dialect under study relatively recently are used only in the western part of the dialect area, alongside the corresponding older Aukštaitian forms, as more or less frequently occurring variants. Forms that entered long ago have spread throughout the dialect area and have sometimes completely replaced the indigenous Aukštaitian forms. The most important Samogitian morphological features found in the Šakyna dialect fall into several groups: 1. Individual borrowed morphological forms of inflected parts of speech whose endings preserve Samogitian phonetic features, e.g.: the singular locative of diminutive nouns with the suffix -iukas (daržīkuo “in the little garden,” laučīkuo “in the little field,” cf. Samogitian egli.ṅōkio “in the little spruce grove,” kalnōkio “on the little hill”); the singular locative of nouns with stems in ia, i and a consonant (tē·die “on the tree,” vandenie “in the water,” cf. Samogitian bū·rie “in the crowd,” liūršīe “in the cradle,” pirtie “in the bathhouse”); the plural locative of nouns with stems in i and a consonant (àkiese “in the eyes,” šèšeriese “among the sisters”); the plural dative of masculine adjectives and pronouns (didelīm(s) “to the big ones,” tīm(s) “to these,” cf. Samogitian anēm(s) “to them,” jaunēm(s) “to the young ones”); the singular and plural nominative of masculine future participles (bē’ksi’s, bē’ksi’, cf. Samogitian gi.vēnsi’s, gē’rsi’). 2. Forms whose Samogitian origin can be established from their very widespread use in neighboring Samogitian dialects, while they are much less frequent in the Šakyna dialect and are concentrated only near the Samogitian boundary. Samogitianisms in this group include, for example, the intrusion of forms of nouns with stems in iu into the genitive and vocative singular of nouns with stems in ia (sēnaus “of the old man,” sēnau “old man!”); the intrusion of forms of nouns with stems in ē into the nominative and accusative plural of feminine nouns with stems in i and a consonant (á’ntes “ducks,” dūkteres “daughters,” cf. Samogitian sīrdes “hearts,” ūntes “ducks”); masculine singular nominative and accusative forms of pronominal adjectives modeled on the adjective didi’sis, -i’ji (aiški’sis “clear,” á’iški ji “clear, -,” žali’sis “green,” žali ji “green, -,” cf. Samogitian smōlki’sis “small,” smōlki’ji “small, -”). 3. Forms used in both neighboring Samogitian dialects and the dialect under study, but not in neighboring Aukštaitian dialects, especially Central Aukštaitian dialects; for example, the masculine singular locative of pronominal adjectives (baltamē·je “in the white one,” cf. Samogitian dedetē·je “in the big one”); the use of masculine forms instead of feminine forms in the singular locative of the pronouns tā “this,” āna “that, she,” ši “this,” and others (tāme daržīne· “in this shed,” āname vāgo· “in that furrow”); the use of two reflexive particles in prefixed reflexive verbs (neacistēmas “does not remember, -,” pasigeres “gets drunk, -”). 4. Forms used in both neighboring Samogitian and Central Aukštaitian dialects, e.g., the masculine plural nominative of pronominal adjectives, formed on the model of the nominative of masculine 176 gender (baltieji “white ones,” cf. Central Aukštaitian gerieji||gerieji “good ones,” Žemaitian of the Dūnava area geri’je “good ones”). The article also sheds some light on the reverse process—the influence of the Šakyna dialect on neighboring Žemaitian dialects—and concludes that this influence is relatively small. This is apparently explained by the fact that the area of the Žemaitian dialects is very large and compact, whereas the area of the northwestern Aukštaitian dialects extends only in a narrow strip and, beyond the town of Šiauliai, is almost completely interrupted. Thus, the Šakyna dialect under study, together with the neighboring northwestern Aukštaitian Šiauliai dialect, was in practice isolated from other dialects of the same group. Since the Šiauliai dialect is just as transitional as the Šakyna dialect, it does not contribute to the latter’s stability amid the neighboring Žemaitian dialects. Moreover, the old administrative (and ecclesiastical) division of the dialect area also provided favorable conditions for the spread of Žemaitian influence, and thus for closer contact between the dialect’s speakers and the Žemaitians. 12. Lietuvių kalbos morfologinė sandara ir jos raida