Dieveniškių tarmė

LIETUVIŲ KALBOS GRAMATINĖ SANDARA LIETUVOS TSR MOKSLŲ AKADEMIJA THE DIEVENIŠKĖS DIALECT J. LIPSKIENĖ ir A. VIDUGIRIS Key information on the dialect area and the history of its study § 1. By tradition, the Dieveniškės dialect is called the dialect of the environs of the town of Dieveniškės. These are the environs of Poškonys, Jurgelionys, Pagaujėnai (Šarkaičiai), and Dieveniškės in the former Ašmena County, now Eišiškės District, forming a distinctive protrusion in the southeastern corner of the Republic of Lithuania. The most Lithuanian-speaking villages lie in the middle of this protrusion, on both sides of the Gauja River: Valatkiškės, Kmelniškai, Padvarės, Poškonys, Siaurimai, Lastaūčikai, Didžiuliai, Gr ybiškės, Rimšiai, Stalgonys, Bečionys, Kaziūliai, Šaltiniai. Skrai čionys, Dieveniškės, Versekà. A little farther on both sides of the Gauja River are other fairly Lithuanian-speaking villages: Senieji Miežionys, Žižmai, Mačiūčiai, Siudainys, Ramoškos, Milkūnai, and others. In the outlying villages (e.g., Pavydonys, Skaivonys, Siliai, Pagaujėnai, Dvariškės, Kalviai, Pliustai, Zabieliškės, and others), people speak mostly a mixture of Lithuanian and the local Belarusian dialect, which has gained a stronger foothold on the eastern side of the protrusion (e.g., Vaškėliai, Vaišutkiemis, Vėžiakiemis, Daulėnai, Antaniškės). In some villages, only the older or oldest local residents spoke Lithuanian from childhood. Young people who now attend Polish schools, or members of older generations who attended such schools in the past, also know Polish; however, Polish is the mother tongue of no one here. At the end of the 19th century and the beginning of the 20th century, Lithuanian alone was spoken not only in the aforementioned area around Dieveniškės, but also in what is now Belarus, around Surviliškės and Kauleliškės, in the northern part of the Geranainiai environs, around Armoniškės, almost throughout the Varenavas and Rodūnia districts, and in the Įvija district around Lazūnai1. 1 Cf. The Area of the Lithuanian Language in the Vilna Governorate, “Materyaly antropologiczno-archeologiczne i etnograficzne”, vol. 3, Kraków, 1898, pp. 60—61; J. Rozwadowski, Explanations to the Map of the Lithuanian Language in the Vilna Governorate, “Materyaly i prace komisyi językowej Akademii umiejętności w Krakowie”, vol. 1, Kraków, 1904, pp. 89—93, and his map. 183 The situation remained little changed for almost the entire first quarter of the 20th century as well. The Lithuanian and Polish press of the time attests to the use of Lithuanian in Ašmena, Lyda, and other counties2. Earlier data, dating roughly from the third quarter of the 19th century, on the limits of Lithuanian-language use in the Ašmena and Lyda counties of that period are only approximate, imprecise, often contradictory, and therefore not all reliable. Nevertheless, they reflect, at least in part, the Lithuanian ethnographic boundaries of the time3, as well as the complex shifts taking place at the time, when people’s national consciousness began to take shape. The spread of the Lithuanian language and its relationship with other languages are perhaps best shown by the ethnographic atlas compiled by Erkert in 18634. However, Erkert’s ethnographic boundary, with percentages indicating the number of Lithuanians, does not everywhere accurately show the places where Lithuanian was still spoken at the time. In this respect, the ethnographic boundary drawn by A. Koreva in 1861, although also imprecise, has certain advantages5. It runs east of Grauž iškiai, Klevyčia, and Norviliškės (Ašmena District), but north of Geranainiai and Kaulelškės (Varenavas District) and Žirmūnai (Lyda District), leaving Lazūnai in the far southeast. Lazūnai is also excluded by the line drawn by Pr. Kojalovičius in a 1865 publication of the Archaeographic Commission6, which runs considerably south of Dieveniškės and Geranainiai7. It is difficult to say how far southeast of Dieveniškės the boundary of Lithuanian-language use runs, based on the schematic atlas published by P. Köppen in 18518. 2 Žr. J. Š-klys, Prie statistikos Vilniaus gubernijoje, „Varpas“, 1903, Nr. 2, p. 36; Lietuvių padėjimas Vilniaus vyskupijoje, „Viltis“, 1908, Nr. 104, 115—125, 130, 132, 133; 1913, Nr. 23; plg. Lietuvos žemėlapį su etnografijos siena, „Lietuvos ūkininko“ bendrovės leidimas (be datos); Ze stosunków litewsko-polskich, Warszawa, 1907; M. Römer, Stosunki etnograficzno-kulturalne na Litwie, Kraków, 1906, p. 3—35; A. Doritsch, Beiträge zur litauischen Dialektologie, „Mitteilungen der litauischen litterarischen Gesellschaft, t. 6, Heidelberg, 1912, p. XVI—XVII; K. Werbelis, Russisch-Litauen. Statistisch-etnographische Betrachtungen, Stuttgart, 1916; J. Zaremba, Stosunki narodowościowe w województwie nowogródskim, Warszawa, 1939, p. 138—146. 3 We sometimes use the term “ethnographic boundaries” to mean the limits of Lithuanian-language use because the boundaries in many 19th-century Russian ethnographic atlases were drawn according to the criterion of language use. 4 See Этнографический атлас Западно-русских губерний и соседних областей, compiled by Р. Ф. Е р к е р т о м, СПБ, 1863; Atlas Ethnographique de provinces habitees en totalité ou en partie par des polonais, by R. D’Erkert, St. Petersbourg, 1963. 5 Žr. Материалы для географии и статистики России, Виленская губерния, сост. А. К о р е в а, СПБ, 1861; plg. „Vairas“, 1914, Nr. 16, p. 6. 6 Žr. Документы объясняющие историю Западно-Русскаго края и его отношения къ России и Польшѣ, СПБ, 1965; plg. „Vairas“, 1914, Nr. 16, p. 7; K. Werbelis, min. veik., p. 68; P. Klimas, Lietuva, jos gyventojai ir sienos, Vilnius, 1917, p. 45. 7 It should be recalled that at that time Dieveniškės was still a filial church of the Geranainiai parish; see Executori um decretum de limitibus dioecesis Vilnensis, Vilnae, 1854, p. 28. 8 Žr. Этнографическая карта Европейской России, составлена П. Кеппеном, СПБ, 1851. 184 The information provided by other ethnographers and even linguists about the southeastern boundaries of the Lithuanian ethnographic area is even less precise. A. Kirkor9, A. Ritich10, and even J. Karlowicz11, together with F. Kurschat12, left not only Lazūnai and Žirmūnai but also Dieveniškės and Norviliškės outside the boundaries of the Lithuanian ethnographic area. More precise data on the use of the Lithuanian language had been collected in 1867–1880 by J. Kuznetsov, a member of the Russian Geographical Society, who was preparing an accurate ethnographic map of Lithuania. The settlements he identified as still having a majority of Lithuanian-speaking inhabitants extended as far as Surviliškės, Geranainis, and Žirmūnai. Only the large Lithuanian enclave around Lazūnai, Bokštai, Jurotiškės, Dūdos, and Lygomovičiai was no longer contiguous with the Lithuanian-speaking areas around Geranainis and Dieveniškės13. In the first half of the 19th century, Lithuanian was spoken over a wider area still. M. Balinskis, a historian well acquainted with this region, and T. Lipinski indicate that Lithuanian was spoken in the western part of the Ašmena district, around Graužiskės, Velbutai, Klevyčia, Norviliškės, Surviliškės, Dieveniškės, Geranainis, and Lipniškės; in the Bokštai eldership; in the Trobos parish; around Takoriškės; throughout the Įvija parish; and around Lazūnai14. That at the time Lithuanian was still spoken continuously from Dieveniškės and Geranainis as far as Įvija, and thus also as far as Lazūnai, is confirmed by a questionnaire on the use of the Lithuanian language in the parishes of the Vilnius diocese, completed in 182715. Thus, the present-day Dieveniškės protrusion of the Lithuanian dialect area, resembling a peninsula, is part of a once much larger Lithuanian ethnographic area16. People who speak or know how to speak Lithuanian can still be found around Lazūnai, in many villages of the Varenavas (Balatna) district, and especially in villages of the Rodūnia district17. § 2. The Dieveniškės dialect attracted the attention of linguists relatively long ago, both because of its geographical location and because of its rare linguistic features. As early as 1886. 9 A. Kirkor, An Ethnographic View of the Vilnius Governorate. Ethnographic Collection, St. Petersburg, 1858, pp. 120–121. 10 Этнографическая карта Европейской России, сост. А. Ф. Риттихом, СПБ., 1875. 11 See J. Karłowicz, On the Lithuanian Language, 1875, p. 250. 12 Žr. F. Kurschat, Grammatik der littauischen Sprache, Halle, 1876, žemėlapis. 13 See Ю. Кузнецов, Литовский народ, его расселение и численность, Archives of the Russian Geographical Society in Leningrad, collection 11, inventory 1, No. 18, pp. 12, 13. 14 See M. Baliński i T. Lipiński, Starożytna Polska, vol. 3, Warsaw, 1846, p. 251. 15 Žr. Ведомости о костелах и монастырях Виленской епархии, 1827, Lietuvos TSR Centrinis valstybinis istorinis archyvas, fondas 694, aprašas 1, byla 769, p. 5. 16 See the Lithuanian SSR Academy of Sciences, Institute of History, History of the Lithuanian SSR, ed. J. Žiugžda, vol. I, Vilnius, 1957, pp. 64–65; cf. J. Jakubovskis, Nationality Relations in Lithuania before the Union of Lublin, Kaunas, 1922, pp. 5–6; cf. W. Wielhorski, Litwa etnograficzna, Wilno, 1928, map No. 15. 17 For more on this, see “Questions of Lithuanian Linguistics,” vol. 2, Vilnius, 1959, pp. 195, 215, 242–243; vol. 3, Vilnius, 1960, pp. 177, 191; cf. the material collected for the Atlas of Lithuanian Dialects, held at the Institute of the Lithuanian Language and Literature of the Lithuanian SSR Academy of Sciences. 185 A well-known linguist and ethnographer, at that time still a privatdozent at the University of St Petersburg, E. Volter, had come to study this dialect. On the same trip, he collected material in the areas around Žietela, Lazūnai, and Benekainys. At E. Volter’s prompting, G. Ausiukas (Avsiuk), a teacher at the Dieveniškės primary school, also recorded several Lithuanian dialect texts (songs, riddles, etc.) and sent them to him in St Petersburg the following year. E. Volter visited here (in the areas around Dieveniškės and Lazūnai) for a second time in 1893. The material collected during both trips—the characteristic features of the Ašmena dialect (i.e. the Lazūnai and Dieveniškės dialects), a collection of texts (songs, a tale, and a dozen or so riddles), and a glossary of less common words—was published by him in 1895.18 However, judged by today’s standards, the texts recorded by E. Volter have many shortcomings: words and their forms are given without stress marks and are sometimes inaccurately recorded; vowel length is not indicated; the vowels e, ė, are not distinguished, and sometimes uo and o are not distinguished either; consonant hardening is represented inconsistently. Therefore, E. Volter’s material is now of value only for historical and comparative purposes. K. Būga visited the area around Dieveniškės around 1906. He made extensive use of the material he recorded in various writings, but did not write separately about this dialect19. Although not abundant, the material he collected is very valuable because its accuracy meets all the requirements of modern dialectology. A relatively good collection of Dieveniškės dialect texts, with commentary, was published by the Estonian linguist P. Arumaa, who collected material here around 1928–1929.20 His work remains the most important widely available source on the Dieveniškės dialect. However, P. Arumaa’s work, too, does not provide a fuller picture of this very interesting dialect. E. Frenkel made considerable use of material on the Dieveniškės dialect when writing in 1936 about the Lithuanian dialects of the Vilnius region at the time21. He relied mostly on material collected by others and, apparently, had not himself visited the area where this dialect is spoken. Lithuanian linguists were able to begin a more thorough study of this dialect only during the Soviet period. Dialectological expeditions organized by the Institute of the Lithuanian Language and Literature came to study it in 1952 and 1964. In addition, individual linguists and local-history researchers from the republic visit almost every year. 18 E. Volter, Zur litauischen Dialektkunde, „Mitteilungen der litauischen litterarischen Gesellschaft“, t. 4, Heidelberg, 1895, p. 173—186. 19 K. Būga, Užrašai, Vilniaus Valstybinio V. Kapsuko vardo universiteto Mokslinės bibliotekos rankraštynas, signatūra D. 545, p. 26. 20 P. Arumaa, Litauische mundartliche Texte aus der Wilnaer Gegend mit grammatischen Anmerkungen, Dorpat, 1931, p. 19—30, 61—64. 21 E. Fraenkel, Der Stand der Erforschung des im Wilnagebiete gesprochenen Litauischen, „Balticoslavica“, t. 2, Wilno, 1936, p. 14—107; On the features of the Lithuanian dialects of the Vilnius region (rare Slavic words and constructions in these dialects), „Lietuvių tauta“, t. 5, Vilnius, 1935, p. 257—262. 186 The material on which this article is based was collected mainly during the 1964 expedition²² in the villages mentioned above (see § 1). Individual sentences and forms were also recorded in the villages of Dailidžiai, Paginiai, Jokūbiškės, Ūreliai (Urlionys), Jurgelionys, Pajurgelionys, Medinai, Pũlkiai, Šarkaičiai, Gedūnai, Šiurkščiai, Prabaščiškiai, Rūdnia, and other villages. Phonetic features Vocalism § 3. The Dieveniškės salient lies within the area of the Dzūkian dialect and divides the western and eastern Dzūkians. On the western side of the salient, up to the eastern boundary of the Dieveniškės area, the mixed diphthongs am, an, em, en are pronounced in two ways: alongside brunktėlis²³, kumpas, lungas, runkà, grindzi·mas, pinkólika, peč’a dínkscis, žintas, one also often hears branktėlis, lángas, lañkas, lankà, rankà, pėmpė, pėnktas, žėntas, and so on. But the word vandũo is heard only as vánduo, and the present-tense adverbial participle forms ãinanc’, važ’úojanc’ were not heard pronounced any other way. It might seem that the forms with am, an, em, en arose here under the influence of the literary language, since in earlier dialectological maps the boundary between the western and eastern Dzūkians was drawn farther west²⁴. This boundary was probably indicated on the basis of E. Volter’s material, since in the introduction to his description of the Ashmyany dialect he noted that the dialects of the Dieveniškės and Benekainys areas did not differ in any way, and went on to describe only the facts of the Dieveniškės and Lazūnai dialects²⁵. The fact that these diphthongs have long been pronounced in two ways in the Dieveniškės area is also shown by material recorded by K. Būga at the beginning of the 20th century, e.g.: duñkst(s)jo, inkúndo, lúngu·, púntsis, úntsis, pinki, but also grambuolýs, ántsis, rankà, vándenjo²⁶. The forms consistently found in E. Volter’s printed texts, with only i, u+m, n, show that he collected material mainly from the eastern part of the Dieveniškės dialect area, that is, from villages around Norviliškės, where even today the older local inhabitants do not pronounce the diphthongs mentioned above in any other way²⁶. Thus, the boundary separating the western Dzūkians from the eastern ones should be drawn through Dieveniškės. § 4. The diphthongs uo, ie are monophthongized very irregularly, e.g.: dúoda, kluoni·nà, ju·stà, ri·šėlis, švi·sù, važ’úc’ alongside klúonas, píenas, važiuoja. This ²² Individual facts were taken from folklore collections recorded by J. Dovydaitis in 1951–1952, held in the Folklore Section of the Institute of the Lithuanian Language and Literature. ²³ A simplified transcription of the “Program for Collecting Material for the Atlas of the Lithuanian Language” is used (2nd ed., Vilnius, 1956, pp. 105–118). The length of stressed vowels is not indicated anywhere; their length is shown by the intonation mark. The length of unstressed vowels is indicated only for a, e, i, u. ²⁴ See “Archivum Philologicum”, vol. 4, Kaunas, 1933; Lietuvių kalbos rašybos žodynas, Kaunas, 1948, p. 123; see also J. Šukys, Būdingesnės Ramaškonių tarmės ypatybės, “Lietuvių kalbotyros klausimai”, vol. 3, 1960, pp. 178–179. ²⁵ See E. Volter, op. cit., p. 177. ²⁶ The name of the village of Antaniškiai in the Norviliškės area most likely retained the diphthong an because of the influence of Slavic languages; compare Polish Antoniszki and Belarusian Антанишки, since even in the Dieveniškės area place names with um, un are more common, e.g.: Kumpas “field of Didžiuliai village,” Lūnkos and Lankos “meadows of Valatkiškiai village,” Undriškė “meadow of Dailidžiai village,” and others. 187 This dialect feature is not new, since it has been noted both by E. Volter (cf. justiati josiotu 186, užužialio dvaran 187) and by K. Būga (mikė, snikc’, klūninā, vūlakčis, migūstas alongside miegakulis “a lazybones, a sleepyhead,” Trakūosnan, važ’úoc²⁷). Examples of this monophthongization of these diphthongs also occur elsewhere, especially on the outskirts of the Western Dzūkian dialects located in the Byelorussian SSR, e.g., around Ramaškonis, Bilius, Bieliūnus, Lietuva (Varenava district), Plikius, Sklodonis, Paditvys, Pelesa, Kargaudai, Kivonys (Rodūnia district), Azierkai, and Pervalka (Grodno district). In terms of the exceptionally clear monophthongization of le and uo, all these dialects may perhaps be surpassed only by the Lithuanian dialect of Zietela, which does not have Dzūkian features. § 5. Individual speakers of the dialect sometimes pronounce, in place of the vowel u, a fronted mid vowel i, similar to a retracted i (but different from Belarusian bl), e.g.: ažgiedėjo “sang,” lieživi, nivėdė “led away,” pamitekėjo “married,” pasikorisi “having hanged herself,” siko “turned,” siksū “I will turn,” sisukė “turned around,” sivėdė “ate up”²⁸. § 6. Other features of the vocalism of the Dieveniškės dialect are known across a wider area of the Dzūkian and, more generally, Eastern Aukštaitian dialects, e.g.: a) Nasal ą, ę and word-final, shortened acute a, e (derived from an, en) are pronounced u’, i’; u, i, e.g.: galūsc’, izgūzdzino, ku-snelaičis, tūososi, tisc’, kāti, pifk’u’; su biti, marc’u, pūodi. b) a is pronounced in place of word-initial e, e.g.: aina, apušė ūr zino, āžerų, až’a, ažis. c) The stressed vowel e becomes very open, regardless of the syllable or consonant that follows it, e.g.: gi’vėnc’, kāl’as, mēdz’as “forest,” nepadė gi citėlėlis. This feature has been observed and noted (though using different characters) by all the earlier researchers of the dialect: E. Volter (atkialk 183, v’aidu 183, žirgialis 184), K. Būga (Banālis 26, tākis 26), and P. Aruma (parn’āški 19, sā’ nas 19, tā’kants’ 20, vīnā’l’o 21). d) The stressed vowel é is sometimes slightly diphthongized, e.g.: g’ėrė sekm’ė “a fairy tale,” turėjau. As far as has been observed, it is mainly bilingual or trilingual speakers who diphthongize it in this way, not only in Dieveniškės but also in other Lithuanian dialects. e) The first component of the circumflex and unstressed diphthong au is most often strongly assimilated to the second, and is pronounced with an o-like timbre, e.g.: darāū, dāūgel’, lāūkuosā. f) In stressed acute mixed diphthongs i, u+l, m, n, r, the first component is always lengthened, e.g.: gīrtas, pīlc’, kūlc’, pūlc’, žīnda. § 7. Unstressed long vowels i, u, ē, o are shortened very inconsistently and irregularly. The same person may pronounce them once in one and the same word as only slightly shortened, almost long or half-long, and a second time as almost short. The shortening varies in both the root and the ending of the stressed— 27 See K. Būga, cited work, p. 26; this feature is not recorded in P. Aruma’s texts. 28 This feature has been recorded by linguists in the Lithuanian dialect of Zietela and around Asava (Varenava district); cf. O. Broch, Zum Litauischen südlich von Vilna, „Nors Tidskrift for Sprogvidenskap“, vol. 19, 1960, pp. 1—71. 188 The pronunciation of the long vowels that have been shortened. The vowels ė, o, even when shortened in the stem, do not change their quality (e.g.: tėvális, obuolis), whereas in the ending they are considerably more open; a, o, e are heard in their place (e.g.: gãne, p’jõve, būva, sãka). Such differing quality of unstressed ė, o in the stem and ending would indicate that shortening of the word ending began here earlier than shortening in the stem. Lengthened stressed short vowels a, e, i, u also occur, e.g.: mãšk, nėšvietė, pašėkiau, būvo, visì. § 8. 1. There are quite a few examples in which a short vowel has been lost (syncope), e.g.: brõkai<burokai, kãtr’as <keturias, mẽndlis<mendelis “hump,” nedarnėjo<nedarinėjo, priemnė“priemenė”29. Especially often, the reflexive particle lacks the vowel i, e.g.: ažuslaidė“went down,” nėzdavė“was unsuccessful,” nusmaino“changes,” paskėls’u, pazdz’ãūk’, suskrãusi. Words with the vowel retained also include ańtaras“second,” pusańtaro, vėlinas“devil.” 2. There are fewer words with contracted vowels or syllables, e.g.: dvėtas<dvejetas, praicinis“past,” padà<pagadà “clear weather,” pažmìršó<pažmiršo “forgot,” prẽi, nãjo<nuãjo, etc. 3. The form ãušarð“dawn” is recorded with a reduced vowel. The word talakà“talka” is most likely a direct borrowing from Belarusian; cf. талака. 4. The diphthong al is sometimes realized as au, e.g.: Stãugóni·s and Stalgóni·s, kãuniėr’us“near-sighted woman.” Consonantism § 9. In the vicinity of Dieveniškės, both features of dzūkavimas have been preserved; these are the features by which the Dzūkian dialect is distinguished. a) Instead of the affricates č, dž (<tj, dj), c, dz are consistently pronounced, e.g.: ãudz’a, gaidz’o, plãc’os, svec’ū. Only in borrowings or words adopted from the standard language do č, dž occur, e.g.: pãč’us, medž’óc’. The occurrence of affricates c, dz in the word forms bit’u, rãgut’u“of the sledges,” ãud’ãu“I wove,” ažukint’âu“I endured,” gáud’ãu, stat’ãumay perhaps have been prevented by other forms of the paradigms that lack affricates. b) The consonants t, d, both alone and together with v, before i, y, į, ie and before the lost ending vowels i, ie are pronounced c, dz, cv, dzv, e.g.: atkazdzinėja, ciesė“right hand,” dzvìlika, miẽkci“sleeps,” šalikáici, ci·léc’. Only before i, į that developed from *en, and in certain borrowings do t, d remain unchanged, e.g.: su biti, púodi, tinkúoc’. Sometimes, however, one hears cī<ti“there” ci·nai“there,” and even ci·évas“father,” vi·cėla“twig.” Under the influence of the standard language, the aforementioned features of dzūkavimas, especially the second, are disappearing relatively rapidly. Thus, one increasingly often hears: ait’, gani·, tik(tai). In words adopted from the standard language, the consonants t, d are generally not converted into the affricates c, dz: dirpt’, darbãdienis. 29 It is uncertain whether this word ever had the vowel e; cf. E. Fraenkel, Litauisches etymologisches Wörterbuch, Göttingen, 1955—1962, p. 653. 189 § 10. As in the root of a word, so too at its end, j preserved after the consonants p, v is often found before back vowels, e.g.: aujú “a sheep”³⁰, davjau, lápju (sometimes also lápja “fox”), p’jov’au, pjūti, šláp’ja (cf. šlapijú “of wet hands”), šlap’jóka. § 11. The hardening of certain consonants is characteristic of the dialect. The consonant t is hardened not only before e, ė (cf. ažilank’au, klába, láidž’a, lájo ~ lejo “poured”; galéi, gulėjau, kalbėk, stráublė “rainbow,” velėč’), but also before i, in (<*en), e.g.: lingüvas, lintų, lintá’ų; pérlindo, suslinkis “bent over,” bùklo: “in a state, life,” su kauli. Before front vowels or fronted back vowels, a hardened r is often found, e.g.: apgróvi, karážom, (s)kráždė, krislas, neturù, rag’ù, pagerėc, skránda “runs,” tùrim. Hardened š, ž, c and other consonants occur less often, e.g.: nešoja, šaudžikles, šiva, rasižóc’ “to gape,” važávo, žirnei, žù’réc kráca, tracà, izdžuvo, minutėlė, aršális “calf.” § 12. The older speakers of the dialect pronounce neither the consonant ch nor h. In loanwords, they pronounce ch as k: kóc “although,” nekói “let it be,” sukáitos “consumption,” cf. Belarusian хоўб, нехай, сухоты. They most often render the fricative g of borrowings from Belarusian or transmitted through Belarusian, pronounced like h (which Belarusians usually transcribe as γ), as v (e.g.: авúркас “cucumber,” lenč’u’vėlis “small chain,” paprúoa “saddle strap,” pasóvas “dowry, lot,” plúvas “plow,” vódzina “snake,” cf. агурок, ланцуг, папруга, паса́, гáдзiна), or omit it altogether (cf.: ciónas “Gypsy,” piéaršč’os “handful,” samaonkà “moonshine, homemade liquor,” cf. Belarusian цыган, прыгороты, самагонка). § 13. Consonants often affect and assimilate one another: a) The first consonant assimilates the consonant that follows it, e.g.: minkščimas, muščiš, piřščinės, rakščis “coffin.” b) There are more examples in which the second consonant assimilates the first, e.g.: am_pėč’aus; nurìngdzinėja “(gathers) up.” As a result of assimilation, the first consonant often disappears entirely, e.g.: adárė “opened,” àdavė “handed over,” apìlė “poured over,” àvertė “turned over,” avìlk “put on,” asnìgo < ažšnìgo “it snowed.” § 14. The people of some villages around Dieveniškės (Grybiškės, Bėčionys, Skraičiionys, Kaziuliai, Valatkiškės, etc.) (some more often, others less often) change the consonants t, d before ė, e, i, y into k, g, e.g., d>g: bungėlė “bun,” àpgėda “covers,” dzígelis “big,” dugénc’ “to drone, to speak,” gėgė “uncle,” girgėjo “heard,” „gigi:kis “cure yourself,” gīrvos “fields,” pragėda “begins,” pavargė “surname,” vángen’o “of water,” ži’gė³¹; t>k: bikìnis “bee-like,” dùkeris “daughter,” ìkeipo “like this,” kelùbas “calf,” kiėvas “father,” ki’nai “over there,” merg’óki “girl,” pasikìnkma <pasitìnkma “meets,” pastakìk “set up,” pérverkė “turned over.” 30 The form aujú is used much more widely among the western Dzūkai, since when ao became au, j became necessary to avoid hiatus. 31 Worth noting is the word degùžė “May,” used relatively widely in Lithuanian dialects; its d is thought to have arisen through dissimilation. 190 It should be noted that new words borrowed from the literary language are also often pronounced with consonants altered in this way, e.g.: gekinė “vodka,” pirmā-gienis “Monday,” šingie “today.” Sometimes the aforementioned consonants are pronounced so softly that it is difficult to distinguish t, d from k, g32. Other consonant changes occur only in individual words, e.g.: g>d: derklālà “little throat”; k>g: sāgė “followed (a trail)”; b>p: kimpa “bites,” plākutės “bedbugs,” etc. § 15. 1. Consonants are often added: ie, ė, i, e at the beginning of a word is preceded by j (e.g.: jievà, jėda, ježūkas “hedgehog,” jīlgas, jimč’), while uo, u at the beginning of a word is preceded by the consonant v (e.g.: vuodegà, vūodz’a, vūogos, vūpė). At the beginning of words starting with a consonant, an s(z) is sometimes added, e.g.: skràgždė “swallow,” zdairosi “looks around, watches.” At the end of words ending in the diphthong uo, an j is sometimes added, e.g.: akmuoj, sesuoj, tešmuoj. 2. There are few instances of consonant insertion. The j, v pronounced between a vowel-final prefix and the root of words beginning with the vowels i, u (uo) (e.g.: nepajimš, sūvuodė) may be explained as epenthetic sounds inserted to avoid hiatus, or as additions carried over from words without prefixes. The consonant t is inserted between s and r in the words: apinastris, nastrai “a human mouth or an animal’s muzzle.” 3. Consonants that have changed places (metathesis) occur in the words: liminis “woollen cloth,” datù<dadù “then,” ruškīnės “Shrovetide,” sėmbertas “currant,” sīmblas<sīnplas “weak.” Morphological features Noun § 16. Word formation. Most of the dialect’s compound nouns have a linking vowel; compare the more characteristic examples: arklāžirvė “part of a plough,” arklāruškinei “sorrel,” bėržalapis, devī-nabrōlė “a sister who has nine brothers,” galōdžirvis, miegakū-lis “sleepyhead,” peč’adinhštė “oven cover,” pirmākarti “for the first time,” pupōlakscei “marsh marigolds,” saulšėtekis “morning,” šilagėlės “wood anemones,” tarpūpedzei “side rooms,” varnākōja “burdock.” Formations without a linking vowel are rare: rātpedzei “spokes.” § 17. Among prefixed nouns, formations with the prefix pa- occur most frequently, and those with api-, at-, ažu- less frequently. Most nouns formerly belonging to the a, ia stem class, on receiving a prefix, shift to the ė stem class, e.g.: pakaklė, 32 This feature is found mainly in the western Dzūkian dialects (around Dubičiai, Kabeliai, Azierkai, Druskininkai, around Rodūnia and Pelesa, and in individual words elsewhere); compare J. Senkus, Nauja medžiaga apie lietuvių kalbos tarmes, “Lietuvos TSR Mokslų akademijos Darbai,” series A, vol. 1, 1955, p. 151; J. Otrębski, Gramatyka języka litewskiego, vol. 1, Warszawa, 1958, pp. 354—357; Ю. Довидайтис, О некоторых явлениях в южных и юго-восточных диалектах, “Lingua Posnaniensis” vol. 7, Poznań, 1959, p. 341; E. Grinaveckienė, Nauji dzūkų tarmės tyrinėjimų duomenys, “Literatūra ir kalba,” vol. 5, Vilnius, 1961, pp. 603—608. 191 pakelė, palaukė, palungė, pamėdė “woodland edge,” papadė, pasvirnė, pašilė. Only one or another word formed with a prefix from an a-stem belongs to the ia-stem class, e.g.: ažūlkumpis, apinastris, pakraštys. Some nouns formed with prefixes from u- or o-stem words also belong to the ia-stem class, e.g.: padungis, padz irvėi, patvoris. Other words retain their stem even when prefixed, e.g.: ažūnis, pakėjos. § 18. The most productive method of word formation is suffixation. Suffixal nouns with diminutive meaning are very common in the dialect. They are formed chiefly with the following suffixes: a) -aitis, -aitė, e.g.: avitaitė, bernaitis, kamolaitis, katāitė, k’aulaitė, ku’snelaitis, vuodegaitė, zilaitė. The diminutive meaning is no longer felt in the words bobātė “midwife,” lopinaitis “little kerchief,” vištaitė “coot”; b) -elis, -elė. The vowel e in this suffix is not always pronounced in the same way. Most often it is long and open, e.g.: aslālė, ausālė, brolālei “orphans,” dugnėlis, jungėlis, mintėlė, šienėlis. Sometimes, however, the same dialect speakers pronounce this vowel much shorter and closer, almost like ė, e.g.: alksnėlis, beržėlis, beržėlis, dunksčėlis “little roof,” kalnėlis, paršėlis, vaikėlei, vuosėlis. Perhaps because of this variation in pronunciation, derivatives with this suffix are recorded in two different ways both by E. Volter (cf.: aglate 184, justiali 183, lakštial’o 185, tėvielio 183, žirgialis 184 and karvėlė 184, pūdeli 184, dzienietas 186), and by K. Būga (cf.: Banalīs tetātė and karvjeljai, rišelis, vištel jai 26); c) -ėlis, -ėlė is added to polysyllabic words. Its vowel is usually long and close, e.g.: galu·stuvėlis, lopinėlis, malūnėlis, niekotėlė “little trough,” šermukšnėlės “cinquefoils” (although alongside these, forms with a shorter suffix vowel ė are sometimes also used, e.g.: o kišk’ėlis, v a r g i n i ė l i s be kepūrės šoka; m a l u · n’ė l i s bīvo). d) -ikė, e.g.: bobikė, kalikė, viščiķė “a kind of mushroom”; e) -(i)ukas, -(i)ukė. There are many derivatives with these suffixes. No regular pattern has been observed as to when the consonant at the end of the stem is soft before this suffix and when it is hard; compare: arklūkas, bobūkė, danc’ūkas, galūkas, jērūkai, kac’ūkoi, k’aul’ūkai, kumelūkas, ku·snūkas, lazdūkė, linc’ūkė, linūkai, miežūkas, pagallūkai, pel’ūkė, pul’ūkai “chickens,” rac’ūkai, sklimutūkai “little discs,” vištelūkas “chick,” žvirblūkai; f) -ulis, -ulė, e.g.: bobūlis, dziedūlis, dzievūlis, ku mula, lie’tūlis, sesūla, vaikūlis; g) -utis, -utė, e.g.: akūtė, cviekūtis, gurūcei “crumbs,” krukūcei “heels,” ku·mūte, langučis, mergūtė, oškūtė, pirkūtė, ragūcis, sniegūte “snowdrift,” tėvūtis, vaikūcis. These derivatives with the suffix in question no longer have diminutive meaning: blākutės, sometimes plākutės “bedbugs,” rāgutės “sleigh,” traukučis “cramp,” trupūcis, turkūcis “a kind of insect.” § 19. The dialect has quite a number of suffixal nouns with an apparently derogatory meaning. Among their more characteristic suffixes, the following may be mentioned: -ėkas, -ėka, e.g.: arklėkas “a lean horse, a nag,” bernėkas “boy” (compare the affectionate diminutive derivatives formed from this word 192 bernekūcis, bernekūlis), kumelėka “a poor mare, a mare kept for breeding,” medžėkas “a poor little wood,” paršēkas “a half-grown pig,” vaikēkai; -ystė, e.g.: durcištė “daughter,” mergištė “girl, young woman,” (cf. mergiškaitė; moreover, mergiščė is sometimes said, as well as mergišč'a; cf. “and two children remained: a girl and a boy”). § 20. Various nouns with abstract meanings should be mentioned; most are feminine. Their more characteristic suffixes are: -yba, e.g.: geriba, jauniba, pikčiba, seniba. Besides their abstract meaning, these words may also be used with a concrete meaning, e.g.: “the old people died out, the young people moved away”. Alongside -yba, the suffix -ybė is sometimes used, e.g.: kalčibė; -ysta, e.g.: senistà “old age” (I have senistai ger'aus'a in žemės sėdėc'); -uma, e.g.: aklumà, degumà “heat,” drabnumà (hybrid) “small change, minuteness,” gailumà, gilumà, gražumà, piktumà, platumà, riebumà, ša-usumà, senumà, šlapumà, tamsumà, tankumà, vėlumà. § 21. There are also quite a few nouns with other meanings, formed with the suffixes: -ėjas (-ėjis) -ėja: weaver (fem.), miller, reaper (there are no reapers; reapers were hired); -iena. Nouns formed with this suffix denote: a) the meat of animals or birds, e.g.: beef, pork, chicken, fish; b) a place where a particular crop grows, e.g.: oat field, buckwheat field, rye field (rye fields, in the rye field, into the rye fields, the rye fields); -ikas, e.g.: warrior, sleeper; Derivatives with the suffix -imas denote an action, the result of an action, or concrete objects, e.g.: dudėnimas alongside kalbėjimas, gręndzimas “a tamped barn floor,” priunkimas “a passage,” prizdėjimas “the same,” ti-simas “an abscess;” -ynas, e.g.: aglinas (agli:ni, agli:nà), beržinas, kvarkalinos “tadpoles,” lazdinas “hazel bushes” (cf. lazdà “hazel”), mendri:nai, skruz-dėlinas, žolinas “flower, flowers;” -(in)ykas, e.g.: aviinikas “sheepfold,” darbinikė, jaucini-kas “cattle herder,” naktigoni-kas “night herdsman, one who herds at night,” naminikac “one who guards the home, householder;” -iškis, -ė. Words with this suffix are formed to designate people's origin by place, e.g.: miež’oniškis, -ė, skauroniškis, -ė, skraiči’oniškis, -ė; cf. the numerous place names with this suffix: Dalgiškė “stream,” Dāubutiškės “village,” Klaniškė “meadow,” Trainiškės “field and forest”; Ži:džiškės “meadows;” -ojas. With this suffix, names are formed for the stems of certain plants, e.g.: potato stalks, buckwheat stalks, bean stalks, beet stalks (sometimes also beet tops); Nouns denoting an agent have the suffix -tojas, -a, e.g.: ploughman (sometimes ploughman), protector; -ulys: kosulis, kvėpulis “smell,” miegulis “sleepyhead,” riebulei “fat,” sopulis, spirulis “stubborn person;” 13. Lietuvių kalbos gramatinė sandara 193 -tuvas, -tuvė are mostly nouns denoting instruments, derived from verbs, e.g.: galąstuvas, klascituvė ‘a flax-breaking tool’, kultuvė, mintuvai, muš tuvai, setuvė, šautuvė ‘a gun’. § 22. Inflection. Most nouns inflect in both the singular and plural: pasailas ‘a strap, a tether’, pasailai, vištaitė, vištaitės, žibtūkas ‘a match’, žibtukai. The dual survives only in remnants; see § 32. The noun málka has only a singular. Moreover, for vividness, the singular is often used in the dialect in place of plural forms, e.g.: páris tovei (perbrendo) jãu įjùvas; c’a miežis neàuks, bùl’ba neàuks; bùs ir miežuko ir rugẽlo ‘there will be barley and rye’, várpa rasipùtė, grūdas bira ‘the ear swelled, the grains are falling’. § 23. The dialect has quite a number of interesting inflectional forms: 1. The masculine singular dative has as many as three forms. Forms ending in -u are used most frequently in the dialect: bérnu, sūnu, tēvu. In combinations with the prepositions lig, ik, po, pri(e)g, the generalized ending -i occurs with nouns having a consonant stem, e.g.: šókom ik vãkari; po arimi akėjo; prabuvàu vis prig dárbi. Forms with the ending -o were also recorded during the 1964 expedition: árk’lo dúoda avižų: bóba sáko kišk’o; ašmiršáu póno pasakic’. These singular dative forms occur more often in the speech of older people and in folklore. They are rarer in everyday speech33. 2. The plural dative of all stems has the ending -mu, e.g.: akimu sveika; mėtamu samdo; reik’a tomu visómu trimu mergištému; reik’a dovanóc sesùtėmu, bról’amu; vaikámu aina kap iš dúmo ‘the children are doing very well’; seniemu žmonėmu reik’a pasilséc34. Sometimes (perhaps due to the influence of the literary language or other dialects), the forms mergóm, vaikám also occur. 3. The older, longer plural instrumental forms in -mi have mostly been preserved only by i-stem and consonant-stem nouns, e.g.: akimi įnėrėme in mani; su trim akimi; ir tas griauža dancimi, ir tas; išėjo su dukterimi; šlaunimi vadzina. The singular instrumental of these stems has shifted to the ia-stem (masculine nouns) or the io-stem (feminine nouns), e.g.: ak’u negalėj žuréc; su dùkter’u búvom; dunc’ù griež’a. 4. The plural inessive ending is -sa, e.g.: tu mán žal’à aki·sà; ašarosa buvau; pac’uosà, geresn’uosà daiktuosà; o kas tuosà kalnuosà?; vienuosà namuosà pãmuse tėvu’; vaikuosà (together with the children) gi’vèna nu’nai; žūsi’s būna vandenuosà 33 For more on the singular dative forms in -o and their use, see J. Lipskienė and A. Vidugiris, Apie vieną dzūkų tarmės daiktavardžių vienaskaitos naudininko formą, „Lietuvos TSR Mokslų akademijos Darbai“, Serija A, t. 1(20), Vilnius, 1966, p. 205—208. 34 In the nearby Ramaškoniai dialect (Varenavas district, Byelorussian SSR), the ending -mu has been retained only in i-stem and consonant-stem forms; cf. J. Šukys, Būdingesnės Ramaškonių tarmės ypatybės, „Lietuvių kalbotyros klausimai“, t. 3, Vilnius, 1960, p. 481. 194 little, I was born in Miežonys. Forms of the singular in that same case are: mėdzi· ‘forest’, pilvi, pirk’oji, pusėi, šali. 5. The usual plural illative forms are in -na: akišna, kapuosna, trušošna, šitošna, pirk’ošna. Perhaps, by analogy with the singular illative (cf. rañkon, šulniñ, prašosi nakciñ ‘for an overnight stay’, unksnėn), or otherwise, n(a) is sometimes repeated in the plural illative, cf.: inliñdo mā namuosnan; užliñdo spal’uosnan ir pramiegójo; šalísnan aina, sustāto tok’ósnan at’ósnan; atvaž’ūosi sveč’ūosnan; stāto vartūosnan. Sometimes illative forms are used in place of the inessive (e.g.: that little fellow (and the little ones) was looking at my brother; I arrived in autumn; I myself was working at the tavern; the leaf sits in the little house and says), while inessive forms are used with an illative meaning (e.g.: I’ll go now to Biečionys; he isn’t going yet to the market). In certain cases illative forms are also used in place of other cases, e.g.: the ears are cold; the karts are playing. 6. Only one singular adesive form has been recorded (the father was with his son), whereas there are more singular allative forms, e.g.: when I go to Butrimonys, I look around (inspect) them; to the end he’ll get there; and even to the very end; he goes to have the children baptized; they agreed, when it was more convenient to have the child baptized. § 24. 1. The forms of consonant-stem and i-stem nouns vary greatly. The singular genitive often still preserves the old ending of the stems mentioned, e.g.: dukterės, seserės, šunės alongside dukterės || dukterės, || dukrės, seserės || sesuvōs, stūomen’o, šunies, vānden’o. The plural nominative of these words often also preserves the ending -es, e.g.: dūres, duntes, sāseres, šunes, žūses, žmones alongside žmōni·s. Place names with the suffix -ones have retained this ending throughout: Beč’ones, Miež’ones, Pošrōnes, Skaivōnes, Skraič’ones. A place name from an entirely different stem, Rimāšes ‘Rimašiai’, is also often pronounced with the ending -es. However, other words are more often already used with an (i)a-stem ending: akmenai, ašmenai, duntai, piemėnai, smegenai, stuomenai, vagei. The forms of other cases of the aforementioned stems also vary; cf. singular nominative: duk-tėl||dukrė||dukra, duncis||duncis, debesis, mėnesis, sesuvā, sesuōi, stuomuōi; plural instrumental: with her duktēm||dukterimi, and so on. 2. The (i)u stem has been severely eroded. Alongside the old forms (e.g.: medūs, su·nūs, žmogūs, medaũs, sūnu·s), newer forms belonging to stronger stems are steadily gaining ground (e.g.: karāl’o, mādo, žmōgo, pietai, su·nai, su·nais, turguosa, turguosna). 3. The dialect also has quite a number of words belonging to other stems which differ in their stem endings from the corresponding words in the literary language or other dialects, e.g.: blakscinis ‘eyelash’, cibul’a ‘onion’, jurginā ‘dahlia’, liepas ‘linden’, riešucis ‘hazelnut’, tulžis ‘bile’, and so on. § 25. The dialect has quite a number of individual words or forms stressed differently from those in the literary language, cf.: not far from the neighbors; and it still glitters 13* 195 meat; asks for meat without bones; it makes no difference to me whether that Lithuanian is a Latvian; a covering for the plough; he gave such a bundle of tow, and where are those keys; my span is large; there are flowers in the orchard: he had a rifle and smashed it; how he will shoot with a rifle; both parents; it will be for the parents; to buy boards, one door; a sparrow in a full shop. The singular vocative forms of diminutive-affectionate derivatives with suffixes occasionally have stress on the root, as in other Western Dzūkian dialects, e.g.: little brothers, little goats, little son, child; little dove (=little calf), little craftsman, pull out the little flax-stalks. Sometimes, by analogy with the forms of nouns with circumflex roots, the circumflex-root accusative plural is stressed on the ending, e.g.: poppies, horses, heads, grains, etc. Adjective § 26. Derivation. The more characteristic adjective suffixes are: -ėlis, -ė, e.g.: ažusmigėlis (sleepyhead) child; patrūkėlei (torn) clothes; -ickas, -a, sometimes -uckas, e.g.: balcickį (very white, whitish) the piglets run about; atāj įjuodzickas (very darkened, black) after work; a little yard; narrow meadows; they sing short little songs (less often she left the children very small, like dung). More adjectives formed in a similar way have been recorded in Lithuanian dialects in the Belarusian SSR, for example, around Rodūnia (cf. núogickas, pilnickas), Lazūnai (cf. mãckas, simplickas “rather weak”), and Zietela (cf. gãritkas, grinitkas, žãlitkas, etc.35 -(y)kščias, -ia, e.g.: ažuperni-kšč’as; bulikščėi (ancient) works, these are not modern; kadáinikšč’os (ancient, old) fortunes (cf. people in olden times lived differently); perniškšč’as; I don't know the old way; yesterday's milk; -inis, -ė (occasionally -ienis), e.g.: plough-beam hay; oat chaff; with flax in the spring; then stones; millstone; and he drank from a pail of barley; cattle fodder; a bone whip; a field cow; a wooden spoon; a Lithuanian song; and he puts clay potsherds there; the parents meet them at home; front and rear wheel (cf. “rear”); before the year was over the old woman died; formerly it was home-made; an old-fashioned word; a crossbar; glass eyes; a straw hat; -ingas, -a, e.g.: dėdzinga (laying) hen; and the soul lies deathless; she was not clever; she is very good at telling stories (a good storyteller); the girl is very handy; 35 For the origin and derivation of these derivatives' suffixes, see P. Skardžius, Lietuvių kalbos žodžių daryba, Vilnius, 1943, p. 123—124; J. Otrębski, Gramatyka języka litewskiego, t. II, Warszawa, 1963, p. 273. 196 -iškas, -a, e.g.: itai gūdžiškas (non-Lithuanian) žōdzis; juōkiškas (neither one thing nor another, comical) dárbas; -uvas, -a, e.g.: anksčiuvas||unksčiuvas; rūpeslīvas “caring,” vė- livas; -(i)okas, -a, e.g.: senōkas, senōka “rather old,” šlap’jōka; -okis, -ia, e.g.: vienōkis (identical, similar) dárbas; itai nevienōkos kalbos; -oktas, -a, e.g.: nevienōkta galvà “unequal abilities (of people)”; č’a visur vienōktas daiktas “here everything is alike”; dvējōkta, trejōkta žēmė; -otas, -a; -uotas, -a, e.g.: barzdōtas, kuprōtas, lapōtas, pilvōtas; akmeniuōta, gisliuōta, vižiuōta; -ukas, -ė: mažūkas, mažūke, mieliukas, nedzidūke, cf. also mažukūl’ūke (very tiny) būvo viena dukrė; -(i)ulis, -ė, e.g.: dzidz’ulis; karvėlė mā margūle; cf. also tókīs mažūkulīs būvo vīras; -uostas suffix occurs only in the word miegūostās paskėlė; -ūklis, -ė, e.g.: the man was good, ci(g) girtūklis; itas bērża svirūklis; -utis, -ė, e.g.: jaunūcis, gražūcis, nedzidūcis, sveikūcis, sveikūtė; -u(i)tinis, -ė, e.g.: paskuicinė, pirmuicinis, viršucinis; § 27. Inflection. The comparative degree of adjectives is formed as in the literary language: jaunēsnis, plonesni, senēsne, skaudēsnis “faster,” storesni, strukēsne “shorter,” tolimesni, viresnis, viresnė (with the stress of the base words tōlimas, vīras retained). The superlative degree is formed in different ways. The most commonly used forms have the suffix -iausias, -ia: dzidz’aus’as, ger’aus’as, miel’aus’as, vīr’aus’a. These forms are often further reinforced by the pronoun pats “self” or the Slavic particle nāi: pāc dzidz’aus’as, pāc sen’aus’as, pāci sen’aus’a; nāi ger’aus’as, nāi skaud’aus’as “the fastest.” Sometimes adjective forms in the comparative degree, with the pronoun pats (e.g.: aš pāc vīresnis; tōi būba pāci senēsne), are also used with a superlative meaning, as are contaminated forms, e.g.: geresn’aus’as (cf. pac’uosū geresn’aus’ūosa daiktuosa gi’veno pōnai). § 28. Remnants of pronominal adjectives are found mostly in folklore, especially in songs. Pronominal forms are used less often for naming animals, designating field names, or in everyday speech. The most common are nominative singular forms; forms in other cases are rare, e.g.: Aštrāsai kālnas, ciesiōj rankā “the right hand,” Dzidzīsai pūšinas, dzidesnīsai aina aštuntōn klāsen, o jaunēsnisai, ketvirtōn; Gilāsai “ditch,” jāunesnēj prirīnko skaudz’āu; kair’ō rankā; Keršōj “cow’s name,” Margōj “same”; Jurgēli, gi tu grāžasai; mielasai bernēlis; nevērk, mā mielōj; Platāsai “ditch,” Plac’ōj “field,” sunk’ōj ligā kap niūemė; tai mā brolāl’o šivasai žirgēlis; o tōj trec’ōjoj – mā radn’aus’oj mergēle; viresnēj turēj, o 197 the younger one slaughtered it, my brother-in-law, my old father: then the mother threw it over her right shoulder, and the father threw it over his left shoulder § 29. Among the cases, noteworthy is the feminine singular instrumental form, which has the masculine ending -uom, e.g.: with jaunūom (the young woman) aina põdrūškė (the bridesmaid); paci apsiuvers’ū (upside down) margūom degužėli, o dukrēbli karčiūom apušėli (sometimes one seems to hear mergūm, karčūm). Forms with -uōi are said only occasionally: jū margūōi vadžink. § 30. Some adjectives, or individual forms of them, have endings from other stems than in the literary language, e.g.: he gave [the horse] a drink of sweet water: drūti (strong) hands; the harvest will be short, sharp (accurate); where are these new black coats. Numeral § 31. Word formation. In this dialect, ordinal numerals differ in their formation from the corresponding numerals of the literary language, e.g.: first, second; but the second (masculine), the second (feminine). Instead of the second (masculine), (feminine), the pronoun other (masculine), (feminine) is often used, cf.: how many years? — others (“seconds”); born in the thirtieth year. Most other ordinal numerals are formed from cardinals with the suffix -tas, -ta, e.g.: five: fifth (masculine), (feminine); six: sixth (masculine), (feminine); seven: seventh (masculine), (feminine); eight: eighth (masculine), (feminine) (more often eighth, feminine); ten: tenth; eleven: eleventh (masculine), (feminine); twelve: twelfth (masculine), (feminine); fifteen: fifteenth (masculine), (feminine); twenty: twentieth. The numerals third alongside third and fourth are apparently formed from distributive numerals, cf. in threes, in fours (with vowel alternation in the suffix). Distributive numerals “5—9” are usually formed with the suffix -eli: five each, six each, seven each, eight each, nine each. Only four each, four each (feminine) have the suffix -eri. Those with the suffix -eji (after hardened consonants -aji) are two each, two each (feminine), three each, three each (feminine), cf. the fossilized neuter forms of these numerals: get out of the way, to the ground, they go in twos, and you, go to the sky, they go in threes. Collective numerals are usually formed from distributives or cardinals with the suffix -(e)tas (sometimes -atas), cf.: two each: a pair (<a pair), three each: they have three children; there were four horses and a group of eight carts; she left five children (left behind). Among fractional numerals formed with pus- (“half-”), one may mention: one and a half, one and a half (feminine), one and a half (plural), four and a half, four and a half (plural), etc. Other numeral derivatives have an adjectival meaning, e.g. those with the suffixes -okis, -oktas; see § 26. § 32. Inflection. Cardinal numerals two (masculine), two (feminine), as well as both (masculine), both (feminine), helped preserve dual forms in other parts of speech as well. The accusative case of these numerals is used most often, e.g.: I already have two hundred grandchildren; I remember those two; for two nights and two days they danced, drank, and sang; I took both children. Nouns and other nominal words with dual nominative endings occur much less often, even with the numerals two (masculine), two (feminine) (or both, masculine, both, feminine): two daughters died; often- 198 more often: doesn’t know what else to do; children of both sexes; to the fifth (to the fifth grade) goes. The genitive forms of the numerals du, trus are often shortened, e.g.: in dzviei bus namas; then I’ll go past three hills and ask for two, three people. The form triej (and not *trij, cf. trijų) has probably arisen by analogy with dzviei, cf. dvieju. The plural accusative forms of various masculine numerals most often have the ending -is, e.g.: trejis, keturis, penkis, sepcinis, aštuonelis, devinelis. Forms ending in -us are rare: I worked for them for two years; I spent six hundred. Alongside the adverbialized plural inessive forms (I weave two things; I spent three evenings), adverbialized forms are used very frequently: they go out two at a time; two of them graze three lambs; all together: in fives, in sixes. Forms of the same meaning but of a different type are fossilized forms: senei dzvieju (in pairs) they are; ani·s ti· triju (in threes) they are. Temporal illative forms (of both numerals and non-numerals) are highly characteristic of the dialect, e.g.: at six, at seven we drive the livestock to pasture, cf. arrives on Sunday. Pronoun § 33. The more important features of the non-gendered pronouns aš, tu and the reflexive pronoun savęs: 1. The singular genitive forms of the non-gendered pronouns aš, tu are of two types: sakīk, I’m not at home, alongside your father is lying on you, and a wound on me. The forms of the reflexive pronoun are also of two types: I give myself; she brought herself; she gave herself a little time. Instead of the standard-language forms jūsų, mūsų, the dialect has shorter forms: jūs, mūs, e.g.: is that your two-wheeled cart; oh, what hot pancakes you have; here is our yard (village); and why don’t our shepherds graze? Sometimes mūs is also said, e.g.: you are not our mother, you are a wolf. 2. The singular dative forms of the non-gendered pronouns aš, tu and the reflexive pronoun are mán, táu, sáu. The plural dative has two forms. Those with the formative -mu are more common, e.g.: electricity will cost us dearly; I’ve already sung that song for you; they did nothing to us; mother didn’t tell us; who had it, who had it badly; those with -mi are rarer: we’ll cover all the losses for you; I’ll make something tastier for you; when we feel like lying down. It should also be noted that related pronouns with -mi have not been recorded; all occur only with -mu: and then again, the calf sings for them; it is nice to look at them and at others; for all those three girls, there is nowhere for those girls to go; and we ourselves need it. Sometimes the shorter form is also used: they told the little goats not to go out of the house. 199 3. The singular accusative of the personal pronouns aš, tu and the reflexive pronoun mostly has a short vowel in the ending: nuvešk ir manį; ãnas ir dudėna: ataidžikit pas manį; tavį panešõs (senelis). Sometimes shortened forms are also used, e.g.: kūgi ažūveikė (uždirbo) dukte pas tãũ; vienas ingi sáu, kitas ingi sáu tįs’a; mań sesula pap’jóvė ažu višogų kupkėlį. (puoduka): šešis pas mań. The plural accusative forms are also of two kinds: aš jùs pažināũ; mùs niuvezė Šal’č’nį kan tadù; du pas mùmìs nakvój. 4. The singular instrumental forms have the ending -im: su manim nieko nebuvo; su savim vadž’ója; the plural instrumental has -mi: su jumi vaikšč’oi, dár ir mergáitė. 5. No singular locative forms (inessive and illative) of these pronouns have been recorded. Plural allative forms used with an adessive meaning are the most common, e.g.: žmonės musum dudėna prastai; jù sumūp miškas, o musum mādžas vadžinase; ataidžinėja musumūp; mu-sumūp uisaipe žmonės mūka (kalbėti). Other forms of this case also occur, e.g., without -p: c’a musum gudai (baltarusiai) aplinkui; without -m-: buvo atāji: mūs up, a jùsumūp nebuvo. The stress may also fall on the stem: strol’ū (strazdų) būna mūsum||mūsum. Sometimes the singular adessive is also used, e.g.: būvo manim susirinki; manim i-rà žmon’ū; manip i-rà širdzis kuarā (nesveika); manim sepcin’os dūš’os (asmenys). The plural dative forms with -mu sometimes also have a meaning close to that of the plural adessive, e.g.: būvo viso mūmu. § 34. In place of the literary language’s personal pronouns jis, ji, jie, jos, nominative forms ãnas, anà, ãni·s (less often ãries, ãni), ãnos are usually used in the dialect: ãn as ne tep dūmoja; anà nieko nebij’o; ãni·s visi c’à būna. The feminine singular dative forms have an accent different from that of the literary language: jei aš nieko nesak’āu; nedūk tu tai mergistei nieko. The masculine singular dative forms sometimes occur with -i: jãmi tai c’à gerai; ãni·s ir tãmi (tam) šipulukus drož’a; but more often: jām, tām. § 35. Many demonstrative, determinative and relative pronouns have retained their definite (or emphatic-particle -ai) nominative forms, e.g.: su kiom anasai važ’ūos; a anie i ti· kur’ ažusturėj; o kur’ cie i raktėlei; ir paždarė tój paci dukrėla; tai ir tusai (tasai)³⁶ sakė: ti· icia i³⁷ mūs lūkai; kurisai ataina žmogus galvón; kur’óji itep sakė; kurie i Vil’ni būna, ciemu gerai; šitój mergáitė labai rankinga. Sometimes the feminine personal pronoun also occurs. 36 The form tūs ‘that’ is widely found in the western Dzūkian area around Alytus, Lazdijus, Veisiejus, Daugus, etc. 37 In the forms itas, ita, itokis, used by many eastern and western Dzūkians, the second element is the pronoun tas, ta, toj or tokis, toks, tokia, while the first is the pronoun is ‘he’, which is still used without the prefixed i around Lazdijus, Rudamina, Šventežeris, etc.; for the formation of the forms itas, itokis, cf. also J. Endzelīns, Latviešu valodas gramatika, Rīgā, 1951, p. 537. For a different explanation of the origin of these forms, see E. Fraenkel, Der Stand der Erforschung des im Wilnagebiete gesprochenen Litauischen, „Balticoslavica“, t. 2, p. 25. 200 the singular nominative pronominal form jōi (alongside anà): jōi dar sērga; kūr jōi pragaišo. Non-pronominal forms are nevertheless more common (except anasài, anói): ti. įtos naminės bitės į-sivedė; kok’à būicis, tokis dárbas; oi, mani gāne nežin’à kas tokis; džienu· tók is, vakarì kitókis; aš pàc būwàj ti· vit visos (all, every single one) būna vištaitės; kap kuris žōdzis tokis pac; kokiẽ perēdai būvo. The instrumental singular of both genders often has two different forms: simple and pronominal, e.g.: įtuom keliù (while walking) kiēmas in kiēmo; šītum kelù aikite; visi išdžāugė juōi (of the girls); kuri pirmā pri-rinksite (berries), su tūoj žēni’s·uos. § 36. In the dialect, the nominative forms of the possessive pronouns mānas, tāvas, sāvas are frequently used and also serve the function of the vocative, e.g.: c’a mānas tēvėlis; o kur tavà momà? tēvėli mānas, radnàsai mānas, pasėki line’lūs ant manōses žemēlas; rutēles mānos, žal’ōs’os mānos, kas jus c’ā sėjo, kas jus ravėjo; mani vaikēlei, savì vargēlei; vūsvēli mānas, stēnasai tēvėli. The possessive pronouns mano, tavo, savo are less common and usually occur in folklore, e.g.: māno ūlnu· dērp’a, māno mėsù vērda; tāvo momōs neprasīš’u (alongside tavōs momōs). With nouns, in the nominative and other cases, the possessive-pronoun forms ma, sa, ta are most often used, e.g.: prižadėjai, ka būsi, mā žino-nà; mā tēvas be sā momōs augo; anà padarē gražū linù sā dukterei; aš tā motkù ragėjau; su mā su’nùm blogai būvo; džieve mā. § 37. In place of the literary-language possessive pronouns jūsiskis, mūsiskis or the forms jūsų, mūsų, the dialect uses other forms, cf.: ir jūsis kap kuris žōdzis kap mūsis; mūsis ir buc’ nebūvo; mūsis nùlekė labai smagēi; ir mūsis (son) nerūk’a. The feminine singular nominative form is pronominal: mūsēj ūṭarka (speech) nei šōk’a, nei tōk’a. Fewer forms of other cases of these pronouns have been recorded; cf. plural nominative mūsei vaikai nepažįsta (do not understand) lietuviškai; plural locative mūsen kiemi negieda. Otherwise, the short forms jūs, mūs: aš nevālgi’s’u jūs duonos; mūs karvės būvo pririštos. are used more often. § 38. Certain personal pronouns in the dialect have forms of the neuter gender in addition to masculine and feminine forms, e.g.: ānas visa susrinko ir išivėžė; c’a vic visa (everything completely) izdž’uvo. The relative pronouns kiekas, tiekas and their other forms are also noteworthy; cf.: kiekas mātu· c’a bu·nù; kiek in dangāūs žvaigždāl’u·, tai ciekas in žēmēs ski·lāl’u·; kiekù būvo (sown), paizdž’uvo vic visa; anà cиеku neažuveiks, kiekù ānas. Verb § 39. Word formation. The meanings of the prefixes of some dialect verbs differ from those in the standard language. In addition, the dialect has one or another prefix that is not used at all in the standard language. 201 Verbs with ažu-, less often až-, a prefix characteristic of the Eastern Aukštaitian dialects, are very common in the dialect. The prefix až(u)- replaces standard-language už-, for example: bóbos suskrido (ran together) and ažūdáužė vilkų; āvi ažukonnéueikė vilkas; ažūrišų mažgụ; iš klūono ažūsdegė; anà ažbėgo namō. Sometimes the prefix ažu is also used in place of other standard-language prefixes (ap-, nu-, pa-, pra-, pri-, su-), for example: anà ažūsvèrkė macnai (vehemently); o dziedas ažūsièmė dāgina’ ungįus; in dviej arkl’ų linus ažūbrukė (took away); ažūsèmė viėdru vūndeno; ažūvėrkė ponèlė “the young lady began to cry”; norėjo akis ažūspjāuc’ (spit into); norėjo ažutūrėc’ (hold back) šūin’o ir itos obelės; ne kaṛto neažusirgāu (I did not fall ill). The prefix už- is much less common, for example: kap usikėlė, tai ir veik’a. § 40. The differing or less common meanings of other prefixes in comparison with the standard language are also worth noting, for example: ap-: apenėjo (fattened) the young pig; apkrėsk (empty out) for me; nesumaninga anà buvo ir apliko (was left helpless); dėbesi’s apsilādža (is descending) toward the ground; don’t drink, or you’ll apsivėrsi (boil); aversū (I’ll turn over) the table; at-: everything has been àtrinkta (recounted), there is nothing more (to add); I sat out my legs; in-: it inlijo (rained out, rained in) heavily on me; in the morning the mistress insikel’a (got up); she inskrido (flew off) to another land: where did you intusėi (stain) them (the clothes); the mushrooms need to be invirc’ (boiled) well; iš-: she isidairė (saw) the market stall; išmiñc’ (remember, recollect) I cannot; (they struggled) which one izgalėi (overcame) the other; it will išteks (be enough) to write; one must go to work; everyone isidžaugė (rejoiced) over him; isodzino (put him on) a bay horse; cf. a similar form recorded by E. Volter: ir iżdėsim in galvos (184). The prefix iż- in place of už- is sometimes also used in Lazūnai and Zietela; nu-: ik smėrci nūdāužė “beat [him] to death”; dziedas numaiņi sā adziež’u “the old man changed his clothes”; dūmoju, kū̃r nusidėjo ciek svieto “I wonder where so many people went”; the hare nusisālino (withdrew) and doesn’t want to talk to them; pa-: we dár nepadėgi (not burned down) yet; the wolf paėdė (ate up) the kids; the children pagirdo (heard, overheard) what their father said; the fire had pagisus (gone out); āni’s pāgulė (lay down); the old man and old woman pāmirė (died); their bones have already papuvo (rotted); kāūle parāusė (dug up) milk; ānos pasėdos (sat down) in the shade; the boys pās mušė (got into a fight); pra-: the child prabūdo (woke up); the rain pravārė (drove us out); it is impossible to praskaitic’ (read through, read); pri-: the udder pribūs (will swell with milk): as they have prisdėjį (grown accustomed), so it is good; it pritīs’a (swells up), so it hurts; and the rye has priskūrdo; su-: so it is necessary to subūc’ (live, get along), lādu anas sūgrįžė (turned around) his horses; all the horses sūšlūbo (became lame); whoever sumiñs (remembers) this, I cannot suminėc’ (recall it all); one needs to sulāisc’ (sharpen) 202 a scythe: you put together the sickles “they agreed, arranged to marry”; the child has already woken up (woke up); she greeted (welcomed) her brother; Besides those mentioned, prefixes of Slavic origin are also used in the dialect: da-38, raz-, pad- (very rarely), e.g.: it is difficult to survive to the end (to survive to the end); these troubles have been caused us (caused); they burned down (burned down) in the fire: it went into the bushes; it came (approached) into the woods; well, she told him the whole story (told him a lot); and showed (showed) them; and we reached the water (reached it); the goat flew home; we told (recounted) everything; the children scattered (ran out, drove away) to town; they turned over (piled up) all the books; you can read through (read, count) them; the young forest grew up “a young forest grew up.” § 41. It is highly characteristic of the dialect that the prefix pa- can also be added to prefixed verbs, regardless of which prefixes they already have, cf.: ap-: all the young men got married; at-: the Lithuanians had arrived; ažu-: they planted a forest (planted) with trees (forest); in-: the wolf squeezed (squeezed in, crawled in) into the shop; iš-: everyone had gone (left) to work; they ploughed up (ploughed) the meadows; the wells dried up (dried up); the wolf caught (caught) all the little goats; they cut down and hauled away the forest “cut down, hauled away the forest”; the fox threw away (threw out) the herring; they all got frightened and ran away “they all got frightened and ran away”; she wrote out all those songs; nu-: they wandered off (wandered off, dispersed); he cut it off (cut it off) at the head (over the head); the young people ran off “the young people scattered, drove off to Poland”; she threw down all (the sheaves); they cut down the forest “cut down, devastated the forest”; they took off, pulled off the clothes “took off, pulled off the clothes”; pa-: they reaped the fields (reaped) the fields; so many houses burned down “so many homesteads burned down”; the old people have already died (died); that one bought goods at the shop; they tied everything up (tied up); per-: I recognized many “I got to know many”; pri-: they gathered a load of moss (gathered); they spent the summer (summered) in Poškonys, in Padvariai; raz-: they gathered and dispersed (dispersed); su-: everyone gathers together (gathers, comes together); old and young, everyone gets together; she gave them (gave); I want to tie one to the other “I want to tie one to the other.” No examples have been recorded in which pa- is added to verbs bearing the prefixes pra- and da-. One or two examples are also recorded with the second prefix pri- added: I forgot (I forgot), it does not come 38 For the origin of the prefix da-, see В. Мажюлис, Происхождение приставки da- в балтийских языках, „Вопросы славянского языкознания“, т. 3, Москва, 1958, p. 127 ff. 203 painfully (quickly) in the head. In the example mentioned, the prefixes pri- and pa- may have switched places. The second prefix in the Dieveniškės dialect most likely arose mechanically on the model of Slavic, especially Belarusian, as a formal marker of perfectivization39. Some of the prefixed verbs presented are morphemic calques from Slavic languages, e.g.: ažusiškc’, apriškc’, praskaicic’; compare the corresponding Belarusian: захвараць, абабраць, прачытаць; Russian: заболеть, оборвать, прочитать, and so on. § 42. Among the most characteristic and widely used derived verbs in the dialect are formations with the suffixes -inėti, -dinėti, and -dyti. Most of them occur with prefixes. 1. Derivatives in -dinėti: a) infinitive: the little ones started working; the grandfather kept opening the door; you will start drinking and wasting away, and then you will not live; trouble pressed upon him, so he had to keep forgetting the little songs; one must begin to do something “one must begin doing something”; b) present tense: I and my heart are nearly dying; I am gradually saving money (taking care); I keep getting sick often; where are you settling—in a little house on the road?; why are you leaving me behind?; a person is disappearing, getting lost in the woods; the child is in the seventh month, but is nearly dying; father is having bread and salt with him; we keep carrying hay, you know; in winter we leave honey for the bees; where do you live?; the blind beggars sing again; they are already beginning to bloom; the guests keep sitting down at the table; they keep standing in the shop. c) past tense: and I kept earning (earned) again and handing it over (handed it over) to that person; I had kept gathering beans; I had made that little one weep (mourned); I had forgotten all the puzzles; as the light rain kept soaking things; how she had been living; first we had cleared the woven material from the meadow; they came to us; the brothers had kept cutting down little branches; people used to live differently “people lived differently in former times”; d) future tense: I will start; I will remind you of the puzzles; I will flow, so that... you will not sell this girl; go to Vilnius, you will be better off earning a living; we will earn a lot; the land may be divided up; e) imperative mood: you, help me remember; do it, keep earning, and you will get lots of money; f) participle: sometimes it comes from one, sometimes it is also made by turning (turned); the handles are turned on a lathe; 39Verbs with the suffixes -inėti and -dinėti that have two prefixes are attested in the Zietela dialect; cf. “Proceedings of the Academy of Sciences of the Lithuanian SSR,” Series A, vol. 2(11). Vilnius, 1961, p. 229. 204 g) half-participle: and the hare keeps hopping along, blinking (blinking); people kept asking for help (help). 2. Derivatives in -inėti: a) infinitive: one must keep preparing potatoes: I don’t know what to keep telling (to tell); he began to keep talking about (about) the war; b) present tense: from under someone else’s fingers I don’t keep looking (I don’t want someone else’s); he has long not been getting better (has been unwell); the ground keeps cracking (dries out); everyone in their own time keeps harvesting (harvests); we keep preparing potatoes “we peel potatoes”; people keep looking around (look around) already; he sits down beside him and keeps talking to him (talks to him); now they keep herding together (herd together) into one place; c) past tense: what I kept telling you (told you); the sister-in-law kept looking after them; the bread kept cracking (cracks); we kept giving everything away (gave away); kept saying (said, used to say), they say there is money buried here; d) future tense: I will keep driving (drive); we will prepare potatoes in the evening; the children will keep driving the cows (bring them, tend them); c) imperative mood: just don’t look back “just don’t look back”; don’t tell (don’t say), as they call it. 3. Derivatives in -dyti: a) infinitive: one must get along nicely with the cat (behave); he went out to pick potatoes out of the pit; there is nowhere to choose one’s thoughts; b) present tense: I stay with the little children; I don’t engage in talking (I don’t engage in conversation), go out; the fox gives way, she goes to the market; he keeps coming to our place again and again (comes by); whatever share or dowry one gets comes one’s way (falls to one’s lot); she comes to me as an aunt “she is there, my aunt falls to my lot”; father comes and takes the children from the godparents (takes, receives); on Saturday we get ourselves ready (get ready); we go back from the Lithuanians; we gather potatoes; the women gather together at the market; everyone gets ready to go to the young man’s place (prepare to travel); after washing, she climbs out of the water; after the wedding they gather to go; they pile up logs in a row; the guests gather and sit down (come together, assemble); c) past tense: she went out, and I went out (left); and I took care of the children (I was a grandmother); the wolf came; she took over the whole market herself (occupied); when he approached, he saw; she took the rope off his neck; Gal’š’ā bought flax (used to buy, purchased); then we went to sleep; in the evening we met up to discuss things; she robbed them fiercely, took a lot from the Germans “the Germans plundered fiercely”; they came to the courtyard; the hunters went out; d) future tense: when I pick them out, I will come; you will choose your thoughts, you know; both of us will choose (think it over, select) our thoughts; the brown ones will manage with electricity; 205 e) imperative mood: ataidžik kas ūkaras; neiseidžik (don’t go out), you, brother, from the house; all right, ataidžikite, alė nunai išeidžikit. The examples given show that derivatives with all the suffixes mentioned can denote both a repeated action (often one recurring over a certain period of time) and a single extended action, its duration40. It should be noted that the most frequent of these suffixes is -dinėti. § 43. Among the other derivational verb suffixes, -ėti, -erėti, -auti, and -inti may also be mentioned. 1. Derivatives in -ėti: a) infinitive: ažusėmk man vanden’o pagerėc’ (to have a drink); gāli gerickai palijėc’ (to rain quite a lot); nórim pamėžėc’ pasėjėc’ (to walk a little) nereik’a; raik’a pavargėc’ (to get tired); kitas negāli paverkėc’ su elementu (to have a little cry using words); b) present tense: kap pamėžėji (you’re walking a little), tai dúoda vālgi’c’. c) past tense: marci pabėgėji; palilėjo kiek (it rained a little); anā palukėji ir inėjo; bernai kap pametėji (threw, tossed), tai net kitōn šalīn nāmo nuskrido; lāpė patisėji (pulled) ažū to š’āudo; meškā paverpėji, and it hums; the children grew up; d) future tense: gāli aic’, aš pakepė’s’u (I’ll fry it); gāl panėšėsi mergišti; kap ānas atsejės (will recover); aimā, pajėdėsim (we’ll have a bite) nedāūgi (a little); e) imperative mood: palukėk (wait), tuojū ateis’ū; ku’mila, pevėžėk mani; tin pasiejėkit, ti rāsit senū; po itai šālei pasiejėkit (walk over). 2. Derivatives in -er(ė)ti (usually formed from ideophones and denoting a short (momentary), intensive action): a) present tense: sūpter’a (shells) in diŗuos; from behind the corner a stone whizzes; the door creaks; kap c’ūpteri ažū pec’ū; someone kap šūkterį, kad gaidičiai kūdu’s (thin); from under the bench in mani žūlkteri; when kaŗtu mōkter’na (hits), it smashes the matchbox; kap stūhterna toliėŗku (a plate) on the balcony, it breaks it too; b) past tense: I even trembled with fear; turning around, kap c’āukšterė a stone against the stump; the little bird pecked with its beak; it glistened in the bird’s feathers; gripšterė kundz’ūku (the basket is splitting) — it is getting wet, so it is all done; ku-lokėl’ūs kišterė into the water; when it went kap tep c’ūpterėj, the door clapped shut; and it mōkterė the logs onto the kindling; the lad mōkterė the whip; the cat pūsterėj three times; it srūpterėj together; all the little birds sūpterėj their feathers for him; he went into the shop, paused, then went out again to look around; something tėkterė into his heart (came to mind); terėpterė (dropped) into the stove; mother, not a single trinkterėj; 40 For more on verbs of this type, see “Proceedings of the Academy of Sciences of the Lithuanian SSR”, Series A, vol. 2 (11), Vilnius, 1961, pp. 219–231. 206 c) future tense: arklis kap virpters (will shiver); d) imperative mood: kilstėrk mán in pečú maišu; lūkterk trúpuci; stėpterk (stop writing), ažumiršáu; e) participle: I butáu klàsterėjus (having struck) kok’ù lazdù per gálvù; f) conditional mood: (I’m afraid) kad neblīkstertų: ugnėlė. Momentary verbs occur more often in folklore, whereas they are used less often in everyday speech (imperative forms are somewhat more frequent). 3. Derivatives in -auti: gribáuc’ (gri-báuna, gri-bávo); gudáuna “speaks, behaves in Belarusian fashion”; plūkáuna žùsis in vánden’o; jáu šienáuna pievù; kàs ti miedzi šúkàuna, ant pirštù vaikščáuna (alongside this, vaikščioja is also used); kič’ gražéi vėrkáuna (praises, laments); žuváuna. 4. Derivatives in -inti: tu ji ažudùsintai; negražinitas (uncastrated) calf; pakirinc’ (to tease) the dog is needed; išėi pava dzinc’ (to invite) people; one needs pavalginc’ (to feed) the children. Only the verb pietúic’ is recorded with the suffix -uiti (thought to be Slavic); it is sometimes also pronounced pietūt; papietùsim). § 44. Inflection. The shortened infinitive form is used most often: aic’, láidzi’c’ (to milk), turėc’, žvinkc’. However, alongside it, especially among older speakers of the dialect, longer forms are also frequently used: badzìce, bárce, dùsàuce, ganìce, gérce, p’jáuce, pùsce, vėdíoce, žinóce, žìsce ar dúoce, ėsc gérc’e, gulìce, pir̀kcie, šáuk’cie. § 45. The dialect retains traces of athematic (consonant-stem) verbs. Third-person present-tense forms occur most often: liekci vienas, ažumiekc’, ir mieķc’ sau; uògos ažuliėkc’; jáu nekósci. Contaminated forms or forms created by analogy also occur, for example: singular, first person: lieķmù namiė; kadù aš jáu mieğmù, nelìsk pas mani; singular, second person: vãsara, o tu mieğmi; lendì, kur pramieğni; kap ažùmieğmi (also said ažùmieğmi), tai guli; kū dudemi “what are you saying”; plural, first person: pirk’oj mieğmame; mieğmam visi; singular and plural, third person: kap liėkma namiė, tai cik ir mieğma; mán pacìnkma (is pleasing) Lithuanian dudėnc’; ãnas mani pasikiñkma (pasitiñkma “meets”); mėsà pritùñkma (goes bad); vėima (looks over) pašù pašas; the father vėima, vėima (searches), to find it; alongside these: liekna, mieğna, miegnù, isimieğni, mieğnam (probably by analogy with būna, p’jáuna). § 46. Many verbs in the literary language that have an o-stem or i-stem in the present tense have an ia-stem in the dialect: a) for example: gidž’a, kiñk’a, pakìnk’a, mink’a (duónu); mók’a(si), rodž’a, neprìžindz’a “does not take care of” 207 b) e.g.: gùl’a, nór’a, stóu’a, tråps’a “you stamp,” tùp’a, tùr’a, žìdz’a. It is possible that these forms have recently shifted from the i-stem to the ia-stem in the dialect, since even now one often hears: gùli, rågi “you see,” tùri, žìdzi. In addition, shortened forms are also common: kas nór vàlgo; ne visa gìfd and ne visa ràk (<see); ãnas visa ràk; nèrag niéko; jãm niékas nerūp; acisėdo and sėc’ (<sėdz <sits); bėginėja, nesėc’, stóu acistójis; stóu šakės; anà tùr sąvu kàrvi.. The plural first- and second-person forms also suggest that the i-stem forms are older: nórim, tùrim, gírdít. Among forms ending in a, the verbs ir, nèr are most often shortened, and dúod less often (alongside: i·rà, nè·rà, nei·rà, dúoda). The verb form i·rà is often generalized to all persons of the present tense, cf.: aš i·rà skaivoniškis (from the village of Skaivonys); iš kur tù i·rà?; tu i·rà karalaitė; mès i·rà lietuǫvei (alongside: tràc’as mėnesis kap a·sù, etc.). Some present-tense ia-stem forms of the literary language are a-stem forms in the dialect, e.g.: kvãna, sãma. A few verbs known in the literary language as secondary, i.e. suffixed, are used without a suffix in the dialect, e.g.: priepala (a sheep) runs, viša balà lìnga (swings); meitėli svėla (scorches) ãni·s. Unlike in the literary language, these present-tense forms have a short root vowel i: gìja, lìja, rìja, šìja. § 47. Third-person past-tense forms after the consonants j and v most often lack the ending vowel o, and less often ė, e.g.: ãj, atėjì bijòj (less often bi jau, cf.: vàlin’as bòbos bìjâu), galėj, ištekėj, neš’òj, stoj (cf. kadù kiemas stój negal’ù gerai žinòce), veizdėj; parvažiãj, važ’ãj, dãj (<gave), nedãjau, pàdãjau. Quite a few verbs whose past-tense forms belong to the o-stem in the literary language have ė-stem forms in the dialect, e.g.: ãplupė, apsìgrìžė, ãtrišė, ìnkišė, atšìpė “became blunt,” gõvė “got,” pagõvė, pãrisė, prikìšė, sùrisė. However, one also occasionally hears: kap palàido, būvo geràu. In addition, alongside the usual suffixed o-stem forms, e.g.: tùštino, žìbino, shorter ė-stem forms are used in the dialect, e.g.: ištùštė (the fox ìštùštė minkščìmu:), žìbė (momà pli·šin žìbė “mother shone a light into the crack”). § 48. The past frequentative tense occurs only in the fossilized forms bùlo and bùlâu “used to be,” e.g.: išveždinejàm (from the swamp), bùlo, šienu·in lotàl’u; bùlo, anksci ãjom; bùlâu, dudėna visi, bùlâu, pàsakoja seni. Otherwise, the functions of the past frequentative tense forms are performed in the dialect by derivatives with the suffixes -(d)inėti, -dyti and other formations. Unusual past-tense verbs occur in the dialect’s folklore, e.g.: nepažìns tavì devìni bròlei: indù·kavãi, inrù·kavãi viėšù kel’ù važ’ùodama; cf. participles formed similarly: tù inrùkalus, indùkalus, nespràušk. 208 § 49. The short forms of the first and second person singular of the future tense of primary verbs with a circumflex root have retained stress on the ending, e.g.: aisiu, aisi, mirsiu, negrišiu, neliksi, nuausi, primsiu, suvesiu, veiksi, veiksiu. By analogy with these forms, verbs with an acute root also occur with final stress, e.g.: busiu, gersi. In secondary verbs, the vowel of the suffix -yti is shortened in the third person, e.g.: apsėdžis, “apseis, elgsis,” rinkis, kratis, rašis, varis (probably also pasnekės on the basis of these). In reported speech, the future tense is often used in place of the present, cf. anà pasakis: neduós’u paragáuc; ita rãgena sakis (sako); anà ji susitiks ir prašis. § 50. The two-syllable forms of the subjunctive mood mostly bear stress on the ending: sg. 1st person: aitáu, bu·táu, duotáu, nesumintáu (I would not remember), išáustau, suverptáu; less often būtáu. sg. 2nd person: bu·tái, neštái, rastái, pasektái, sugáutái; rarely šáuktai. sg. 3rd person: aitų, bu·tų, numestų, skristų alongside shortened forms: būt, ait, ažušalt, veikt. pl. 1st person: apartum, bu·tum, duotum, rastum alongside sugáutum. pl. 2nd person: bu·tūt, duotūt, neštūt, nepereitūt. Sometimes the second-person singular form is used with the meaning of the first-person singular, cf.: I skūbintais aič, ale nèr kadù. Secondary verbs most often retain fixed stress placement, cf.: galėtáu, sėdėtai, ka tu nekarótai, tai ir aš netupėtáu; ka turétum, tai duotum; kad k’àulàs ganitu; kad lietūlis palidzinėtu; nor’u kad atvažiuotáu ir rastáu, kad tavo pirk’a būt graži; kad aš žinotáu, kur’ų dzenėlb’· akmenėl’ūs nurinktáu. Third-person forms are mostly shortened: drebėt, išbálcit, išvaž’jot, pasėdėt. § 51. The imperative mood most often has the formative -k: aik válgi·c’; akši, mòm; neveik, neveik, mã mi·lój; ažužiep k ùgni; išaidžikite, màn nieko nereik’a. Forms with the endings -kie, -ke, -ki are more common in folklore: kap suėsi, vėl ataikie; atrakinkie durelàs; ažugráuskie, kmorėla (little cloud); daskirkie gi màn dalalbi; aikie medžin; dopraskinkie man rutėlu; do nupinkie vainikėli; donuvėškie man skri·mėlbu; do padūokie man rankəlėp’; do pakėlkié tù galvèlb· ir ataikie tu pas mani; papenėki mani; pasėkie màn linel’ūs in plac’os dirvalės; pašildzikie žeməlbu; sakėu, būke dár (cf. the form recorded by E. Volter: paklóke man patalėlį 187); atrakinki gi žeməlbu; pašildazikie tu žolalbu; atstok i nob mani; paragduki, paždairki, ar geri?; vėski tu, dukrā, ganic’ oži; vėski tu ganic’ pac: ti inkiški sā vuodegu. Alongside those mentioned, imperative forms without the formative k are also often used, especially in folklore, e.g.: acidarai, darai durəlàs “open the door”; adčioj (give) màn žuvis; duoj pasōvu “give” 14. Lietuvių kalbos gramatinė sandara 209 “dowry”; dúo (give) mán vál’gi·c’; aik ùpen ir inlīs; kiṁš (kišk) úodegu· ùpen; nèš dziėdo “take it to grandfather”; nòrs pò pėklu tūsai (that time); aimà, pajėdėsim nedaugì; aimè zdairicis. In some sayings, other forms also have the meaning of the imperative (or optative) mood, e.g.: kel’amės, tevėlei; liktut sveiki (alongside likit sveiki). § 52. Optative forms are most often formed with the Slavic particle nekoj (cf. Polish nechaj): nekoji aina; nekoji būs. However, forms with te are sometimes also used: tebūi kap sáro; tebūn, nieko nedaris’u, or with tegu, e.g.: tegu aina, paskui ragės’u; tegu juo-k’as; tegu ànas sau būna. § 53. The unshortened particle -si (<*-sie) in reflexive verbs occurs mainly in third-person present and past-tense forms: brižginasi, gaminasi, grinuojasi (is naked) uodegà; nėšasi, stātosì, turėjosì, vadžinosi. In all other cases this particle usually appears without i: dėtaus, juokeis; jām nóris aic’; kėl’amės, dairikitės, norėtus, dairicis, mokì·cis. Forms with -se are also fairly frequent alongside forms with -si: dė-dase balnėlis; d’zāūgėse k’áulaitės; vaikai m ó k’ a s e; nega lv ó-jase nu·nài; kap anà vadžinase; sùpėse žāmė. The word klausti, is often used with the reflexive particle, e.g.: ir ānas kláus’asi vis; kláusėsi pas óži; àni·s kláus’asi mōmu. Reflexive forms often replace passive participles, e.g.: vėdaras iš būl’bu· lājase (is made); ita pieva šienàunase. Sometimes reflexive forms are also used where literary language would normally do without them, e.g.: lāpė žuvis édas; stou kárvė ir lāidose dzieškon (into the milking pail). § 54. The dialect preserves a considerable number of reflexive forms with final stress, e.g.: atėji· sėdasi ir sėc’ (sits); tadū radosi tokis ponas; ir sėdosi lāpė in ragutėl’u; iš kárto stojosi ponū; alongside shortened forms: go v’āūs (grabbed, seized) - ažu lanc’ūgo; kap už mād’o (honey) govės (grabbed, attacked); radōs vocis; sėdāūs neprašitas; lāpė sėdōs in rãgut’u: skrido, skrido ir stojōs (stopped) pači (cow); ir stojōs (became) dukra; paskui sėdomės ir parvažāvom; jūs vėl stojotės vaikais. § 55. Participles. Not all participle forms are used in the dialect. The more commonly occurring active present participles include: singular nominative stóvinc’as vandūo; compare recorded forms in other cases, e.g.: stātė papadēm in skaruadōs (frying pan) dāgunc’os; gēmstancei (to the baby) nieko nedarāu; anà gėlazė· dāgunc’u· in rañkos. The only recorded old form of the singular nominative of the active present participle degūs (<degas) “hot” has become adjectival: aš tai mi-l’ū, kai degūs pienas; plural nominative dāgus blinai; compare the neuter form derived from these forms, degū “hot,” alongside degū, which probably arose on the model of neuter adjectives pigū, tamšū cf.: dar degū, gi·lei kramcis. Past active participles are better preserved, e.g.: vaikas miega pilvū· ištācīs; jāū mētai, tėvas kap numīris; buvūu vienas likis; 210 ta kárvė atskridusi (having run over) búvo; insispráudus ir guli; oi, kap gãne, oi kap girdė, kad būt priėdis ir acigėris (the billy goat). Instead of singular and plural forms of both genders, a generalized masculine plural nominative form is sometimes used41, e.g.: bu·táu ažušávi (having shot), if nebútáu ažbėgi· (having run away); jū duktė from Rimaš’u· (is) atvažãv’i; išvaž’ãv’i· dukteri·s; ungli·s bú-vo jáu pagisi·; mergà apsirėdi gražei; išdãgi· kiėmas (farmstead); dár nesláidi· sáula búvo; búvo klúonas pripùvi· (rotten, decayed); dagi lápai nèra sprógi·. § 56. Only a few present-tense passive participle forms were heard, e.g.: láidoma (being milked) kárvė; sėdz’ ilga (sits for a long time) and apgula-mõs (holidays, days of rest) nebúna. Past-tense forms are much more common, e.g.: baltà vištà tuorõn inkištà; jei neižgrãžintas (not castrated) — veršis, o jei grãžintas — jáucis; rito (in the morning) nẽštas vánduo, jáu nenáują, cik pajáuninta pirk’à. The neuter gender of these participles is particularly common, e.g.: šátros viršui ažudėta; trīs ažušáuta guli; peilis širdziñ invérta; skãpc’us (utensil), kuris ižgrãžinta; šilas pavadzinta; krósnis, kur akmenai sukráuta. § 57. Half-participle. Half-participle forms are relatively few in the dialect. Moreover, they have become quite indistinct and are confused with one another. This is evident from the examples below: kám aš jáunas búdami žẽni·jaus; ir pãc’os vis to-l’ãu aina vuogáudami; ãnos aina vuogáudami; neždamo nekalba, cik àpneša triskart (while divining); inru·kavai, indu·kavai viešū ke-l’ù važ’uodama. Sometimes half-participle forms are used in the sense of active participles, cf.: ir rádo sėdėdama (sitting) pa(s) stãlu· tũ kunigáikšti. § 58. Adverbial participle. Only present-tense forms of the adverbial participle are used more frequently, e.g.: kap pradėji lic’ ainanč’; gãnanč’ ažudūžė pérūnas; jiemu važ’uojanč’; vilkas ažuskrido. Adverbial participle forms that have become adverbs occur, cf.: nórinč’ nenõ-rinč’ (willingly or unwillingly) búvo atėji·. No past-tense adverbial participles were recorded, except for the somewhat unclear expression: ẽmė kãčinas nẽšt tóm lopóm apsikabinus (having embraced?). Forms of the neuter gender of active participles are used with the meaning of this participle, e.g.: vakarì (to eat) dioda sutėmi· vel’, net po dvūliktai. Adverb § 59. Formation. Many adverbs are fossilized n o u n case forms, e.g., singular nominative: dzienà pakcìs sópa “it hurts all the time”; ganà mán bús “that will be enough for me”; vařgo ganà (enough) mo-t’ãu; singular genitive: rito nẽštas vándu·; liepė anksci rìto nebūdzinč’; 41By origin, this form is most likely the singular nominative of the neuter gender; see J. E n d z e l y n a s, Baltų kalbų garsai ir formos, Vilnius, 1957, p. 205; J. E n d z e l i n s, Latviesu valodas gramatika, p. 343. 14* 211 rītas rito (every morning) aina kiškėi pas bobų; Pėtro (on June 29) returns from Vilnius; singular dative: dovanai (for free) veik'au; singular accusative: trūpuci, kū smėl; singular and plural instrumental: draugi (together) vārəsi giū; karū (during the war) sūdėgė; ritū, kap kadū vākārū ātvežā; aimam kartūm, pietais atāj; old singular inessive: arci, draugie “together,” namie, toli; and probably also paskui, which arose from the singular inessive; singular illative: apačōn sulnis, viršūn obelis; basaminčan āps'avė; aik priešīn arba ažačōn (backwards); singular allative: ir nėt galōpi (to the end); namō, cf.: jāu iki vākari namō būs'u; (rarely) namōpi. 2. There are quite a few compound and multiword adverbs whose second component is a shortened noun, while the first is a case form of another part of speech, e.g., pronoun plural nominative: šiemet; numeral singular instrumental: antrudzien, antrukart, pirmukart; numeral and pronoun accusative: kazdien, dūkart (sometimes dūkārt); keliskart, šīmet, š'ūmet, trac'udzien; triskart, tu'kārt, vienu-kart; pronoun singular instrumental: tiokart, t ū o m k a r t u m b ū v o; tuom-čės “then.” The following adverbs should also be mentioned: atgalō (back) ažužvingė ark'lei; atgalōn reik'aic'; in ritōjāus ataēdo vilkas; from kaīto, iškaīrt, iš toli, iš tōlimo; per pus'au, peržiem, po keliskart. § 60. Adverbial forms of adjectives formed in various ways: 1. With various formatives, e.g.: with -(i)ai: a) from unsuffixed adjectives: atōkei, gerai, reik'a patōgei (neatly, well) ažuminč' mi'sl'us; kap ūlari pilnai (sincerely, boldly); sāusai, senei, skraūdzei, neskāūdzei (not quickly) ājo; smagei; nesmagei (not quickly) ran; stacei (in fact), kiek aš abgin'au; sta-čei “straight,” stiprei (very) drunk; žalei (angrily) ž'ur'ù; adverbs without corresponding adjectives include labai, nu'nai “today”; pārnai; b) From suffixed adjectives (or adverbs): gūdziškai “in Belarusian,” ju'rkiškai (jokingly) išēido; lietuviškai, senōviškai dudēna; nedabarikščei, anà varginai (poorly) gi'vėna ankstičkai “very early,” artičkai “very close,” gerickai (considerably) dāug išnaikino; gerickai tur'u mētu⁴²; toličkai (rather far) aic'; žemickai; with -yn (of unclear origin): arcin, aukščin; ragutėlas kreivin, kreivin; tolin, žemin. 2. The following fossilized adjective case forms occur: neuter singular accusative: dāugi, jilga “for a long time”; lūkterk nedāugi (a little); singular and plural instrumental: tilu (quietly) ani's nuskrido; būvom pēsc'ōm; plural inessive: dāugisà (<*daugiesa?) “many people know”. 3. Adverbs derived from adjectives with prefixes and prepositions, e.g.: ažūpernei, bemāž “almost, nearby”; pamāžū mažū (gradually), 42The dialect adverb ovickai “quite a lot, much” (mētu jāu) has the same meaning and form, alongside ōvei “considerably” (mētu), which probably derives from interjections; cf. E. Fraenkel, Litauisches etymologisches Wörterbuch, p. 519. 212 kùpc’âu, grók; p a n e d ã ū g i (little by little) we almost forgot; no wonder; he trampled me p a s k e r s õ s (crosswise); the house stands p a s k e r s õ s crosswise; crosswise (the hoop crosswise); from childhood “since childhood.” Following the example of Slavic languages, one sometimes says: p o d a b a r i k š č’ų means; p o k a d á i k š č’ų (old-fashioned) dudėna (speaks), p o k a d á i k š č’ a m u p o n ū(n) there is no health (there has been no health from olden times until now). § 61. Adverbs derived from numerals also have diverse origins. 1. Fossilized case forms of individual numerals, e.g., plural inessive: nu’nái people slaughter nine roosters; we drive in pairs; we mow hay in fours; there were three too; perhaps from this case form also developed we two are usually together; he is usually with two; they are usually with three; the neuter nominative and accusative of an ordinal numeral: first. The numeral one, repeated in another of its forms, makes compound adverbs, e.g.: that one is usually alone (as also once); they live alone. 2. Other adverbs with a numeral root are not all of clear origin, e.g.: pavieni (one by one, separately) the people do not go to the threshing floor; vienaipõ (in one way) dudãna. Adverbs most likely derived from numeral adjectives include: v’ūt, v’ūt vienók (uniformly) we call; c’ù vienókei šãko: I bought a spiral; viéntarai (uniformly, in one way) thus means; iš viéntaro (all the time) he chopped wood; vis viéntara (all the same) as it is called. Adverbs of the same kind include: dvejōktai “in two ways,” nevienōktai “not uniformly,” trijōktai, vienōktai; we used to live uniformly (in one way), but differently in another way. § 62. Pronominal adverbs have origins of very diverse kinds. 1. Fossilized individual pronoun case forms, e.g.; visa, from which vis also arose and, perhaps, vic (compare vic all of them; vic all were; vit all wanted); cieka, cieką, cieku (from which ciek also arose); kiekas, kieku (from these forms also developed kiek “until,” cf. how long she lived); kuo “by how much,” suvisù || sùvisu, sùvis, rarely sùvis. 2. Pronominal adverbs with formatives, e.g., with -ur: kuŕ, niėkur, visur; with -du ~ da: kadù (formerly) they spoke differently (sometimes also kadui, cf. there was a big forest then (forest); kadùm, cf. kartùm), tadù; with -ai, or -(i)aip(o), (i)ap: c’anãi, cìktai, icenai, itai, itep, kai, kãp “how,” kitaipõ; kitãp, šėp “somehow,” tai, tėp “thus,” šėp tėp, teipõ || taipõ, visai || visai, visaipõ. 3. Pronominal adverbs are often also used with prepositions (prefixes) or other adverbs, e.g.: ażutatai “therefore,” dėltoji “all the same,” dren tō “because of that,” ing ši “this way,” iš šiči, kap kadù “now and then, sometimes,” kōl’ (<why?; cf. why didn’t you come?), nug ic “from here,” tei pãc’a || tep pãc’a, and tep bet kap “anyhow, somehow,” suvis “entirely” || suvisù, nesuvisu “not entirely,” vis viéntara, vis ciek, vic visa “entirely, absolutely everything.” Following the example of Slavic languages, these forms also arose: pa jūsišku “in your manner,” pa mūsemu “in our manner.” § 63. Several adverbs of unclear origin should be mentioned separately; without individual comments or investigation, it is already harder to connect them with a specific- 213 part of speech. In their structure, some of them are close to pronominal adverbs and particles, e.g.: c’a, cenāis, ic ‘here’, jāu, šic, ši ~ še ‘hither’, ti ~ tę ‘there’, sin, tū: argi ‘also, too’ (tōj žmona argi varginai gi·vēna), dar ‘now’ (dar visi gerai būnam), etc. It is unclear whether the adverbs have a verbal or a nominal root: aplinkai važ’avo; aplinkōs käl’as geresnis. § 64. Inflection. The comparative forms of gradable adverbs are generally formed with -iau, e.g.: anks’c’āū ne tēp gi·vēnom; arš’āū (worse) negāl’ būc’; pupā aukštū aukšč’āū; graž’āi; maž’āū; nāc’āu (otherwise?) utārīj; pirmāū, sāus’āū; skāudz’āū (faster) bēk; smag’āū ‘faster, more vigorously’. An old adverbialized neuter comparative adjective form is also quite often found: daugės, daugėsne alongside daug’āū, cf. dāugēs niēko neturėjom; ānas dāugēs žino, kap as; dāugēsne (more) niēko nežināū, nemōkū. It is noteworthy that comparative adverbs are sometimes formed even from individual nouns, e.g.: kal’n’āū (higher) geresnis jāvas; lob’āū ‘lower’ (lobas ‘valley, hollow’). Sometimes the degree to which a particular quality is present is also expressed and emphasized by various suffixal derivatives, e.g.: neuter adjectives with the suffix -(i)okas: daugōka, šlap’jōka ‘a little too wet’; adverbs with -ickai: gerickai ‘considerably, very much’, žemičkai ‘very low’. The superlative forms of adverbs and the neuter adjective forms of the same degree are identical—with the suffix -iausia, e.g.: arš’āus’a (most) isigūndo; āš dāug’āus’a (most often) namō bū’nū; ger’āus’a (best) namiē būc’. Sometimes the superlative is expressed with the pronoun kuo(m) or the Slavic intensifying particle -nai, e.g.: bū’bu- kuo dāug’āus’a tai būc’ ger’āus’a; kuo gil’āus’a (very deeply) inlindo; kūom nāi plac’āus’a ti būvo. Worth noting is the form made from the ordinal numeral pirmas with -ul-iausia: pirmul’āus’a (first of all) aina Dzievēniškėsa. Particles § 65. The following particles are particularly characteristic and frequently used: ānē, ani ‘no’ (ānē āni·s židz’a, ānē āni·s kū; ani paci ēda, ani kitam dioda); ar (whether you work or not, it is the same pay—if you don’t work, there’s nothing); až ‘here, look’ (až in tinai aina); bēt ‘if only’ (senām bet dziena prabic’); būk lai ‘as if’ (būk tai, sāko, po tai ligai išmirzdinėj žmones); cik ‘only’ (ježukas cik, cik juda); dāgi ‘still’ (dāgi lāpai nērā sprōgi); dārgi ‘still’ (dārgi māža); dūr (where is the child? still sleeping); do ‘yes, and’ (I will be, and I will be too); gi (because he was gi from Gedūnū; first everyone used to sing in Lithuanian); jāū (already one has blown oneself out; jāū dār (now) everyone is better; have they already forgotten); kas gi ‘what indeed’ (what indeed made the old man grow angry at them); mažū ‘perhaps’ (one must mark it carefully, perhaps it will be counted); mōj ‘perhaps’ (itai mōj c’a anā aina); net (the bean plant grew right up to the ceiling); nē (neatsun’c’a nē lākšto, nē niēko); niaugi ‘surely’ (< surely (n’āugi āni·s ne- 214 nór; n’ąūgi tu aklà būsi, ka nemacìsi); ot “here, there” (òt, aš taip ir pasakotàu); ùn ak “here” (ùn ak nãmas ragéc’); vis (ti ažìmdo vis Dzievenišk’u parãpija); vūn “here, there, yonder” (vūn ūpė). Some of the particles presented here (ar, anė, nė, etc.) can also serve as conjunctions. Preposition § 66. The preposition an occurs alternately with un, e.g.: atājom an grinų namų (we came to bare, unfurnished houses), tai dar neprazbūvi (not yet having made a living); visi un darbo paišāji būvom; ažū·li ir suši·li an darbo; pùina un runkų; gimus an to dãikto. In general, however, the preposition an(un) is rare in the dialect; in is used more often in its place, see § 71. § 67. The preposition až or ažu is used with the genitive and accusative with the following meanings: a) a location beyond something, e.g.: tadù añi·s pascìko až ūpės mus; bernai priėmė rãgenų· ažu stãlo; ažu kalnãl’o dzirvà; ažu-skrido ažu dùrų; b) a period of time during which, or after which, something happens, e.g.: ažu mẽ-tu· papãmirė; jaučis ažu nakciės cìelu· klãnų· ūnden’o išgėrė; dár ažu sáules parėjom namó; c) cause, e.g.: mañ (me) sesūla pap’jovė ažu viogu· kup-kėlėli· ažu gražu· kupcėlėli·; ažu ito degūto, visi vaikai pa-s’ūto; d) recompense, e.g.: dėkui ažu gãru· žõdzi·; e) the object of an action, e.g.: riša (apples) pas óbelbl· ažu koč’ūku·; vienas jėmė ažu runkos, kitas ažu kitõs; ažu ausiės— aik pas bóbu·; dziedas lãpi· ažu vuodegós ir vežiman insimetė; dziedas kiški· pàkar’a ažu ausiės, ažu ito gribùko; ir visos nór aici’ ažu jō. § 68. The preposition be is used with the genitive, e.g.: be rūbų· negarai; be lópino (headscarf) šalta; išėjo be kãro; prapuolė be žin’ū. § 69. An old preposition, known chiefly from old writings and some peripheral dialects, is dren, less often drin. It is used with the genitive and expresses purpose or cause, e.g.: cieb vaũgo dren itok’o nieko; pãmirė dren vuogẽles; skaičius, drin mokšlo ainat. Sometimes the preposition dėl(ei) is also used: nunėšk uklonėl’us (greetings) dėlei savo dziedùlo ir dėl’ savo sesùl’u: § 70. The preposition ik(i), alongside lig(i), is used chiefly with the dative, less often with the genitive, with the following meanings: a) time, e.g.: jau iki vakari namõ (at home) būs’u; šokom iki vakari; lik pãrai (until a certain time) rei’ėa būc’; ik pernikš-č’amu mẽtamu būs; ik vėlūmai dudėno; nok mažų mėtų ik nūdzienai tep sako; 215 b) place, boundary, quantity, e.g.: five (kilometres) to Dzievėniškiai; sleep until these things; until the kneeling place⁴³; beans grow up to the ceiling; four kilometres to Dailidžiai; c) degree, manner, e.g.: ik smeŕci nūdauže “beat to death”; was up to the end; from the ground the ear was up to the top. § 71. The preposition in is used in the dialect instead of on, and less often into. Its constructions with the genitive and accusative express: a) the place or thing where something is or toward which an action is directed, e.g.: sat on the haystack, and grazes, and sings; works in the field; only stones in my field; went out into the garden; a sheep moves around and eats at the thing; he was born into the thing; (the oxen) were unharnessed in the pasture; we will go to the little cemetery: (for the funeral); in the west Ažūraisčis; and led (her) into the meadow: the godmother, we are going to you; needs a place in the sun (a sunlit place); put the stones at his nose:; everyone goes to work; left the tree with his father at the tavern. b) manner, e.g.: a goat’s tail by the span; he divided it into parts; flies with wings; walks on foot; the garden was planted as one (all together); you go to waste (for nothing); learns by fives c) time, e.g.: they all gathered in the old days; began in the morning; will come the next evening; give it three times a day; I’ll tell you on the third day; d) means, e.g.: in dzviei arkl'ū ažūbruke (took away); in ārklo jōjau; e) quantity, attribute, e.g.: two rooms in the house; older by four years; f) object, e.g.: let’s change into trousers; don’t come into the mud; turned into ash; g) purpose, e.g.: four horses for both farms; I have no teeth, I can’t get fat (gain weight) in the body; he calls loudly to them; h) the place or thing in which a state or attribute manifests itself, e.g.: grey in the sheets: blind in one eye; the grain is too heavy, because there is none of it. § 72. The preposition ing(i), meaning chiefly “to, toward,” is used with the accusative and less often with the genitive. The more important meanings of constructions with ing(i) are: a) direction, boundary, e.g.: toward this road; they carried the basket to the well; don’t come close to the sun; we went to the river; you can’t get to the water anymore; beans grow up to the ceiling. This meaning is also retained when one person addresses another, e.g.: she speaks in Gudian dialect to me, I speak Lithuanian to her; she says to him, and looks around like a deaf person; b) manner, e.g.: eyes turned toward the side; separate, earth, into two, and you, sky, into three; c) time, e.g.: all the horses were weakened by spring; I’ll plant radishes and turnips; when we were in winter; 43 Here there may also be a singular dative, rather than a genitive; cf. § 23, 1. 216 d) approximate quantity, e.g.: kėl’o moža (perhaps) iņgi dū kilomeṭru (will be); iņgi pustrač’o šimto galū; gilumā iņgi du metrų; e) possession, purpose, e.g.: ašis jau iņgi ratūs priguli; iņgi brōli. Tǟuruli· mergėla gieda. § 73. The preposition iš is used with the genitive and indicates: a) a place or thing from which something originates or an action takes place, e.g.: iš klūono ažuždegė; atājom iš kair’ōs šalies; bažnic’u· iš Nōvilišk’u· parvežė Galš’on; iš mādž’o aina, medž’an dairosi; brōlis pakėlė sǟseri· iš (nuo) žėmės; ir lāuko išveikė (išdirbo) iš mādž’o (miško); b) time, e.g.: atāido anksci iš rīto; iš mažū dzienū ānas tokis: iš pirmū mētų· būvo gēras; c) cause, e.g.: numirė iš senistos; d) manner, e.g.: iš visās (jėgos) rėkė; iš žėmės gi·venom. § 74. The preposition nuog (pronounced nok, nuk, nuok) is also used with the genitive. It expresses the following relations: a) a place, thing, or person from which someone or something separates, takes place, or exists, e.g.: itas brōlis liko nog momōs; gurūcei (crumbs) nugrūvo nūg stālo; nugic dzvilika kilometrų; nūok mūs namū pinki metrai; nōk asū ātrišė akmenį; ātvogė nōk jō vaikų; negāli acimc nōk mani itū· āšarų; b) time, e.g.: nūok rito marci nieko neveik’a; nūok to laiko prāminė šepetinė; nūok maženū acimena; kėl’a visūs nūok dzviejū mētų; c) cause, e.g.: dzīevas žino, no kō asidegė; nuk senistos pagaišo kāruvė; ir nōk tēvū strōkas (fear) ir nōk karāļ’aus sarmatā; paskavōj nōk to lietāūs; d) purpose, intended use, e.g.: nok kōsul’o gerai; juos šucina nuo kōs’ul’o; e) possession, condition, e.g.: ir nōg žmogāūs priguli; nūok virū. paāido (depends); f) manner, e.g.: visōk’os pāsakos nuo gālo gālu· (from beginning to end) pašnekės; g) source, origin, e.g.: nuog bobūt’u· acimena sekmės; Dzievėniškės irā vārdas duōtas nuog dzievū; Jurgelāvīč’o mēdzis nuok pavardės. § 75. The preposition *pas* is used with the accusative and means: a) a place or thing toward which something is directed or where it is, e.g.: the yoke was fastened to the shaft; by the water; it is by the yoke and the basket; she fastened it to the fence; they pick and tie (apples) to the apple tree with a little stick; I would go to my son; they went out to the river; it is at the Žižmū hill; they sit among the berries; she tied a stone to the basket; it stuck to the calf; b) the addressee of speech, addressing someone, e.g.: the wolf is listening to you; ask mother; the rooster is listening to the goat; it is all the same whether you call to the priest or to the priest. 217 § 76. The preposition per is used with the accusative to express: a) a place where or through which something takes place, e.g.: during the middle of the ball they took off; my arm aches at the wrist; she goes through the forest, makes no noise, through the water—does not splash; one has to travel through Dieveniškės; he crawled through the fence; grandfather crawled down through the pipe; b) distance, e.g.: across the river and Sabalūnai; well, here, just one kilometer away; c) time, e.g.: I did not sleep through the night; d) manner, e.g.: she pierced it halfway through with a blade of grass. § 77. One of the more archaic prepositions is pie, pi ‘about, near’. It is generally used with the accusative and means: a) place, e.g.: they live near the little houses; they stay at home; around Dieveniškės it is called differently; in the forest it is like this: it is on the hill, as if it had been given and broken off. b) an approximate quantity, e.g.: there will be about fifteen things; we gathered about five (we collected berries); with them there are also about six men; he paid about five kopecks; c) time, e.g.: the child will be two years old around All Saints’ Day, you will have to wait about an hour; d) an object or a person’s relation to a particular object, e.g.: about ploughing (ploughing, ploughing time) I told them: about those writings they gave me a wooden yoke for the harrow as well (I told them); she takes care of the work; the story is about three sisters; the story is about a goat; she completely forgot about me. § 78. The preposition po occurs with the dative, instrumental, and accusative, with the following meanings: a) place, e.g.: we stopped even near Riga; one of the sons lives in Vilnius; it rained across the country; Žąsliai is below Skaivonys; Žvirgždė is below Ureliai; they spent the night under the corner (outside); he crawled under the barn (dative), into the straw; we ate that fish beneath the cart; and the calf, having wandered off, is mooing under the fence; the heifer is mooing under the stove; they went and then, after that, the young alder hurt them because of the rain (<pog< pogi? according to nok); b) direction, e.g.: go to the left; the train is going homeward; would we turn toward that side? (on this side of the republic’s border); c) time, e.g.: after that illness, many people died; she suffered after childbirth; after ploughing, he harrowed; after the wedding they gathered to go home; d) belonging, e.g.: we remained late after the Germans (dat.); we were under the Germans; e) purpose, e.g.: we’re going to the forest for firewood; we’re going to the forest for firewood; f) cause, e.g.: because of old age (when) they took them away. § 79. The preposition prieg (prig, prik) is used with the dative to express: a) place, e.g.: the cow lies by the gate; it is raining by the stream; the crowberry grew by the pond; 218 b) a person in whose presence something happens, e.g.: the children are marrying off a girl; someone kissed his sister; they are growing up beside me; we gave it to our father; c) quality, e.g.: earth by the clay d) manner, e.g.: I spent all my time at work. § 80. The preposition prieš (sometimes priešei) is used with the accusative with the following meanings: a) time, e.g.: before the harvest: we got burnt; it was already a month ago; b) place, e.g.: the pasture (that is) in front of the village, was called Sėdzimos; he walked in front of me; she stood in front of me. § 81. The preposition pro is used with the accusative, mainly to express direction of movement: a) through something, e.g.: I came out through the window; I also escaped through the gate; b) past something, e.g.: the road goes past the houses. § 82. The preposition su requires the instrumental and is used mainly to express being together, in company (with various other shades of meaning—association, contrast, quality), e.g.: the two of us are with the girl; candles with wax; they tie the oxen together; one would like to chat with him, you don’t know who is fighting whom; a skull with four ears; a bathhouse with an anteroom. § 83. The preposition už occurs rarely in the dialect, e.g.: they always tie the oxen together by their tails. § 84. The dialect also uses a few constructions with two prepositions; cf.: from beneath: as in *kap rādo pláuku* ‘as the hair shows’; *brituv-* from beneath the chin and cuts; from beneath the bush he enticed; from beneath the crooked one he cuts with a stone; from under: the hare jumped out from under the bush; from under the forehead onto my little grass; until after: it remained until after the feast; alongside: he pulled his hand alongside his heel; beside: along the banks of the water; the cows beside the plough pull the hair; a belt beside the water; take my collar beside my neck; § 85. The following newer prepositions are used more frequently: around: around the yard: when you start going; near: we are still near the public road; between (less often *terpuì*): *As’uklė tarpui mędz’o, terpuì šavi dudėna*; cf. the example recorded by E. Volter: tarpui kalnu, tarpu lobu ‘a black hen lays eggs among the hills and among the valleys,’ 185; inside: a child inside the church; E. Volter writes: vido kalno, vido lobo černuškeles židia, 185 (the ending vido, o instead of -ui, may be of the same origin as the singular dative of masculine nouns; see § 23,1); above: the smoke rises above the tree’s crown (bread trough). 219 Ideophones § 86. Many ideophones that imitate sounds associated with various movements, or denote images arising during an action, end in the consonant c, sometimes t, e.g.: bóba c’ùpc’ gaidżi ažù vuodegòs; d’zùpc’ paukštėla galvón ir l’vonėlis atgijo; ãnas kišc’ nósi’ pirk’on; tėvas klãs c’ eidùj pirk’os maišù; kãrvė limšc’ ir suverpė, limšt’ ir apmetė, limšt’ ir išaudė, limšt’ ir išbal’čino; gaidùkas ốpc’, ốpc’, inlindo lazdõn; ãnas srùbc’ ir acigėrė; ažùglòstė gražei ir šùsc’ pẽc’un. § 87. There are quite a few ideophones that end in a vowel, diphthong, or another consonant and express the sounds of sudden actions or imitate the calls of birds, animals, or things. In a sentence they are most often used in groups, e.g.: avìs bė bė in pievos; br’ukū br’ukū dešimta sesùo; ãnas tep kap gaidżis in pìrštù vaikšć’una, c’àp, c’àp paspùcis, pašiŕdżis; cìk, cìk, kàs mán būs; c’ùku, c’ùku gaidżùku: c’ùku, c’ùku po pirkùtį; dzìn, dzìn, dzìn dar gi’va; fė, fė, fė, sãko ožis; praėjo vilkas šònan pirk’os ir ėmė pùsc’ie: fùk, fùk, fùk; o Jonėlis fùrr nuskri̇do; gũã, gũã, žaľci, balci, sãko vàrna; koŕ koŕ, džiedzo gaidżis bóbos vištai aki: iždaužė; k’àule krùk krùk dabėgo ingi ižuolu: mū, mū, mū, paskõrė Iuonėlis, džiedzo su’nus ir bóbos sunùs; sikrù, tu bobùle; slėp varšùkas ir pargrùvo; c’àũ, r’ãũ, r’ãũ nesprãusk, sãko kalãitė; kukū, kukū devini broliukai; ita dudėlė tu l’u l’ū. § 88. Various ideophones very often replace the verb in a sentence; e.g.: rag’ù bámc’ ir bámc’, galvón ir galvón gaidżis mūs susiedo gaidż’o; anà c’ùpc’ c’ùpc’ — šun’ùkas; kap ani’s ateina, delnùosna p’làukšć’ ir šòka čik vieni razbàini-kai (plėšikai); anà šmùkšć’ pẽc’un ir paska-võja; kùr buvi, kùr nebùvi; c’ùuc’ do c’ùpc’; pirk’ą k’àulait’ù ne trėršč’; ataido vilkas: stùk, stùk lungàn; tãp tãp kãcinas per pirk’ù; tėvas glėsc’ lazdõn, paskõris Iuonėlis; ãnas kišt’ galvù; lãpė kàpt’; pikšć’ kap rózas ir pataikė tū merginù; cik plìksc’ ir nẽrà (nušovė); mergìštė plùmc’ pelitei ir negi’và; anà šl’ùkšć’ akis-na ir išvirino; anà šmùkšć’ pẽc’un ir miẽgće; dzeŕ, dzeŕ dzeŕ tėvas kàulus dukterìės pirk’òn. Most of the dialect’s verbs with the suffix -erėti are derived from ideophones; see § 43, 2. As the examples show, ideophones denoting images and sounds are used most frequently in the dialect. Ideophones conveying various sensations occur less often, e.g.: man cik smìlkt širdżìn, vaiko nėra. It should be noted that ideophones are used mainly in folklore. They are less common in everyday speech. Interjection § 89. The interjections used more frequently in the dialect are: à, ai, ajajái, àk, oi, òch, òt; cf.: aĩ, kap mumì ãnas nepaćiko, tóks miegùlis; aĩ, tadù buvò sunkù gi’vénc’; ajajái, kok’à vėpucìne; ajajái, kap sópa gálvu’; àk, tėvėli mánas, radnasai mánas; oi, džiedùkai, álkanas, aš álkanas; oi, 220 às senėj jau atbėgau: o i, I even jumped: ò t, we were afraid, rãgis, and the sun did not shine on us; ò t, buičis nèsvedė “oh, life was not going well”; ò t, she told the rest; ò t, what a worry. Sometimes the same interjection is said twice or repeated several times in a sentence, e.g.: a i, a i, how they tormented us; o i, o i, what delicious pancakes you make; ò c h, ò c h, still (now) we’ll make a pie and the wolf won’t come back; ah, you clumsy ones, ah, you wretches, ah, you lot; good grief, good grief, o i, how good grief, o i how she heard; ò t, you lazybones, ò t, the child began to be lazy; they, ò t, are starving, ò t, have nothing to eat. An interjection sometimes reinforces a negation, e.g., o i no! he neither eats nor drinks. Occasionally, two different interjections are used in one sentence, e.g.: a i, dear old men, o i, good grief, I don’t know what sort he is. I š v a d o s § 90. The Dieveniškės dialect is important to the study of the Lithuanian language in many respects. Because of its geographical location and various historical reasons, having for a time lacked closer contact with other Lithuanian dialects and having experienced little influence from the literary language, the Dieveniškės dialect has retained a considerable number of archaic features to this day; compare the dative plural forms of nouns and pronouns with the ending -mu (tõmu visõmu trùmu mergìs-tėmu); masculine singular dative forms of nouns with the ending -o (bóba sãko kišk’o); singular and plural adessive and allative forms with the postposition -p(i) (t’ėvip, gaiõpi, namõpi, ju’sùmp, mu’sùmp); adjectives retaining the old accent position (ùiresnė, ùir’aus’a); various remnants of athematic verbs (vãsa ra, o tu m i e g m i); imperative forms without the format -k-: (k i m š, úuodegu· ùpen; a d ú o i mán žuvis); reflexive verb forms with stress on the ending (sėdasi, sėdãus, radosi, stojosi, govės, radõs, sėdõs, stojõs, stojotės); particular adverbs (dãugės, less often dãugėsne; nu·nai); particular prepositions and their constructions (a ž u m ė t u· papãmirė; sušlùbo uisi ark-lėi i n g i p a v ã s a r i; n u o g b o b ù t u· acìmenam; jù p i e n a m ù s būna; ãnos p i e b u d z i n k u· žìdz’a; k’ãul’u· migis p r i k t u ã r t i). As a result of close contact with Slavic languages (especially Belarusian, and to a lesser extent Russian and Polish), numerous hybrids and calques from those languages have arisen in the dialect. Verb formation has been particularly influenced by Slavic languages; compare prefixed verbs (ažusìrk’, pras̀kaic’) and especially verbs with the secondary prefix pa- (ùsi bernai p a a p s i v e d ė; seni jau p a p ã-m i r ė). The influence of Slavic languages has also led to the emergence of particular prepositional constructions (po kadàikšč’amu, dar a ž u s á u l e s parėjom namõ; miš’os p o t i e v ã m u). The origin of some interesting dialectal features is unclear, e.g.: d>g, t>k, compare dãug v a n g e n ù (of waters) i rà; mãno gėgė (uncle) pãmirė; p ė r- 221 verkė (turned over) visu namu; dankėlei (little teeth) geri; pasikiko kėvukas “the old man met [him]”. The boundary between the eastern and western Dzūkian dialects runs through the area of the Dieveniškės dialect. Because the mixed diphthongs am, an, em, en more frequently change into um, un, im, in, this dialect is closer to the eastern Dzūkian dialects. However, there are more phonetic and morphological features that link the Dieveniškės dialect more closely with the western Dzūkian dialects. ДЕВЯНИШКИСКИЙ ГОВОР I. LILIPSKENĖ and A. VIDUGIRIS Резюме The article presents the characteristic features of the Lithuanian dialect spoken in the vicinity of the town of Dieveniškės, in the far southeastern corner of the Eišiškės district of the Lithuanian SSR. The Dieveniškės Lithuanian dialect has attracted the attention of linguists for 80 years. Among the researchers of this dialect were such well-known linguists as E. Volter, K. Būga, P. Arumaa, and others. Since the Dieveniškės Lithuanian dialect is located on the edge of the present-day ethnographic territory of the Lithuanian language, many archaic features have been preserved in it. All nouns and pronouns in the plural dative have the ending -mu: bról’amu, tōmu visōmu trīmu mergištemu; seniem žmōnemu. Masculine singular dative forms have, alongside the ending -u, the endings -o (bōba sāko kiš’k’o) or i in prepositional constructions (kāruvės sālik pilū i plaukė). Forms of the adessive and allative with the postposition -p(i) are still occasionally encountered: tieup, galopi, ju· simp, mu· simp. In folklore, forms without the suffix -k occur alongside the imperative forms aik, būkie: a dúo i man žuvīs; k i m š vuodegu· špen. Some reflexive verbs have preserved stress on the ending, e.g.: sėdasi, sėdaus, radosi, govės, stojos. The dialect is characterized by the adverb daugės alongside daugėsne nu·nai and by certain prepositions, such as ažiū, dren, ingi, nuog, pie, prieg. The Dieveniškės Lithuanian dialect has long been in close contact with the Slavic languages (especially Belarusian, and to a lesser extent Russian and Polish). As a result of these contacts, many new words formed on the model of the Slavic languages have appeared in the dialect. The influence of Slavic word formation is especially evident in the verb, cf. prefixed verbs (ažusirc’, praskaicic’), and, in particular, the numerous forms with the secondary prefix pa- (paapsivedė, paisigāndo, papamire). Under the influence of the Slavic languages, some prepositional constructions have also appeared in the dialect (cf. po kaddikšč’amu, po mūsemt; dār ažiū sāulės parėjau namō; miš’os potėvāmų). In addition, the dialect is characterized by distinctive phonetic phenomena whose origin has not yet been established; cf. d>g and t>k before front vowels: dankālei (дэнтеляи), gėgė (дедё), pasikiko kėvukas (паситико тёвукаѕ), vangen’o (ван- денио). On the basis of the twofold pronunciation of the diphthong combinations am, an, em, en (as am, an, em, en and as um, un, im, in), the Dieveniškės dialect should be considered a transitional dialect between the western and eastern Dzūkian dialects of Lithuanian. 222