Baltų kalbų naminių gyvulių pavadinimai (jų kilmė ir santykis su atitinkamais slavų kalbų pavadinimais)

BALTŲ IR SLAVŲ KALBŲ RYŠIAI LIETUVOS TSR MOKSLŲ AKADEMIJA ALGIRDAS SABALIAUSKAS NAMES OF DOMESTIC ANIMALS IN THE BALTIC LANGUAGES (their origin and relation to the corresponding names in the Slavic languages) In examining the linguistic relations between the Baltic and Slavic languages, alongside the study of phonetic, morphological, and syntactic phenomena, a detailed analysis of the vocabulary of these languages is also of considerable importance. A broader, more generalizing study of the vocabulary of the Baltic and Slavic languages and their mutual relations can be written only when the vocabulary of individual semantic groups has been investigated more thoroughly. That the study of such groups can also yield interesting, sometimes even entirely unexpected results, is vividly demonstrated by O. Trubachev’s book “Craft Terminology in the Slavic Languages”1: an analysis of the terminology of textile, woodworking, ceramic, and blacksmithing crafts showed that the vocabulary of this field in the Slavic languages has far more in common with German and Latin than with Baltic. Of course, no broad conclusions can be drawn on the basis of an analysis of just one such lexical group, but the findings of that analysis are nevertheless a valuable contribution to the overall study of Baltic and Slavic linguistic relations. This study, too, seeks to analyze one such lexical group—the names of domestic animals. The main focus is on Baltic-language material, while Slavic-language evidence is considered only insofar as it is directly related to the corresponding Baltic-language evidence. This approach was partly determined by the fact that the terminology of animal husbandry in the Slavic languages has been studied in greater detail: a study by the same O. Trubachev, “The Origin of the Names of Domestic Animals in the Slavic Languages,” is devoted to this question2. In discussing the names of individual domestic animals, the study also briefly touches on the history of these animals—their domestication, their appearance in the present-day territory of the Baltic peoples, and other questions that may sometimes have a certain connection with the emergence of individual names. Moreover, in the absence of more extensive studies of this kind in Lithuanian, such information may also serve as fragments of a history of animal husbandry in the Baltic lands. DOG At present, it seems there can be no doubt that the dog was the first animal domesticated by humans. An immensely long span of time separates us from the beginning of the friendship between humans and dogs, and therefore today it is already difficult to shed more specific light on this friendship’s 1 О. Н. Трубачев, Ремесленная терминология в славянских языках, Москва, 1966. 2 O. N. Trubachev, The Origin of the Names of Domestic Animals in the Slavic Languages, Moscow, 1960. 101 history, to explain the reasons that led humans to form a bond with the dog earlier than with other animals. In Neolithic archaeological excavations, the bones of the domestic dog are found throughout almost all of Europe, and sometimes they are found even where there is no trace of any other domestic animal1. Various drawings testify that the Sumerians, who knew the dog from the earliest times2, depicted dogs as companions of Babylonian gods. All kinds of dog figures in their land were believed to possess magical powers3. Drawings of dogs are found on the oldest Egyptian vases. The dog's importance in the lives of the ancient Egyptians is also attested by the fact that dog skeletons are found beside their masters in ancient tombs. And the pharaohs of Egypt's First and Second Dynasties loved their dogs so much that, after burying them in their own tombs, they also erected gravestones for them, on which they carved the dogs' names alongside their own—names that, having borne the burden of perhaps five thousand years, have survived to our own day4. The ancient Assyrians, Greeks, and Romans bred various dog breeds5. Herodotus wrote of the ancient Iranians that their “priests kill with their own hands everything except dogs and people”6. The great variety of dog breeds, sometimes very different from one another, had already led zoologists at the beginning of the nineteenth century to conclude that the domestic dog did not everywhere descend from the same ancestor7. The problem of explaining the domestication of the dog is much more complex. In general, utilitarian aims lead humans to tame animals. In the past, these aims were also invoked to explain the taming of the dog, viewed as a helper to humans—as hunter and shepherd. As we shall see later, this view was also reflected in explanations of the origin of the Indo-European name for the dog. However, a number of important factors compel us to abandon this view. First, it is contradicted by the circumstance that the dog, as has been observed, was domesticated before humans began practicing animal husbandry. The aboriginal peoples of South and Central America did not practice animal husbandry, yet they had tamed the dog as their only, one might say, domestic animal. In general, the role of the dog in the lives of the American aboriginal peoples helps illuminate the problem of its domestication on the European continent as well. For the American aboriginal peoples, the dog was closely connected with religion and mythology. During various religious ceremonies, dog meat was eaten in the Americas8. It was also eaten in ancient Europe, where this practice at first likewise seems to have had a ritual character9. Traces of the veneration of the dog as an animal endowed with divine power survived until the appearance of Indo-European written records, and some 1 M. Hilzheimer, Haustier, – M. Ebert, Reallexikon der Vorgeschichte, V, Berlin, 1926, p. 219; O. Schrader, Reallexikon der indogermanischen Altertumskunde, I, Berlin—Leipzig, 1917—1923, p. 516. 2 M. Hilzheimer, ten pat, p. 219. 3 Ebeling, Hund, – M. Ebert, Reallexikon der Vorgeschichte, V, p. 410. 4 M. Hilzheimer, ten pat, p. 220; Ranke, Hund, – M. Ebert, Reallexikon der Vorgeschichte, V, p. 409; C. Keller, Die Abstammung der ältesten Haustiere, Zürich, 1902, p. 41—42. 5 C. Keller, ten pat, p. 42—45. 6 O. Schrader, Reallexikon der indogermanischen Altertumskunde, I, p. 516. 7 C. Keller, ten pat, p. 46—80; E. Hahn, Hund, – M. Ebert, Reallexikon der Vorgeschichte, V, p. 403. 8 F. Termer, Zeitschrift für Ethnologie, 82, Braunschweig, 1957, p. 1. 9 O. Schrader, Reallexikon der indogermanischen Altertumskunde, I, p. 516. 102 Traces of the dog’s religious role, in fact, have survived to our own day10. Therefore, if the ancient Roman writers were right in classifying dogs according to their utilitarian purpose as hunting, shepherding, and yard dogs11, this scheme must in no way be projected back to earlier times, to the beginnings of dog domestication, since both the hunting function and the herding function, which emerged with the flourishing of animal husbandry, and especially the function of guarding the home, appeared considerably later than the domestication of the dog. It is probably necessary to agree with those scholars who, rejecting a utilitarian explanation for the rapprochement between humans and dogs, argue that the dog first drew close to humans as a parasite. Various food scraps and the fires kept burning at human camps attracted dogs. In this way, the dog became accustomed to staying near human settlements, gradually drawing closer to people. It is possible that young puppies in particular became accustomed to humans especially easily. Even at the very beginning of domestication, humans may sometimes have put dogs to certain uses. For example, it is thought that women let puppies suck away excess milk. Images have survived of the Babylonian and Carthaginian goddesses of death, each of whom has a suckling animal at every breast, apparently a puppy and a piglet. This custom is found among some peoples even in our own time12. Thus, there can be no doubt that the Indo-Europeans knew the dog well already during their earliest mutual contacts. The ancestors of the Balts and Slavs were no exception in this respect. In the territories inhabited by the Balts today, the dog was the first domesticated animal13. The dog also left clear traces in Lithuanian and Latvian folklore and worldview14. The Indo-European languages have preserved the ancient name for ‘dog’ very well; cf. Sanskrit śvá, gen. sg. śunah, Avestan spā, gen. sg. sūno, Greek κύων, gen. sg. κυνός, Latin canis ‘dog, bitch’, Armenian šun, Irish cú, gen. sg. con, Hittite šuwana, Tocharian ku, Lithuanian šuo, gen. sg. šuñs. Among these examples, the Latin name for ‘dog’ stands out because of its root vocalism. However, the change in the root of the Latin word seems explicable on the basis of Latin evidence. Both in meaning and in origin, Hittite šuwana15 is also questionable. The original meaning of the Indo-European name for ‘dog’ is not entirely clear, although quite a few more or less plausible explanations have been proposed. H. Osthoff attempted to link the Indo-European name for ‘dog’ with the Indo-European name for ‘cattle’ (perhaps originally ‘sheep’) *peku (cf. Sanskrit paśáh, Latin 10 O. N. Trubachev, The Origin of the Names of Domestic Animals in the Slavic Languages, Moscow, 1960, p. 5 (hereafter: Происхождение…). 11 C. Keller, The Descent of the Oldest Domestic Animals, p. 44. 12 E. Hahn, Hund, — M. Ebert, Reallexikon der Vorgeschichte, V, p. 403; O. H. Трубачев, ibid., p. 5. 13 P. Kulikauskas, R. Kulikauskienė, A. Tautavičius, An Outline of Lithuanian Archaeology, Vilnius, 1961, p. 79; Latvijas PSR vēsture, I, eds. K. Strazdiņa, J. Zuša, J. Krastiņa, A. Drizula, Riga, 1953, p. 9; K. Паавер, Formation of the Territory and Variability of the Mammals of the Baltic Region in the Holocene, Tartu, 1965, pp. 361—362, 364—365, 367—372. 14 P. Šmits, Latviešu tautas ticējumi, IV, Rīgā, 1941, p. 1745—1776. 15 A. Walde, Comparative Dictionary of the Indo-European Languages, I, Berlin and Leipzig, 1930, pp. 465—466 (hereafter: VrgI. Wb.); A. Walde, Latin Etymological Dictionary, I, Heidelberg, 1930, pp. 152—153 (hereafter: Et. Wb.); E. Fraenkel, Lithuanian Etymological Dictionary, II, Heidelberg—Göttingen, 1966, pp. 1033—1035 (hereafter: Et. Wb.); F. Kluge, Etymological Dictionary of the German Language, Berlin, 1957, p. 320 (hereafter: Et. Wb.); J. Pokorny, Indo-European Etymological Dictionary, Bern, 1949, pp. 632—633 (hereafter: Et. Wb.); H. Kronasser, Comparative Phonology and Morphology of Hittite, Heidelberg, 1956, p. 229; В. В. Иванов, The Hittite Language, Moscow, 1963, pp. 90—92. 103 pecus), reconstructing the proto-form * (p)kyōn, whose original meaning would have been “a sheepdog or, more generally, a shepherd’s dog.” However, quite apart from its phonetic untenability, the history of the animal itself contradicts this explanation. Nor is there any basis for claiming that this name for the dog was in some way secondary, displacing an earlier Indo-European name for the dog. V. Georgiev explains that the Indo-European name for the dog derives from the Indo-European proto-form *keu- “to cry out, howl, bay, bark.” Thus, the dog would have received its name because of its characteristic barking and howling, and the original meaning of the name would have been “barking, howling animal.” According to V. Georgiev, the original nominative singular form was *keu̯ōn, which, under the influence of the form *ku-n-ós, was displaced very early by the form *ku̯ōn (Greek κύων) or *ku̯ōn (Sanskrit śvá, Avestan spā). The original paradigm of this name for the dog was approximately as follows: nominative singular *keu̯ōn > *ku̯ō(n) and *ku̯ō(n), accusative singular *ku̯én-m, genitive singular *kun-ós, locative singular *ku̯én-(i), instrumental plural *kun-bhis, etc. In addition to the names for the dog already mentioned, V. Georgiev also derives from this proto-form Sanskrit śvakaḥ “wolf,” Median (Herodotus) σπάχα “dog,” Latvian kuna “bitch,” Old Church Slavonic kó-ka-h “wolf,” Bulgarian куче “dog,” Russian сука “bitch,” and Polish suka¹⁶. From a semantic point of view, V. Georgiev’s explanation would be entirely acceptable. However, his schematic approach to phonetics gives rise to considerable doubt, and in our view it is wholly untenable to associate some of the examples he cites with the old Indo-European name for the dog. F. Specht’s attempt to explain this name for the dog by connecting it with the Indo-European root *keu-, denoting some kind of color, is worth noting; compare Sanskrit śonah “red” < Indo-European *keu-no¹⁷. Such an explanation would also be semantically possible, since Indo-European languages contain a considerable number of animal names of varying antiquity derived from the corresponding color term. Even Lithuanian kiáunė, Latvian caūna, and Prussian caune, as velar variants of that root, could be linked with such an Indo-European name for the dog¹⁸. However, other words with the Indo-European *keu-no root (cf. Avestan savahī “name of a part of the earth situated in the east,” Avestan sūram “early in the morning,” Armenian šukh “brightness, radiance,” Armenian šol “ray”) do not support F. Specht’s etymology very well, since the principal meaning of this root is, after all, “to shine, to glow.” Lithuanian švankūs “decent, respectable; lively, nimble,” which F. Specht, analyzing it as *šū-an-k-us, compares with words in this group, cannot be associated with them either on semantic grounds or because of its older form šankūs. There have been attempts to connect the name for the dog with the same Indo-European root *keu-, but with the meaning not of some color but of “to swell, become bloated, grow, increase,” arguing that the original meaning of the name was more or less close to the concepts “powerful” (cf. Sanskrit śaviraḥ “powerful”) or “conceived, offspring of an animal” (cf. Sanskrit śi-šu “child,” Old Icelandic húnn, Greek χύος). These explanations, however, are doubtful in every respect¹⁹. Besides the Indo-European name for the dog already discussed, another name is widely used across much of Europe and Asia, occurring not only in Indo-European languages but also in Finno-Ugric and Turkic-Tatar languages. It is very similar in all these languages and is used most often to mean a puppy, less often a bitch or a dog in general. It has especially many variants in the Slavic languages: Russian кутёнок “puppy,” кутя, куток, ¹⁶ B. И. Георгиев, Исследования по сравнительно-историческому языкознанию, Москва, 1958, p. 46—47, 117, 139, 151. ¹⁷ F. Specht, Der Ursprung der indogermanischen Deklination, Göttingen, 1947, p. 32, 121—122. ¹⁸ A. Walde, Vrgl. Wb., I, p. 368; J. Pokorny, Et. Wb., p. 594. ¹⁹ A. Walde, Vrgl. Wb., I, p. 446; J. Pokorny, Et. Wb., p. 592—594. 104 кутиха “bitch,” кучко “dog,” Ukr. котюга, Slovak kot’uha, Bulg. куче “bitch,” Serb. куче, Slovene kūčak, Polish Kucziuk “a dog’s name.” Here are examples from other languages: Alb. kutsh “dog,” Latv. kuce “bitch,” kuçens “puppy,” Osset. куз/куј “dog,” < East Iranian *kuti, cf. Kurdish kūčik, Hungarian kutya, Komi kitši, kytsi “puppy.”²⁰ Despite the matching meaning and outward similarity, this name resists precise phonetic analysis. It is also difficult to explain its spread by borrowing. Therefore, it seems reasonable that many researchers regard this name for a dog as deriving from a sound-word used to call a dog, cf. Russian куть-куть, Polish kuciu-kuciu. Perhaps Russian ццу and Lithuanian ciù-ciù, ciū-ciū should also be linked with these sound-words, as well as dog names derived from them and used chiefly in children’s speech. It is rather strange that no more reliable traces of the ancient common Indo-European name for a dog (Lithuanian šuo, etc.) have survived in the Slavic languages. Yet other names for dogs, unknown in the remaining Indo-European languages, are widespread there. Some of these names are quite old, dating back to Proto-Slavic. One of the oldest and most widespread is: Old Church Slavonic pbsǫ “dog,” Old Russian пъсь, Tus. пѐс, Ukrainian пес, Belarusian пес, Bulgarian пъс, пес, Serbo-Croatian nàc, Slovene pěs, Slovak pes, Polish pies, Kashubian pjes, Upper Sorbian pos, Lower Sorbian pes, pjas, Polabian pasai (< *pbsǫ) “dog.”²¹ Among etymologists, this Slavic name for a dog is enormously popular, and almost every conceivable semantic explanation for the origin of the name has been proposed. V. Schulze’s etymology has found the most supporters: Slavic pisǫ is linked with Sanskrit piśāṅgah “reddish, brown” (also a dog’s name), piśāh “fallow deer,” Greek ποικίλος “variegated,” Russian пестрый, Lithuanian paišas, and so on.²² The origin of another name for a dog, widespread chiefly in the eastern Slavic languages, has likewise not yet been explained; cf. Old Russian собака, Russian собака, Belarusian сабака, Ukrainian собака, Polish dialectal sobaka, Kashubian sobaka “bitch, dog, promiscuous person,” Slovene sobaka, Slovak dialectal sobaka “quarrelsome woman.” It may also have entered the western Slavic languages from Russian, Belarusian, or Ukrainian, especially in areas where the word is used in its figurative sense. Some consider this name for a dog a borrowing from Iranian, others from Turkic, while still others attempt to treat it as a word of Slavic origin.²³ Some Slavic languages share a name for a bitch: Old Russian сука, Russian сука, Belarusian сука, Ukrainian сука, Polish suka, Kashubian sëka, Polabian saukó “debauched woman, harlot.” In explaining the origin of this word, a tendency dating back to H. Osthoff has persisted: to find, somehow, traces in the Slavic languages of the ancient Indo-European name for a dog (Lithuanian šuo, etc.). Even ²⁰ O. H. Трубачёв, Происхождение…, p. 25—26; M. Vasmer, Et. Wb., I, p. 705—706; В. И. Абаев, Историко-этимологический словарь осетинского языка, I, Москва—Ленинград, 1958, p. 605. ²¹ O. H. Трубачев, Происхождение…, p. 19; M. Vasmer, Et. Wb., II, p. 346—347. ²² M. Vasmer, Et. Wb., II, p. 346—7; O. H. Трубачев, Происхождение…, p. 19; M. Mayrhofer, Kurzgefasstes etymologisches Wörterbuch des Altindischen, II, Heidelberg, 1963, p. 288—289 (toliau: Et. Wb.). ²³ O. H. Трубачев, On the etymology of the word собака, — “Краткие сообщения Института славяноведения АН СССР”, 15, Moscow, 1955, p. 48—55; J. Holub, F. Kopečný, Etymological Dictionary of the Czech Language, Prague, 1952, p. 344 (hereafter: Et. sl.); V. Machek, Etymological Dictionary of the Czech and Slovak Languages, Prague, 1957, p. 462 (hereafter: Et. sl.); O. H. Трубачев, Origin…, p. 32. 105 and in recent years many researchers have followed this path24. However, neither the Common Slavic character of this name for ‘bitch’ nor, still less, its connection with the old Indo-European name for ‘dog’ has been sufficiently demonstrated25. The old Indo-European name for ‘dog’ has been preserved in all three Baltic languages. Lith. šuo < *švuō (< Indo-European *kuō-n). A similar optional loss of v before ō is attested in Baltic in some other cases as well, cf. Lith. dū < *dvuo, Lith. guōlis, Latv. guõla < *guōl, Samogitian torà < *tvōr, Lith. kólyti alongside kvõlyti <, Belarusian хваліць, Polish chwalić, etc.26 Alongside the form šuo, already found in the earliest Lithuanian-language monuments, dialects and various written sources also contain other forms of this name, whose emergence is explained by phonetic or morphological changes; cf. šuvà (the most widespread dialect form: Dusetos, Joniškėlis, Joniškis, Kapsukas, Pandėlys, Obeliai, Rokiškis, Ukmergė, Utena, Varėna, Vilkaviškis, Zarasai, etc.)27, šunė (Gataučiai, Karsakiškis, Kuldūnai, Pabiržė, Nemunėlio Radviliškis, Saločiai, Smilgiai, Šleideriškės, Užušiliai, etc.), šuŏj (Leipalingis, Liškiava), šuon (Varėna, Vaiguva)28, šunis (Kučiūnai, former Seinai County)29. The form šū30 is also very often mentioned in the linguistic literature. However, this form most likely arose from inaccurate transcription of the sounds of the Samogitian dünininkai dialect31. The literary-language form šuo is used mainly in Samogitia and in parts of the Western Aukštaitian dialect area (Bitenai, Kriūkai, Jurbarkas, Smalininkai, Šakiai, Veliuona), and is sometimes also found sporadically in other dialects. In the variety of its forms, this name for ‘dog’ is no different from other Lithuanian nouns of the old consonant stem, cf. sesuo alongside sesuvà, šešva, šešė, sesuõj, etc. The Latvian form suns, corresponding to Lith. šunis, shows traces of consonant declension in some old written monuments; however, forms corresponding to Lith. šuŏ are not attested in Latvian32. The name for ‘dog’ is recorded twice in the Old Prussian monuments as well. In the Elbing Vocabulary we find: Sunis Hunt (word 703). This form would correspond to Latv. suns, Lith. šunis. However, we cannot assert this categorically, since in the Elbing Vocabulary the ending -is 24 H. M. Шанский, В. В. Иванов, Т. В. Шанская, Краткий этимологический словарь русского языка, Москва, 1961, p. 324; В. И. Георгиев, Исследования по сравнительно-историческому языкознанию, p. 47; M. Vasmer, Et. Wb., III, p. 42. 25 O. H. Трубачев, Происхождение..., p. 21—22. 26 J. Endzelīnas, Baltu kalbų garsai ir formos, Vilnius, 1957, p. 46, 141; J. Endzelīns, Latviešu valodas gramatika, Rīgā, 1951, p. 484; J. Otrebski, Gramatyka języka litewskiego, I, Warszawa, 1958, p. 385—386; E. Fraenkel, Et. Wb., p. 81, 176, 1033. 27 Dialectological data are generally taken from the card index of the Institute of the Lithuanian Language and Literature’s Atlas of the Lithuanian Language. 28 K. Būga, Rinktiniai raštai, I, Vilnius, 1958, p. 588; II, Vilnius, 1959, p. 354; V. Vitkauskas, Baltistica, II(2), p. 203—207. 29 Pr. Skardžius, Lietuvių kalbos žodžių daryba, Vilnius, 1941, p. 50. 30 J. Endzelynas, Baltų kalbų garsai ir formos, p. 127; J. Otrebski, Gramatyka języka litewskiego, III, Warszawa, 1956, p. 58, 62; E. Fraenkel, Et. Wb., p. 1033. 31 V. Vitkauskas, Baltistica, II(2), p. 203—207. 32 J. Endzelīns, Latviešu valodas gramatika, p. 440—441; K. Mülenbach’s Latviešu valodas vārdnīca, III, Rīgā, 1927—1929, p. 1122—1123 (hereafter: EM). EH: J. Endzelīns un E. Hauzenberga, Papildinājumi un labojumi K. Mülenbacha Latviešu valodas vārdnīcai, I—II, Rīga, 1934—1946. 106 The ending -as is also added > in place of -s. Here we also find deywis ‘god’⁳³, and dagis ‘summer’ (cf. Lithuanian dāgas), and stogis ‘roof’, and snaygis ‘snow’, and taukus ‘fat’, and so on. Some uncertainty surrounds another name for ‘dog’ found in Prussian-language monuments: word 42 in Simon Grunau’s glossary, songos hundt. R. Trautmann regards this word as a corrupted transcription of the form sunis (songos...aus sunis verd e rbt)³⁴. J. Endzelīnas, too, is inclined to read songos as *sunus³⁵. E. Benveniste reconstructs the form *sunko from the transcription songos³⁶. E. Benveniste justifies this form by noting that Simon Grunau’s glossary contains other words which, through their formative -k-, differ from the forms of those same words found in other Prussian-language monuments. For example, alongside Geytye in the Elbing glossary (which should probably be read as Geytys)³⁷ ‘bread’, and the catechisms’ geits, Simon Grunau’s glossary has the form geytko. Alongside Pepelis ‘bird’ in the Elbing glossary and the catechisms’ plural genitive pippalins, Simon Grunau’s glossary has the form pip elko. In any case, however, the form songos is most likely still a variant of the same name for ‘dog’, corresponding to Prussian sunis and Lithuanian šuo, rather than a new name for ‘dog’ peculiar to Prussian. The Prussian name for ‘dog’ just discussed has also left fairly clear traces in Prussian toponymy. Some hydronyms and place names found in various historical documents may be associated with it: Sonne, Sonnaw, Sonnekaym, Suna, Sunegowe, Sunecolowach, Sunike, Zunloszkeim³⁸. In F. Lorentz’s opinion, even the name of the village near Gdańsk, Schönau, is related to Prussian sunis (Schönau < Sunowo ‘dog village’)³⁹. The Baltic languages do not have a common name for a female dog. In Lithuanian, this concept is expressed by the word kalė (the parallel form kālė is also used). This name for a female dog is found in all Lithuanian dialects and is already attested in older writings (Daukša, Širvydas). Despite the efforts made, the origin of the Lithuanian word kalė has not yet been adequately elucidated. Attempts have been made to connect Lithuanian kalė with Old Icelandic hvelpr ‘young dog’, Albanian keliuš ‘young animal, especially a dog’, Greek σκύλαξ ‘dog, young dog, young animal’, Greek κύλλαξ, Middle Irish culén ‘young dog’, Welsh colwyn, Cornish coloin, Breton kolen⁴⁰. All these words would derive from the Indo-European root *kel- ‘call, shout, sound’. It seems to us that Lithuanian kalė is probably a recent word peculiar to Lithuanian and has no direct connection with the aforementioned names for dogs, mostly young ones. This does not preclude the possibility that Lithuanian kalė actually derives from words genetically related to the Indo-European root *kel-; cf. Latvian kalkuot ‘chatter’, kalit. However, another explanation of the origin of the word kalė is possible, based on Lithuanian material itself. We have previously observed that semantically some 33 The Prussian catechisms write deiws, deiwas. When giving examples from Prussian glossaries, this work generally cites the Prussian form first. 34 R. Trautmann, Die altpreussischen Sprachdenkmäler, Göttingen, 1910, p. 433. 35 J. Endzelīns, Senprūšu valoda, Rīgā, 1943, p. 259. 36 E. Benveniste, StB, 2, p. 78. 37 R. Trautmann, Die altpreussischen Sprachdenkmäler, p. 87. 38 G. Gerullis, Die altpreussischen Ortsnamen, Berlin—Leipzig, 1922, p. 168, 176. 39 F. Lorentz, ZfSI, XI, 2, p. 245. 40 E. Fraenkel, Et. Wb., p. 208; M. Vasmer, Et. Wb., II, 642; J. Pokorny, Et. Wb., p. 550. 107 Indo-European names for dogs are explained by connecting them with the corresponding names for colors. It seems to us that Lithuanian kalė could be explained in a similar way. This word should be connected with the Lithuanian adjectives kalýbas ‘white (of a dog’s neck)’, kalýbkaklis ‘white-necked’, kalývas ‘white’, and kalýnas. This adjective is found in some Samogitian dialects (Mosėdis, Plateliai, Salantai, Alsėdžiai), and also in the dictionaries of J. Brodovskis, G. H. F. Nesselmann, and J. Juška⁴¹. The adjectives kalývas, kalýbas are secondary formations with the suffixes -ybas, -yvas. Thus, just as alongside senyvas, senýbas or ankstyvas, ankstybas the primary adjectives are sėnas, ankstùs, so alongside kalývas, kalýbas there must have been the form *kalas. Dog names *kalis, kalė and kūlė could have arisen from such a form; compare márgas→mãrgis, mãrgė. The adjective *kalas need not originally have meant ‘white’; compare Greek κελαυνός ‘black’, χαλκός ‘gray’, Irish caile ‘spot’. In our view, the latter etymology of Lithuanian kalė is also supported by the fact that animal names derived from the Indo-European root *kel-, *kāl are quite numerous in various Indo-European languages; compare Sanskrit karkáḥ ‘white horse’, Greek κίλλος ‘donkey’, Swedish dialectal hjälm ‘white ox or horse’, Swiss German helme ‘white cow’, and so on.⁴² The original meaning of the adjective *kalas may have been ‘white-spotted, mottled’. Our proposed etymology is especially supported by the circumstance that the adjectives kalývas, kalýbas are used only of dogs. A certain analogy can be seen in the history of Lithuanian kėvė ‘a poor, lean animal; nag’, where an animal name derived from some characteristic became a species term for a female animal when it entered Latvian, acquiring the meaning ‘mare’. F. Specht had already briefly mentioned the possibility of connecting Lithuanian kalė with Lithuanian kalývas.⁴³ As we have mentioned, kalė is a specifically Lithuanian term for a female dog. To be sure, K. Būga attempted to discern traces of this word in some Old Prussian personal and place names: he connected the village name Kalis and the personal name Kalioth with Lithuanian kalė.⁴⁴ However, it seems to us that Old Prussian Kalis, Calyen, Kalcz (a lake name) would be more correctly connected with Old Prussian kalis ‘catfish’.⁴⁵ Two terms for a female dog are widely used in Latvian: kuce and kuņa. We have already mentioned the origin of the former and the names for dogs that arose in a similar way in other languages, when discussing Slavic names of this type (Russian кученок ‘puppy’, etc.). The sound-symbolic origin of Latvian kuce, kuca ‘female dog’ is supported by the considerable number of other Latvian dog names connected with the call kuč used to summon a dog; compare kuča ‘female dog’, kuča ‘small puppy (in children’s speech)’, kučāte ‘little female dog’, kučka ‘female dog’, kučēns ‘puppy’, kučēns, kucans, kucenis, kucentiņš, kuceļēns, kucļēns, kucis ‘dog’, kuciņš, kučiņš, kucans ‘puppy’, kuceļēns, kucins ‘derogatory term for a dog’, kuculēns ‘puppy’ (EM, II, 298; EH, I, 666). 41 Lietuvių kalbos žodynas, V, p. 135–137, 141 (toliau: LKŽd.). 42 Ē. Fraenkel, Et. Wb., p. 209; M. Vasmer, Et. Wb., I, p. 506; J. Pokorny, Et. Wb., p. 547–548; M. Mayrhofer, Et. Wb., I, p. 171. 43 F. Specht, Der Ursprung der indogermanischen Deklination, p. 122; A. Sabaliauskas, Baltistica, III(1), p. 109–110. 44 K. Būga, Rinktiniai raštai, I, p. 524–525. 45 G. Gerullis, Die altpreussischen Ortsnamen, p. 54; R. Trautmann, Die altpreussischen Sprachdenkmäler, p. 351. 108 There are various opinions about the origin of Latvian kuņa. Many researchers do not distinguish this word from the other cognates of the old Indo-European name for ‘dog’46. Here is what K. Būga wrote about the origin of Latvian kuņa: “Following K. Jaunius, I too initially thought that Latvian kuņa ‘bitch’ (III 33) was etymologically related to šunim, but I publicly renounced that opinion in November 1909, in the hectographed critique of ‘Aistiškos studijos’ (p. 10). Kuņa, together with Latvian kuce ‘bitch’... and kucens ‘puppy’... belongs among words of unknown origin. Compare Kashubian kuna ‘bitch’ and Bulgarian kűče ‘dog’, Albanian kutš, Ottoman küčük ‘dog’47.” J. Endzelīns48 explained the origin of Latvian kuņa in two ways: he considered it either a blend of *suna and kuca, or a word of foreign origin, like Kashubian kūnā, which E. Berneker49 connected with Russian кѵна ‘marten’. We consider the first possibility more plausible. The sound-symbolic word kuč (kuč *suna > kuč kuņa) may also have played a certain role here. In all the Baltic languages we also find quite a number of other, more narrowly used names for ‘dog’. They most often denote particular kinds of dogs or are used alongside the generic (species) name for ‘dog’, with a particular emotional or otherwise distinguishing shade of meaning. Lithuanian kūrtas ‘a very fast hunting dog’ is a word of Slavic origin. As K. Būga demonstrated, this word must have entered Lithuanian no later than the 12th century. Lithuanian kūrtas derives from the unattested Old Russian form *хъртъ, from which the modern Russian form хорт must also have developed50. Slavų kalbose šis šuns pavadinimas labai plačiai vartojamas. Be minėto rus. хорт, plg. ukr. хорт, bulg. хрът, хрътка, serb.-chorv. хрът, slov. hrt, ček. chrt, slovk. chrt, lenk. chart, aukšt. luž. khort, žem. luž. chart. Kaip matyti iš pateiktų pavyzdžių, esama pakankamo pagrindo šį šuns pavadinimą laikyti bendraslavišku žodžiu. Tačiau kaip jis atsirado slavų kalbose, ligi šiol nėra išaiškinta, o aiškintojų ir aiškinimų skaičius yra tiesiog rekordinis. Kai kurie tyrinėtojai (H. Hirtas, E. Bernekeris) šį šuns vardą laikė skoliniu iš germanų, plg. vok. Rüde „šuo, medžioklinis šuo“, sen. vok. aukšt. rudio „didelis šuo“. Kiti jį siejo su rus. скорый „greitas“, treti su skr. kharah „grubus, šiurkštus, aštrus“, gr. χάραρος „aštrus, smailus“. V. Machekas, iš pradžių mėginęs sieti jį su liet. kūrti „greitai bėgti“, vėliau šį šuns pavadinimą kartu su vok. Rüde laikė „praindoeuropietišku“, t. y. indoeuropiečių paveldėtu iš kažkokios nežinomos kalbos. J. Mikola mėgino čia gretinti ir vok. hurtig „greitas, skubus, vikrus“. K. Mošynskis slaviškąjį šuns pavadinimą kildino iš χɍtъ < ide. *sɍ-to- < *ser-, „greitai bėgti“. O. Trubačiovas neseniai paskelbė naują slav. χɍtъ kilmės aiškinimą, siedamas jį su liet. sartas51. It is difficult to say anything about the reliability of the etymologies listed: almost all of them have both a rational kernel and weak points. From the semantic point of view, O. Trubačëv’s explanation seems quite convincing to us. The difficulty, however, is that here we encounter 46 V. I. Georgiev, Studies in Comparative-Historical Linguistics, p. 47; V. V. Ivanov, The Hittite Language, p. 92; J. Pokorny, Et. Wb., p. 633. 47 K. Būga, Selected Works, II, p. 220. 48 EM, II, p. 316. 49 E. Berneker, Slavisches etymologisches Wörterbuch, Heidelberg, 1908—1913, p. 644. 50 K. Būga, Selected Works, I, p. 430; III, p. 497, 763, 769; E. Fraenkel, Et. Wb., p. 318; M. Vasmer, Et. Wb., III, p. 265. 51 M. Vasmer, Et. Wb., III, p. 265; O. H. Трубачев, Происхождение..., p. 23; Вопросы славянского языкознания, вып. 2, Москва, 1957, p. 38—41; V. Machek, Et. sl., p. 163; J. Holub, F. Kopečný, Et. sl., p. 143; F. Slawski, Słownik etymologiczny języka polskiego, I, Kraków, 1952—1956, p. 60—61 (hereafter: Sl. et.). 109 with certain phonetic difficulties, but they are no greater than the phonetic difficulties involved in other etymologies of this word. In addition to Lithuanian, this name for a dog also entered Latvian and Prussian. Latvian kurts ‘greyhound, hunting dog, lean dog’, like Lithuanian kurtas, derives from the same source—the Old Russian *хърть52. A similar Slavic form must also have existed in Prussian curtis (word 700 in the Elbing Vocabulary): Curtis Wynt (Windhund), the source53. The Prussians may have obtained this word through the Poles. K. Būga attempted to connect Lithuanian skalikas ‘a kind of hunting dog’ with Latvian skaļš ‘loud’54. It would, however, be more accurate to connect it with the verb skālyti ‘to bark while chasing a hare or wild animal’. The verb skālyti, in turn, would be of Slavic origin55; compare Polish skolić ‘to whine (said of a dog)’, Russian сколить ‘to bark, whine (of a dog or wolf)’, and Czech skoliti ‘to bark’. The origin of Prussian scalenix is explained in a similar way (word 702 in the Elbing Vocabulary: Scalenix Vorlouf (Vorstehhund)). A. Brückner had already derived it from the verb *skalīt, whose source was Polish skolić56. In some Russian dialects, names for dogs derived from the verb сколить are also used; compare Russian сколуха, сколушка ‘hound’57. No dog name of this origin exists in Latvian. In some Lithuanian dialects and various written sources, including the writings of J. Bretkūnas, a hunting-dog name of Slavic origin is found: gončas, gončius, gončiakas, gončakas (LKŽd., III, 482). These words entered Lithuanian from Polish or Belarusian; compare Polish gończy, goniec, gończak and Belarusian гонец. The Slavic dog names derive from a verb sharing a root with Lithuanian ganýti, ginti ‘to herd (animals)’, compare Polish gonić, Russian гнать ‘to drive, chase, rush, hound’, and Old Russian гонати58. Lithuanian also has quite a few dog names of onomatopoeic origin: ãmas, ciūčė, ciūcis, ciuciūkas, ciūčius, ciuckà, ciūckis, ciūlis, ciūlius, čiūčė, čiūčia, čiūčiukas, čiūčius, čiūčką, čiūčkis, čiūčkus (LKŽd., I, 96, II, 29—30, 92—3); compare the onomatopoeic forms am; ciu, ciū, čiū, čiū, čiū, ciuciū, čiūčiū and other words used to call dogs. Lithuanian čiūra ‘bitch’ (LKŽd., II, 116) is probably also of onomatopoeic origin; compare čiūr, čiurà ‘one who wets the bed’, čiurà ‘crybaby’. Names arising from a dog’s color or other coat characteristics most commonly found in Lithuanian are: márgis, mār gis, rūdis, kūdlius, kūdlis. Lithuanian sābalas ‘a black dog with a glossy coat’, sābalis; compare sābalas ‘a small member of the marten family’ < Belarusian соболь59. 52 EM, II, p. 326; E. Fraenkel, Et. Wb., p. 318; K. Būga, Rinktiniai raštai, III, p. 45, 766. 53 R. Trautmann, The Old Prussian Language Monuments, p. 92, 366; J. Endzelīns, Old Prussian Language, p. 199. 54 K. Būga, Selected Writings, II, p. 564. 55 E. Fraenkel, Et. Wb., p. 794. 56 A. Brückner, AfslPh, 20, p. 505; J. Endzelīns, Senprūšų valoda, p. 248—249; R. Trautmann, Die altpreussischen Sprachdenkmäler, p. 92, 428. 57 O. H. Трубачев, Происхождение..., p. 34. 58 M. Vasmer, Et. Wb., I, p. 279; E. Fraenkel, Et. Wb., p. 152. 59 E. Fraenkel, Et. Wb., p. 754. 110 Dog names of similar origin are also quite numerous in Latvian: Lat. klaučis “a dog, a barker” (EH, I, 611), cf. Latv. klaudzēt “to knock, rattle, clatter; to scold.” Lat. klīva “a stray dog” (EH, I 620), cf. Latv. klīvāt “to wander about.” Lat. krancis “a common name for dogs that have a white stripe around the neck,” cf. Latv. krancis “wreath or stripe” < cf. Kranz (EM, II, 259). Lat. kuželis “a shaggy dog” (EM, II, 331), cf. Latv. kuželains “shaggy.” Lat. lamāka “a large dog” (EM, II, 417), cf. Latv. lamāns “a large, clumsy, gluttonous person or dog” (EM, II, 530). Lat. leīmuris “a very young puppy that is not yet steady on its legs” (EM, II, 449), cf. Latv. leīmma “a slack, spiritless person.” Lat. pakans “a dog’s name” < cf. Packan (EM, III, 40). Lat. piksis “a small dog” (EH, II, 231), cf. Latv. piks “a lump, a clod.” Lat. rakstiņš “a parti-coloured dog” (EM, III, 473), cf. Latv. rakstaīns “decorated with patterns, embroidery.” Lat. rūdiņš “a dog’s name, based on its color” (EM, III, 554), cf. Latv. ruds “reddish, red-brown, gray.” Lat. rūsis “name of a rust-colored dog” (EM, III, 573), rūzis “a rust-colored, brown dog” (EM, III, 574), cf. Latv. rūsains “reddish, brownish, rusty.” Lat. sabulis “a dog’s name”; sabulītis, sabalītis “a dog’s nickname,” sabalis “the dog (in children’s language)” < Russ. соболь “sable” (EM, III, 599; EH, II, 395). Lat. sebris “a large, fat, but vicious dog; a kind of weasel” (EM, III, 810), cf. Lat. sebris “a weak, degenerate living creature”⁶⁰. Considering the small overall extent of the surviving Prussian vocabulary, it should be noted that it contains a great many names for dogs. This is because the Elbing Vocabulary, which is arranged thematically, has what is almost a separate section of hunting terms, and this section consists of names for dogs. In addition to the forms we have already discussed, Sunis, Curtis, Scalenix, we find a couple more names for dogs there. Pr. Slidenikis (word 701 in the Elbing Vocabulary) Leethunt (Leithund)⁶¹. A. Brückner, and R. Trautmann in agreement with him, derived Pr. slidenikis from Polish slednik “tracking dog”⁶². J. Endzelīns was inclined to connect Pr. slidenikis with Latv. sliede “rut, track,” Slavic slědъ “footprint.” He had reason to doubt A. Brückner’s and R. Trautmann’s explanation because, in the case of borrowing from Polish, one would expect sled- rather than slid-⁶³. However, A. Brückner derives Pr. slidenikis from the pre-Polish form *sliednik. A. Brückner’s explanation is also supported to some extent by the fact that a considerable part of the vocabulary in this field in Prussian is Slavic in origin, especially Polish. Pr. Wyysis (word 704 in the Elbing Vocabulary) Wacker (watchdog). Pr. wuysis (the actual form is probably wyyzis) is generally regarded by linguists as a borrowing from Polish— 60 E. Blese, KZ, 75, p. 96. 61 German Leithund “Canis venaticus, a dog led by the hunter on a long leash, used especially for tracking red deer and wild boar”. 62 R. Trautmann, Die altpreussischen Sprachdenkmäler, p. 431; A. Brückner, AfslPh, 20, p. 505. 63 J. Endzelins, Senprūšu valoda, p. 251. 111 kų64, cf. Polish wyżel “tracking hound,” Russian выжлец, Czech vyžel, and so on. The origin of the Slavic word for ‘dog’ is unclear: some tend to regard it as a borrowing from German, others from Hungarian, while still others explain its emergence on the basis of Slavic evidence65. Having reviewed the names for ‘dog’ in the Baltic languages and, in part, in the Slavic languages as well, we can draw some conclusions of a more general nature. All three Baltic languages have preserved the old Indo-European name for ‘dog’. This name is absent from the Slavic languages, and attempts to find traces of it have so far been unsuccessful. Both Baltic and Slavic languages also use names for ‘dog’ of more recent origin, characteristic of individual languages or language groups. Some Slavic names for ‘dog’ have also entered the Baltic languages. SHEEP The sheep is one of the first, or perhaps even the very first, useful farm animals domesticated by humans. This is evidenced by archaeological finds and abundant historical data, and is also borne out by linguistic facts. K. Keller, who conducted extensive research into the origins of domestic animals, distinguishes three centers of sheep domestication. One was in Europe, somewhere on the eastern shores of the Mediterranean; another was in Asia, perhaps in Mesopotamia; and the third was in Africa. Different breeds of sheep originated in these centers. The ancestors of the domestic sheep most widespread in Europe, mouflons (Ovis musimon), are still found today in Corsica and Sardinia. Traces of domestic sheep are very often found in Neolithic archaeological excavations in various parts of Europe, as well as in some parts of Asia and Africa2. Sheep breeding was widespread in ancient Egypt. The ancient Egyptians already raised several breeds of domestic sheep. Drawings of sheep are found on ancient Egyptian pottery. The Egyptians decorated their temples with statues of sheep carved from stone. The ram was considered a sacred animal in Egypt3. Ancient Palestine, too, was renowned for its vast flocks of sheep. It is known that the king of Moab had to pay Israel an annual tribute of 100,000 lambs and 100,000 sheep. While the ancient Egyptians kept sheep primarily for meat, for the Jews sheep provided meat, milk, wool, hides, and even horns. From ram’s horns they made vessels for storing oil and musical instruments4. Even in many of the world’s languages today, the word used for the concept of a jubilee (cf. Lithuanian jubilejus) is connected with the ancient Hebrew name for a ram, jobel. The Jews used this word for both the ram and its horn, which they blew during certain festivals—the jubilee years, celebrated every fifty years. Later, the festival itself was also named after the ram. For the ancient Jews, the ram was also an animal offered in ritual sacrifices. 64 A. Brückner, AfslPh, 20, p. 505; R. Trautmann, Die altpreussischen Sprachdenkmäler, p. 92, 466; J. Endzelīns, Senprūšu valoda, p. 277. 65 O. Трубачев, Происхождение…, p. 24; M. Vasmer, Et. Wb., I, p. 239; V. Machek, Et. sl., p. 579; A. Brückner, Słownik etymologiczny języka polskiego, Warszawa, 1957, p. 640 (toliau: Sl. et.). 1 C. Keller, Die Abstammung der ältesten Haustiere, p. 176—183. 2 O. Schrader, Reallexikon der indogermanischen Altertumskunde, II, p. 285; M. Hilzheimer, Schaf, — M. Ebert, Reallexikon der Vorgeschichte, XI, Berlin, 1927/1928, p. 220—221. 3 Ranke, Schaf, — M. Ebert, Reallexikon der Vorgeschichte, XI, p. 221—222; C. Keller, ten pat, p. 172—173. 4 P. Thomsen, Schaf, — M. Ebert, Reallexikon der Vorgeschichte, XI, p. 221. 112 The sacrifice of sheep in the cultic rites of various peoples could be bloody or bloodless. In the latter case, sheep’s wool was offered. People learned to use wool for their needs very early in Asia and Europe. It is thought that the Babylonians were the first to shear sheep. Sheep shearing apparently spread in Babylonia between 1300 and 600 BCE in connection with the importation of iron. Sheep shearing came to Europe from Western Asia as well. A record has survived stating that around 300 BCE the first sheep shearers moved from Sicily to Italy.5 However, it would be wrong to think that people began using sheep’s wool only after learning to shear it. Earlier, sheep were plucked. As we shall see later, this circumstance has also been invoked in attempts to explain some Indo-European names for sheep. The sheep, one of the first animals domesticated by humans, was also present in the territories of the present-day Balts and Slavs. The inhabitants of the forest belt in Lithuania, Latvia, and neighboring lands began engaging in animal husbandry around the beginning of the second millennium BCE. They became acquainted with animal husbandry through their southern neighbors, among whom agriculture and animal husbandry had developed much earlier. In the present-day areas inhabited by Lithuanians and Latvians, bones of domestic animals, including sheep, are found in archaeological excavations of the Corded Ware and Boat Axe cultures6. Numerous sheep bones are also found in excavations of Lithuanian hillforts dated to the first through fourth centuries CE7. In all the settlements investigated among both the southern and northern Slavs, kitchen refuse invariably contains far more bones of domestic animals, including sheep, than of wild animals8. J. Paisker made a gross error when, on the basis of certain livestock-breeding terms in Slavic that he considered to be of Germanic and Turko-Tatar origin, he claimed that the Slavs did not engage in animal husbandry until the tenth century CE9. The importance of sheep breeding to the ancient peoples of Asia, Europe, and Africa is further demonstrated by the fact that common names for sheep are found within each of the Indo-European, Turko-Tatar, and Semitic language families. The ancient Indo-European name for sheep has been well preserved in many Indo-European languages, both extinct and living: Sanskrit áviḥ, Greek ὄϊς, Latin ovis, Old High German ou, Old Icelandic áer, Gothic awistr ‘ewe’, awēpi ‘flock of sheep’, Armenian hoviv (< *ou̯i-pa-) ‘shepherd’, Irish óí ‘sheep’, Welsh ewig, Russian овца, Lithuanian avis, and so on. As with many other ancient Indo-European words, the original meaning of *ou̯is is very difficult to determine. Perhaps there is somewhat more justification for the attempt to connect Indo-European *ou̯is with the Indo-European root *eu̯ ‘to dress, clothe, put on footwear’ (cf. Lithuanian aūti, Russian обуть ‘to put shoes on’, Latin exuo, -ere ‘I take off, pull out’). In this way, the original meaning of *ou̯is would be ‘an animal that has clothing (a fleece)’ or ‘an animal that provides clothing (a fleece)’. Of course, this explanation too is highly doubtful. Semantically, this etymology would be partly supported by the already considerably 5 O. Schrader, Reallexikon der indogermanischen Altertumskunde, II, p. 285. 6 P. Kulikauskas, R. Kulikauskienė, A. Tautavičius, Lietuvos archeologijos bruožai, p. 79; Latvijas PSR vēsture, I, p. 11; K. Паавер, Формирование териофауны и изменчивость млекопитающих Прибалтики в голоцене, p. 367. 7 P. Kulikauskas, R. Kulikauskienė, A. Tautavičius, ibid., pp. 252—253; K. Paaver and P. Kulikauskas, Acta Baltico-Slavica, 2, pp. 268—270; K. Паавер, ibid., pp. 368—369, 371. 8 П. Н. Третьяков, Восточнославянские племена, Москва, 1953, p. 271. 9 Л. Нидерле, Славянские древности, Москва, 1956, p. 319—320; О. Н. Трубачёв, Происхождение…, p. 17—18. 8. Baltų ir slavų kalbų ryšiai 113 a newer PIE name for ‘sheep’, attested in the Indo-Iranian language group: Skt. mēśáh ‘ram; fleece’, Av. maēša- ‘sheep’, maēši, Middle Persian mēš, Persian mēš. These names for sheep are associated with Russian мех ‘fur’, Lithuanian maišas, Old Prussian moasis ‘bellows’, Russian мешок ‘sack’, etc.10 The word originally meant ‘fur’: in the Indo-Iranian languages this meaning gave rise to the new meaning ‘sheep’, while in other languages it developed the meaning ‘sack’. The Slavic languages use a somewhat modified form of the old PIE name for ‘sheep’, which is thought to have arisen through the addition of the diminutive suffix *-ikā to the old PIE ī-stem. Besides the Slavic languages, the form avikā ‘sheep’ is also found in Sanskrit. Here, as in the Slavic languages, it is used without diminutive force alongside the usual form áviḥ. Proto-Slavic *овьца (< *ovьka) is well preserved in all Slavic languages: Old Church Slavonic овьца, Old Russian овьца, Russian овца, Ukrainian вівця, Belarusian авечка, Bulgarian овца, Serbo-Croatian овца, Slovenian ovca, Czech ovce, Slovak ovca, Polish owca, Kashubian woeca, Upper Sorbian wowca, Lower Sorbian wejca11. Cases in which animal names formed with diminutive suffixes have lost their diminutive meaning and are used simply as generic terms occur quite often in various languages. For example, in Lithuanian dialects the diminutive form avėlė is widely used in the sense ‘sheep’ (LKŽd., I, 422). The Lithuanian word kumėlė is likewise used without any diminutive nuance. O. Trubachev attempts to discern traces of the old PIE form *oui- in the Slavic languages as well, deriving Old Russian овядь ‘horsefly’ and Russian овод from *ov-adъ, where ov- would be the bare root-stem of the old PIE name for ‘sheep’, and *ād- (*ōd-) an ablaut variant of the PIE root *ed- ‘to eat’12. The old PIE name for ‘sheep’ is well preserved in the Baltic languages. Lithuanian avis is already attested in the earliest Lithuanian texts. This form is also used in most present-day Lithuanian dialects. The ī-stem form avė is much rarer (LKŽd., I, 421). Alongside the forms avìs, avė, the form ávas, denoting a male sheep, is also found (LKŽd., I, 421). The call avià, used to call sheep back to the flock, also arose from the old name for sheep (LKŽd., I, 423). Lithuanian avis corresponds exactly to Latvian avs, alongside which the ī-stem form ave is also found (EM, I, 232; EH, I, 189). However, Latvian avs, found mainly in older Latvian texts and folk songs (EM, I, 232; EH, I, 190), has been almost entirely displaced by the newer form aita, which is specific to Latvian. The latter arose from the old name for sheep, avs, through diminutive forms. The diminutive forms avitiņa, avētiņa, avatīņa, avēteņa, aventiņa arose from the form avs (EM, I, 232; EH, I, 190). Just as zuitiņa arose from zuvitiņa ‘little fish’, so aitiņa arose from avitiņa13. And from this latter diminutive form the non-diminutive form aita was then ‘reconstructed’. 10 O. Н. Трубачев, Происхождение..., р. 70—71; M. Vasmer, Et. Wb., II, p. 127; E. Fraenkel, Et. Wb., p. 397; F. Specht, Der Ursprung der Indogermanischen Deklination, p. 52—53; M. Mayrhofer, Et. Wb., II, p. 689. 11 О. Н. Трубачев, Происхождение..., р. 69; M. Vasmer, Et. Wb., II, p. 251; R. Trautmann, Baltisch-slavisches Wörterbuch, Göttingen, 1923, p. 20—21 (toliau: B-sl. Wb.). 12 О. Н. Трубачев, Происхождение..., р. 71. 13 J. Endzelīns, Latviešu valodas gramatika, p. 155, 214; EM, I, p. 14. 114 Alongside àita, the forms àiča, aite are also occasionally found in Latvian dialects, as well as the diminutive forms àitele, aitene, aitēns (EM, I, 14; EH, I, 4, 5). In Old Prussian records, we find no name for sheep corresponding to Lithuanian avis and Latvian avs. In Baltic and, in part, Slavic languages, alongside the old Indo-European general term for sheep, a common name for the male sheep is used, formed from the name for sheep *ovi-s with the suffix -na-; compare Old Russian овьнь, Russian овен, Bulgarian овен, Serbo-Croatian овan, Slovenian oven, Czech oven, Old Polish owien, Lithuanian ãvinas, Latvian auns, Old Prussian awins14. Lithuanian ãvinas is attested in the oldest records of the Lithuanian language. In Latvian, alongside the aforementioned form auns, which is used in the literary language and in most dialects, the forms avins, avēns, avans, avēns are also found (EM, I, 225, 232; EH, I, 190). The form auns developed from the older form avins; compare Latvian auza ‘oat’ < *aviza, Latvian càula beside Lithuanian kėvalas, Latvian vecs ‘old’ beside Lithuanian vėtušas, and so on.15 The form awins is also found in Old Prussian records (word 679 in the Elbing glossary – Awins Ster16). The Prussian name for a ram seems also to be preserved in the place-name Awynemedien < in a document of 1326: Old Prussian awins ‘ram’ + Old Prussian median ‘forest’17. The Baltic name for a ram, along with certain other terms relating to livestock breeding and agriculture, passed into the Finnic languages of the Baltic region; compare Finnish oinas, Estonian oinas, õinas, Karelian oinas, Livonian oin, and Vepsian oinas18. In the Slavic languages, the old name for a ram corresponding to Lithuanian ãvinas has in many places been displaced by a newer name for this animal: Russian баран, Ukrainian баран, Czech beran, Slovak baran, Polish baran, Kashubian barõn, Upper Sorbian boran, Lower Sorbian baran. The origin of this name has not yet been explained. Attempts have been made to connect it with Greek βάρχος, Albanian berr ‘sheep’, dialectal Italian bero ‘ram’, bèra ‘sheep’, dialectal French berri, and even Russian боров ‘boar’. Some scholars regard this name for a sheep or ram as an old Central European term, others as a word of pre-Indo-European origin, and still others connect it with the onomatopoeic root ber-19; compare Russian барь, Ukrainian бирь, Russian барбар, бырыр. Nevertheless, the unusual formation of this Slavic name for a ram leads many etymologists to regard it as a loanword. It is, however, rather difficult to determine the source of borrowing. In his time, F. Miklošič put forward the idea that the source of Russian баран might be Kazan Tatar bärän ‘lamb’20. It seems more likely, however, that Tatar bärän itself derives from Russian баран. In recent times 14 M. Vasmer, Et. Wb., II, p. 248; A. Brückner, Sl. et., p. 387; O. H. Трубачев, Происхождение..., p. 69; R. Trautmann, B-sl. Wb., p. 21; K. Būga, Rinktiniai raštai, II, p. 171. 15 J. Endzelīns, Latviešu valodas gramatika, p. 71 – 72; K. Būga, Rinktiniai raštai, I, p. 463; II, p. 89. 16 R. Trautmann, Die altpreussischen Sprachdenkmäler, p. 92, 309; J. Endzelīns, Senprūšu valoda, p. 149. 17 G. Gerullis, Die altpreussischen Ortsnamen, p. 14. 18 V. Thomsen, Beröringer mellem de finske og de baltiske (litauisk-lettiske) Sprog, Köbenhavn, 1890, p. 160; J. Kalima, Itämerensuomalaisten kielten balttilaiset lainasanat, Helsinki 1936, p. 142–143; Y. H. Toivonen, E. Itkonen, A. J. Joki, Suomen kielen etymologinen sanakirja, II, Helsinki, 1958, p. 422; Л. Акулинин, Развитие и структура финского языка, II, Москва, 1955, p. 41; K. Būga, Rinktiniai raštai, II, p. 171. 19 M. Vasmer, Et. Wb., I, p. 53–54; V. Machek, Et. sl., p. 29; F. Slawski, Sl. et., I, 27; A. Brückner, Sl. et., p. 15; H. M. Шанский, Этимологический словарь русского языка, 1, 2, Москва, 1965, p. 39–40 (hereafter: Эт. сл.). 20 M. Vasmer, Et. Wb., I, p. 54. 9* 115 O. Trubachev is inclined to derive this Slavic name for ‘ram’ from Eastern languages. He reconstructs the Turkic form *baran ‘one who walks’21. Although, semantically, such an explanation is possible in light of certain animal names associated with verbs meaning ‘to move’, it is still far from resolving the problems surrounding the origin of Russian баран and related forms. O. Trubachev regards the Slavic sound-imitative calls used to summon sheep, which resemble Russian баран and other ram names from this root, as secondary in origin. However, it seems to us that this circumstance can hardly argue against the sound-imitative origin of Russian баран and related forms. First, such sound imitations as бирь, барь can hardly be considered secondary. Their antiquity can be confirmed by evidence from other languages. Lithuanian has many similar sound-imitative calls for sheep: barė, būre, burė, buriā, buriū, būri, buri. Similar sound imitations used to drive sheep are also found: bar (škius, bar, namon, baltosios avelės!), buriūkš, būrum (būrum būrum būkšt, thus the shepherd urges the rams to butt one another). The verbs barinuoti ‘to call sheep’ and burénti ‘to bleat (of a sheep)’ derive from such sound imitations. Sound imitations also gave rise to numerous names for sheep used in various Lithuanian dialects: bariūkas ‘an affectionate name for a ram or lamb’, bariūtė ‘an affectionate name for a ewe’, biriūtė ‘ewe (a word in a riddle)’, būrė ‘sheep (in children’s speech)’, burėlė ‘ewe’, burėlis ‘little ram, little sheep’, burikė ‘little sheep, ewe’, būrinas ‘ram or sheep (usually in children’s speech)’, buriniūkas ‘little ram’, burýtė ‘little sheep, ewe’, burýtis ‘lamb’, buriūkas ‘lamb, little sheep’, buriūtė ‘ewe’, buriūtis ‘lamb’, burūlis ‘ram (usually in children’s speech)’, burūtė ‘little sheep, ewe’ (LKŽd., I, 535, 536, 691, 966, 968, 969, 970, 971, 984). Of the same origin, most likely, are also the names for sheep, lambs, or rams occasionally found in Latvian folk songs: birite, berulīte, beritis, biritina, birēnis (EH, I, 220), which A. Gāters22, in our opinion23, unjustifiably connects with the personal name Birgita (Saint Brigid may have been regarded as a protector of livestock). The difference in vocalism between individual sound imitations and the sheep names derived from them can only be explained by the root-vowel alternation characteristic of sound imitations; compare the Slavic variants of this sound imitation: бер, бир, бар, бор, бр24. It is true that some Lithuanian dialects also use the borrowed Slavic name for a ram, barōnas. J. Bretkūnas’s writings also use the form barankas (LKŽd., I, 530), derived from a diminutive Slavic form. However, there is no basis for connecting it with the sound imitations used in Lithuanian to call or drive sheep. At most, the word barōnas may have influenced the root vocalism of some sound imitations. On the other hand, one must also bear in mind that a similar sound imitation for calling sheep is found even in non-Indo-European languages; compare the Arabic sound imitation for calling sheep and goats, bir bir25. Thus, it seems to us, the Slavic name for a ram (Russian баран and related forms) is best explained as a word of sound-imitative origin. This would be entirely analogous to the origin of Russian кутёнок ‘puppy’ and Latvian kucēns. The name for a sheep occasionally found in Latvian folk songs, baraniņa, barenīte, barankīte (EH, I, 205), also derives from Russian баран. 21 O. H. Трубачев, Происхождение..., p. 75–76. 22 A. Gāters, Ceļi, 12, Lundā, 1965, p. 32–36. 23 A. Sabaliauskas, Baltistica, II(1), p. 89. 24 A. И. Германович, Междометия и звукоподражательные слова русского языка. Автореферат докторской диссертации, Симферополь, 1961, p. 89. 25 M. Niedermann, Tauta ir žodis, 2, p. 443. 116 A considerable number of Indo-European languages, including the Slavic languages, share a name for the young of a sheep—a lamb. In the Slavic languages this name is very well preserved; cf. Old Slavic agne, agnbcb, Russian ягнёнок, Czech jehně, etc.26 There are no traces of this name for a lamb in the Baltic languages. The term most commonly used here to express this concept is another name, whose relationship to corresponding names of similar kinds in the Slavic languages raises fairly serious doubts. In Lithuanian, this Baltic name has various phonetic and morphological variants: ėras, ėrelis, ėraitis, ėris, ėryš, ėriščias, ėrištis, ėrytìs, ėriukas, erikas geraitis, geralis, gėras, gėrėlis, gėriokas, gėriukas, jėras, jėraitis, jėrelis, jėris, jėrytìs, jėriūkas (LKŽd., II, 824, 826, 828, 832; III, 241, 246, 251, 257, 258; IV, 340, 341), vėras, vėraitis27. The oldest form should apparently be considered jėras. Both the addition and the loss of j are common phenomena in the Baltic languages; cf. Lithuanian jėknos: ėknos, jėmiau: ėmiau, jėibė: ėibė, jėrubė: ėrubė, etc. Alternation between word-initial j- and g- is also sometimes found in Lithuanian dialects; cf. jėrubė: gerubė, jāura: gidūrė, judrė: gudrė, jėdras: gėdras, etc. The consonant v is usually added before back vowels, though exceptions also occur28. It seems to us that E. Fraenkel’s attempt to connect Lithuanian vėras, separating it from ėras, with Sanskrit ūranaḥ ‘ram, lamb’, Armenian garn ‘lamb’, etc., is unfounded29. It is hardly possible to regard Lithuanian vėras as such an ancient linguistic fact. The influence of the word vilna on the emergence of v- in the word vėras is also highly doubtful. Lithuanian jėras has an exact counterpart in Latvian jērs. Diminutive forms of this word are also used: jērulis, jē rēns, jērelis, jēriņš, jēruks. The forms jērulis, jērelis are used with a pejorative nuance (EM, II, 114; EH, I, 565). In Latvian, new words derived from the aforementioned names for a lamb came to be used not in the sense of ‘lamb’, but to refer to a particular kind of sheep: jēre ‘a one-year-old sheep, a six-month-old sheep; ewe lamb; an old sheep’, jērēne, jērniece ‘a sheep with a lamb’, jērene ‘when a sheep has lambed for the first time, it is a j.’ (EM, II, 114; EH, I, 564–5). In the Elbing Vocabulary we also find the Prussian name for ‘lamb’: Eristian Lam (word 681)30. The Prussian name for ‘lamb’ contains the diminutive suffix -ist- and the neuter singular nominative ending -an31, while the root er- would correspond to Lithuanian jēr-as, Latvian jēr-s. J. Gerulis is inclined to discern the Prussian name for ‘lamb’ also in some Prussian place names: Eren, Iragarbis (Iregarbis, Iregaps, Ergarbin) < pr. er-istian + pr. garbis ‘mountain’ (in some Prussian dialects ē > ī)32. In seeking cognates of this Baltic name for a lamb in other Indo-European languages, the question of j- plays a very important role. If the Baltic languages really had an original j- in this word, it would be most appropriate to connect it with Old Russian ярѣ ‘lamb’, ярька ‘young ewe’, Russian ярка ‘a yearling ewe that has not yet lambed’, Ukrainian ярота ‘sheep up to one year old’, 26 M. Vasmer, Et. Wb., III, p. 481; O. H. Трубачев, Происхождение…, p. 71–72; F. Slawski, Sł. et., I, p. 488. 27 K. Būga, Rinktiniai raštai, II, p. 172. 28 J. Endzelynas, Baltų kalbų garsai ir formos, p. 46, 50; J. Endzelīns, Latviešu valodas gramatika, p. 211–212, 236–237; K. Būga, Rinktiniai raštai, II, p. 172; J. Otrębski, Gramatyka języka litewskiego, I, p. 379. 29 E. Fraenkel, Et. Wb., p. 121; M. Mayrhofer, Et. Wb., I, p. 108. 30 R. Trautmann, Die altpreussischen Sprachdenkmäler, p. 92. 31 J. Endzelīns, Senprūšu valoda, p. 53, 60. 32 G. Gerullis, Die altpreussischen Ortsnamen, p. 33, 50. 117 yarča “lamb,” yarka “yearling ewe,” Polish dialectal jarczuk, jarlak “yearling ewe,” Czech dialectal jarka “ewe that has lambed in the spring,” Slovak jarča “young ewe.” All these names for lambs and ewes would further be related to Russian яра “spring,” Czech jaro, Old Polish jarz, Avestan yār- “year,” Greek ὥρα “season of the year, time,” Gothic jēr “year,” German Jahr³³. On the other hand, however, especially if Lithuanian ėras is taken as the basic form, the Baltic names for lamb could be associated with Greek ἔριφος “goat,” Umbrian erietu “ram,” Latin aries, Armenian erini “calf,” Irish earb “fallow deer, goat.” E. Fraenkel, distinguishing the Lithuanian forms jėras and ėras, relates the latter (together with Old Prussian eristian) to the words just listed, while relating jėras (together with Latvian jērs) to the Slavic names for this animal (Russian ярка) and their cognates³⁴. Thus E. Fraenkel regards Lithuanian ėras, jėras, and vėras as three words of different origin. Nevertheless, it would be very difficult to accept such a separation of these forms; therefore, despite the very “abnormal” j- > v-, all these forms, like the previously mentioned form gėras, should be considered phonetic variants of a single word that arose in Lithuanian. The Baltic name for lamb also entered the Finnic languages of the Baltic region; cf. Finnish jääru “ram,” Estonian jää̈r, etc. O. Trubachev³⁵ also appears to be right in reproaching those etymologists who, in part similarly to E. Fraenkel, separate Russian ярка “young ewe,” relating this word to Russian яра “spring,” etc., from Russian ярина “sheep’s wool,” in which they discern some ancient relic of a name for sheep, supposedly cognate with Lithuanian ėras, Greek ἔριφος, and Latin aries³⁶. This time, they may perhaps have been prompted by the fact that Old Russian язьно “skin” is likewise a relic of a name for goat not otherwise found in the Slavic languages (Lithuanian ožys, Sanskrit ajáḥ, etc.). Semantically, the association of Russian ярка, and probably also the Baltic names for lamb, with Russian яра, etc., is well founded. Similar parallels occur in various Indo-European languages; cf. Old Polish latos, latosek “calf, lamb born this year”: Polish lato “summer,” German Jährling “one-year-old animal, especially a lamb”: Jahr “year,” Danish dialectal gimmerlam “yearling lamb,” Old Icelandic gymbr “lamb,” Norwegian gimber: Lithuanian žiemā, Latin hiems, etc.³⁷ Both Slavic and Baltic languages have quite a few more narrowly used names for sheep. Many of these names are of more recent origin and are used mostly alongside the general name for sheep to highlight some breed, age, or other characteristic. Without dwelling on the many Slavic-language names of this kind³⁸, we will survey the more narrowly used names for this animal in the Baltic languages. We find no trace in Old Prussian sources of the old Indo-European name for sheep corresponding to Lithuanian avis and Latvian avs. There, alongside a word from this root, awins “ram,” we find a name for sheep unknown in the other Baltic languages: camstian (Camstian Schoff 678, a word in the Elbing Vocabulary). The origin of Old Prussian camstian has not yet been explained. A. Bezzenberger related this word 33 J. Endzelīns, Senprūšu valoda, p. 170; O. H. Трубачев, Происхождение..., p. 77—78. 34 E. Fraenkel, Et. Wb., p. 121. 35 O. H. Трубачев, Происхождение..., p. 77—78. 36 M. Vasmer, Et. Wb., III, p. 493. 37 F. Slawski, Sl. et., I, 502; E. Fraenkel, Et. Wb., p. 1306; M. Vasmer, Et. Wb., p. 455—456; C. D. Buck, A Dictionary of Selected Synonyms in the Principal Indo-European Languages; Chicago, 1949, p. 155, 163 (hereafter: Dict.). 38 O. H. Трубачев, Происхождение..., p. 78—83. 118 with Greek ζεμάς „roe deer“, R. Trautmann with Russian комолый „hornless“, Czech komolý „blunt“⁳⁹. If R. Trautmann’s etymology were correct, then Old Prussian camstian could be an example of how a name newly created to denote a separate characteristic displaces the old species name for an animal, since both the other Baltic languages and the Prussian name for a ram, awins, allow us to suppose that the Prussians too knew the Indo-European name for sheep corresponding to Lithuanian avis, Latvian avs. The Prussian place-name Komstegallen is also associated with Prussian camstian (< Prussian camsian + Prussian galwo „head“)⁴⁰. Apart from the onomatopoeic names for sheep mentioned in discussing the origin of Russian баран and the like, Lithuanian has several other names for sheep of onomatopoeic and other origins: Lithuanian bākanis „ram (an affectionate term)“ (LKŽd., I, 470), which should probably be associated with Lithuanian bākinti „to punch, beat, strike, stuff“, cf. bākjasis (fighting) rams; the rams butt after running up, i.e. they strike (Juška; LKŽd., I, 471). Lithuanian bāsis „lamb“, basiukas, basiulis, bāsė „ewe“ (LKŽd., I, 551, 552), cf. the onomatopoeic calls to sheep in Lithuanian: bās, bās, basia, bās, bāši. Lithuanian bazūkas „lamb (in children’s speech)“, bazūlis, baziūtė „sheep, little ewe“ (LKŽd., I, 568), cf. the onomatopoeic calls to sheep: bazė, bazı. Lithuanian bicė „ewe“, bıcītė (Ylakiai), cf. the onomatopoeic call to sheep bice (Ylakiai), Latvian bice „sheep“. This name for sheep and the call probably entered Lithuanian from Latvian. Lithuanian būkė „sheep“ (LKŽd., I, 931) should probably be associated with Lithuanian būkinti „to beat, strike“, cf. the children taught the ram to būkinti (fight), so it also būkina (LKŽd., I, 931–2). It is also possible that būkė < buriūkė. Lithuanian busiūkas „little ram“, busiūtė „little ewe“, būsinas „ram (an affectionate term)“ (LKŽd., I, 988), cf. the onomatopoeic forms busia, būsė. Lithuanian kūcė „sheep (in children’s speech)“, kūciūkas „lamb“, kūciūnūkas (LKŽd., VI, 755, 757, 758), cf. the onomatopoeic forms kūcā, kūciū. Lithuanian kuriūtė „sheep, little ewe (in children’s speech)“ (LKŽd., VI, 952), cf. the onomatopoeic call to sheep kuriù-kuriù (Adutiškis, Tverečius, Vidiškės). The latter call may have arisen as a kind of rhyming form alongside the onomatopoeic call buriù-buriù, cf. būre – kūre – šiūre „calls used by shepherds to call or drive sheep“ (Šakyna). The name vuška for sheep is very widespread in Latvian dialects (EM, IV, 677; EH, II, 799). J. Endzelīns was inclined to derive this form from *avuź-ka (for the formation, cf. Lithuanian avužė, Latvian Amuža and Russian овечка). Alongside vuška, the form uška is also attested (EM, IV, 310; EH, II, 716), as are the names for a ram vuçens, vucins, vucans, vucuns (vuçens is also used in the sense ‘lamb’) (EM, IV, 675; EH, II, 798), and uçens, ucenis, ucins, ucītis „lamb“ (EM, IV, 293; EH, II, 711). Their connection with the word avs seems highly doubtful to us: the form *avuźka is, after all, very uncharacteristic of Latvian. Perhaps it is better to explain these names as having arisen directly from onomatopoeic forms, without connecting them at all with the old name for sheep. Latvian has onomatopoeic forms with which the aforementioned names for sheep could be associated, cf. vuc, which J. Endzelīns, moreover, ³⁹ R. Trautmann, The Old Prussian Language Monuments, p. 92, 352. ⁴⁰ G. Gerullis, The Old Prussian Place Names, p. 69, 233; J. Endzelīns, The Old Prussian Language, p. 189. 119 He, too, seems to have been needlessly inclined to derive *a-vuc(e)41, a sound word for driving pigs, from uš; compare also the Lithuanian sound word for driving sheep, uš-uš (Grobštai, Kojeliai). The suffix -k(a) is used in Latvian in animal names; compare the names of cows račka alongside raibala, piecka alongside piektala, seska alongside šeštala, etc.42 In Latvian we also find several sheep names whose sound-symbolic origin seems beyond doubt: Lat. bice “term of endearment for a sheep,” biča, bidze, badze, bicainīte, bicis “a small lamb; a ram (in children’s language)” (EM, I, 293; EH, I, 217, 218); compare Lithuanian bice “bur; ciba” (Ylakiai, LKŽd., I, 657). Lat. bika (diminutive bikiņš “little ram”), bikus “the ram” (EH, I, 218, 219); compare Latvian bika “a customary call to a ram or billy goat.” Lat. buce “the sheep” (EH, I, 248). J. Endzelīns is inclined to connect it with Lithuanian būkas “blunt,” Latvian bukt “to become blunt,” and Lithuanian būkė “sheep.” However, it seems to us more appropriate to connect it with a sound word; compare Latvian buc “interjection butz, denoting the sound made when billy goats and rams butt with their horns,” budž “an interjection addressed to sheep,” buč “an interjection used when driving them away” (buč, aitiņ, EM, I, 344). Also of sound-symbolic origin are: Lat. bēja “the sheep (in children’s language)” (EH, I, 216); compare bē. Lat. mēja “the sheep (in children’s language)” (EH, I, 805); compare mē, mējināt “to make (a sheep) bleat.” Latvian has quite a few names for sheep, most often derived from one or another characteristic of the animal: Lat. amuls “a sheep with soft wool” (EH, I, 69); compare Latvian amuols “mistletoe (viscum album); clover.” Lat. atpīlis “an autumn-born young animal, a late-born young animal, especially of lambs born in autumn to ewes that have already borne a lamb in that same year,” atpīlis, atpīlis, atpīlēns, atpīlītis “the smallest lamb,” atpīles “ewes (or goats) that give birth to lambs late in autumn” (EM, I, 181—2; EH, I, 158); compare Lithuanian pilti, Latvian pilt “to drip”; for the semantics compare Russian ото́рошыш “a stillborn born before its time” (В. Даль, III, 711), выкидыш “miscarriage, premature infant, a baby and generally a young animal born so prematurely that it cannot live” (В. Даль, I, 292—3), German Wurf “throw; (of animals) littering”43. Lat. atzīdīte “a weaned lamb or calf” (EM, I, 213), atzīdītis (EH, I, 182); compare Latvian atzīdīt “to wean (animals).” Lat. bakris “a large ram” (EM, I, 252). J. Endzelīns is inclined to regard German Bock (> Livonian bokā) as its source, with its suffix altered under the influence of Latvian vepris “boar.” More recently, however, P. Aristē appears to have published a convincing etymology of Latvian bakris. He regards Latvian bakris as a borrowing from Romani bakró44 “ram.” Lat. belis “a sheep with short ears” (EH, I, 212); compare Latvian belis “a dog’s name.” 41 EM, IV, p. 675. 42 J. Endzelīns, Latviešu valodas gramatika, p. 356. 43 EM, I, p. 182. 44 P. Aristė, Acta Baltico-Slavica, 3, p. 23. 120 Lat. bene “a sheep with small ears and short legs” (EM, I, 279), benausis “a lamb with small, short ears” (EH, I, 212), cf. Latv. bene “a boy’s cap, a beret, a hood,” cf. Middle Low German benit “ornamented hat.” Lat. billene “a stunned sheep” (EH, I, 219), cf. Latv. billene “dull sieve.” Lat. buks “a ram with large horns” (EH, I, 250), cf. Latv. buks “the billy goat” < Middle Low German buck. Lat. cigurs “a small lamb” (EH, I, 269), cf. Latv. cigiņš “the foal,” cigus, ciga, cigulis (EM, I, 379), cigina “the pig (in children’s speech)” (EH, I, 269), ciga “a call to attract foals and horses.” Lat. cirka “a sheep with curly wool” (EH, I, 273), cf. Latv. cīrkas “curls,” cīrstas. Lat. cone “ram,” cf. Latv. sonis < Livonian sonn (EM, I, 397). Lat. daplis “a yearling lamb” (EH, I, 307), dapelis “a sheep born in autumn” (EM, I, 438) should rather be derived from the form *dapilis, cf. Latv. atpīlis, uzpīlis. Lat. geida “an unruly sheep” (EH, I, 426), cf. Latv. geida “a high-spirited, wilful girl” (EM, I, 695). Lat. kupe “a sheep with a short muzzle and small, short ears; a hornless sheep” (EM, II, 392; EH, I, 708), cf. Latv. kup̄s nazis “a knife with a broken-off point,” kup̄s “blunt” (EM, II, 319). Lat. lāmma “a large milking sheep,” lamenica “a sheep with a long tail and long wool,” cf. Est. lammas “sheep” (EH, I, 718). Lat. mikulis “the ram” (EM, II, 626), cf. Latv. mikāt “to hit with fists; to beat (not very seriously), grūstit,” Latv. Mikus “stallion.” Lat. piuka “jocularly, for a ram” (EM, III, 229), cf. Latv. piūka “a small, colorful fish, any small fish.” Lat. pūpalina “pet name for sheep” (EH, II, 342), cf. Latv. pūpuōls “the pussy willow; also feminine, used as a term of endearment.” Lat. ragana “a sheep with horns” (EM, III, 464), cf. Latv. rags “the horn.” Lat. rāmulīte “a designation for sheep” (EM, III, 496), cf. Lat. rāms “tame, quiet”. Lat. ruogulīte “an epithet for a sheep” (EM, III, 578), cf. Lat. rags “the horn”. Lat. skrube “a sheep with short, cropped ears” (EM, III, 898), cf. Lat. skrubis “the crooked knife for hollowing out,” skrubulis “a crooked knife for making wooden spoons.” Lat. skrule “an insulting name for sheep” (EH, II, 513), cf. Lat. skrule “an insulting name for people; a dog’s name; a woman who roams about,” Lat. skrulēt “to wander about.” Lat. soņķis < soņnis (EM, III, 980). Lat. soņnis “a ram” (EM, III, 980) < Liv. sonn. Lat. šķēlis “the ram” (EM, IV, 32; EH, II, 633) < Middle Low German žem. schele “breeding stallion”⁴⁵. Lat. špidilka “a stubborn, wandering sheep” (EH, II, 655), cf. Lat. špidilka “a frivolous woman,” spidelīgs “merry, cheerful, bright.” 45 J. Sehwers, Sprachlich-kulturhistorische Untersuchungen, Leipzig, 1936, p. 131. 121 Lat. špullinš “a lamb” (EH, II, 655), cf. Latvian spulligs (?) “cheerful, lively, agile,” spulung'is “a lively, unruly boy; also a young ox.” Lat. uzpilis “a lamb born the previous year” (EM, IV, 365), cf. Latvian atpilis, daplis. Lat. vemelis (?) “an uncastrated ram” (EM, IV, 536) may perhaps be connected with Latvian vembele “a fat, not large woman; a term of abuse in general (e.g. applied to cows),” cf. Estonian vemmel (gen. vemble) “a cudgel” (EM, IV, 536). Lat. viēnmitis “the only lamb of a sheep” (EM, IV, 661), cf. Latvian mist “to feed, live, stay.” Lat. viēnžālis “a lamb suckled alone by its mother” (EM, IV, 668), cf. Latvian zīst “to suck.” Lat. vizbulina “an epithet for a sheep” (EM, IV, 630), cf. Latvian vizbulis “the windflower (anemone),” Latvian vizbulis “the curl (?)” (grow, my hair is long, in curls, EM, IV, 630). Having surveyed the names for sheep in the Baltic and Slavic languages, we can draw the following conclusions. These languages have well preserved the old Indo-European name for sheep; the name for ram, which is specific to the Baltic and Slavic languages alone, is also derived from this name. In the Slavic languages we find old names for a lamb of two different origins, one of which probably corresponds to the Baltic name for a lamb. Both Baltic and Slavic languages have a great many names of more recent origin for sheep, rams, and lambs. The Prussian name for sheep, which is also of more recent origin, has no cognates in other languages. GOAT A very ancient companion of humankind, though perhaps not as popular as other domestic animals, is the goat. The domestic goat (Capra hircus) is descended from wild goat species that still live in some mountainous regions of Asia, Europe, and Africa1. Many ancient peoples of Asia, Europe, and Africa already knew the goat as a domestic animal. Depictions of goats are found in Sumerian drawings2. Various peoples used goats in religious rites. For example, the expression scapegoat, still used today in many languages around the world, comes from the ancient Jewish ritual mentioned in the Old Testament (Lev. 16), in which the high priest “laid” the sins of his people on a goat and drove it into the wilderness for the demon Azazel. The Odyssey mentions that Odysseus, among his other animals, also had twelve herds of goats. Pliny the Elder (23/24–79 AD) notes in his Natural History that the Gauls made excellent soap from goat fat: “Soap, too, is useful; it was invented by the Gauls for reddening the hair. It is made from fat and ashes, the best being made from beech ashes and goat fat. It comes in two kinds, solid and liquid. Both are more commonly used by men than by women in the lands of the Germans”3. 1 C. Keller, Die Abstammung der ältesten Haustiere, pp. 203–209; O. Keller, Thiere des classischen Altertums in Culturg eschichtlicher Beziehung, Innsbruck, 1887, pp. 37–52. 2 M. Hilzheimer, Haustier, — M. Ebert, Reallexikon der Vorgeschichte, V, p. 220; V. I. Avdijevas, Senovės rytų istorija, Vilnius, 1954, pp. 39, 40, 43. 3 “Prodest et sapo, Gallorum hoc inventum rutilandis capillis. fit ex sebo et cinere, optimus fagino et caprino, duobus modis, spissus et liquidus, uterque apud Germanos maiore in usu viris quam feminis”, Hist. nat., XXVIII, 191, cf. O. Schrader, Reallexikon der indogermanischen Altertumskunde, II, p. 693. 122 Traces of goats are found in Neolithic remains from many parts of Europe. In the remains of the Swiss lake-dwellings, traces of goats have even been found more frequently than those of sheep4. The goat has also long been a familiar animal in the Baltic and Slavic lands. This is shown by both historical and linguistic evidence5. However, historical evidence for any great economic importance of this animal is lacking. It is true that one linguistic fact would indicate that in Slavic countries the goat was valued in a particular respect, namely for its hide. For the word for ‘skin’ used in many Slavic languages (cf. Old Church Slavonic koža, Russian кожа, Ukrainian кожа, Belarusian кожа, Bulgarian кожа, Serbo-Croatian кожа, Slovenian koža, Czech kůže, Slovak koža, Lekhitic koža, Upper Sorbian koža, Lower Sorbian koža) originally meant ‘goat hide’; koža ‘skin’ <.*koziję: koza ‘goat’6, similarly to Greek φώ ‘sheepskin’: ὄϊς ‘sheep’, Sanskrit ajñam ‘skin’: ajáḥ ‘he-goat’. In the territories of present-day Lithuania and Latvia, goat bones are already found in excavated Neolithic settlements7. Goat bones make up a fairly substantial proportion of the domestic-animal bones found in the remains of the Nemenčinė, Migoniai, and Bačkininkėliai hillforts. These finds are dated to the 1st–4th centuries AD. The Baltic tribes also used he-goats for cult purposes8. In a letter dated January 24, 1409, to the Master of the Order, Grand Duke Vytautas of Lithuania complained that the Samogitian reeve had forbidden the Aukštaitians in Samogitia “to buy honey, horses, goats, and cattle”9. In general, however, compared with other domestic animals, the goat is mentioned only rarely in old Lithuanian historical documents10. In both Lithuanian and Latvian folklore, the goat is viewed mostly negatively11. Apparently, this view of the goat also existed among the ancient Indo-Europeans. A. Meillet seems justified in asserting that, as a result, the Indo-European language lexicon lacks the unity in names for goats and he-goats that is more or less characteristic of the names of other domestic animals12. In addition, the variety of names for the goat may have been influenced by this animal’s cultic functions—various prohibitions on mentioning its name were associated with these functions13. Several more distinctive areas of goat nomenclature can be identified in the Indo-European languages. It should also be noted that in some languages a name of the same origin is used for animals of both sexes, whereas in others, usually as a result of changes that took place relatively recently 4 O. Schrader, ibid., p. 692. 5 Л. Нидерле, Славянские древности, p. 320; W. Hensel, Die Slawen im frühen Mittelalter, Berlin, 1965, p. 77—79. 6 W. Hensel, ibid., p. 380; A. Brückner, St. et., p. 263; M. Vasmer, Et. Wb., I, p. 589. 7 P. Kulikauskas, R. Kulikauskienė, A. Tautavičius, Lietuvos archeologijos bruožai, p. 79; Latvijas PSR vēsture, I, p. 11. 8 P. Kulikauskas, R. Kulikauskienė, A. Tautavičius, ibid., p. 252—253; A. Kamiński, Jaćwież, Łódź, 1953, p. 126—127; К. Паавер, Формирование териофауны и изменчивость млекопитающих Прибалтики в голоцене, p. 368. 9 Lietuvos TSR istorijos šaltiniai, I, Vilnius, 1955, p. 64. 10 Ibid., p. 575. 11 EM, II, p. 182—183; K. Straubergs, Latviešu buramie vārdi, II, Rīga, 1941, p. 799 (index); Patarlės ir priežodžiai, Vilnius, 1958, p. 468 (index); Lietuvių tautosakos apybraiža, ed. K. Korsakas, Vilnius, 1963, p. 373; Latviešu sakāmvārdi un parunas, comp. E. Kokare, Rīga, p. 324, 330 (index). 12 A. Meillet, Wstęp do językoznawstwa indoeuropejskiego, Warszawa, 1958, p. 327. 13 H. Kronasser, Handbuch der Semasiologie, Heidelberg, 1952, p. 172. 123 Following the changes, the names for the female and male animals are distinguished; completely unrelated words are used for them. In the Slavic languages, a name for ‘goat’ is widespread whose origin and relationship to the names for ‘goat’ in other Indo-European languages remain very unclear. In fact, there are several explanations that seem fairly well motivated, but they usually contradict one another. One thing is clear: this name is Proto-Slavic. The names for ‘kid’ and ‘he-goat’ derived from it are also Proto-Slavic; cf. OCS koza ‘she-goat’, Russian коза ‘she-goat’, козёл ‘he-goat’, козлёнок ‘kid’, etc.14 This Slavic name for ‘goat’ also entered Latvian; cf. Latvian kaza, where it displaced the old Baltic Latvian name for ‘goat’, corresponding to Lithuanian ožką and Old Prussian wosee. Its spread in Latvian may have been facilitated by the fact that, for other domestic animals, the names for males and females are mostly words with different roots. Thus, alongside the Baltic name for ‘he-goat’, āzis, the name for ‘she-goat’ of Slavic origin, kaza, appeared in Latvian, completely displacing the Baltic *āz(k)a or *āze. Alongside the form kaza, Latvian also has kazlēns ‘kid; young goat’, kazlēniņš, kazelēns, kazulis ‘kid’, kazulēns, kazuls, kaza ‘goat’, and kazla (EM, II, 183—4; EH, I, 597). Forms such as kazuls, kazla probably derive from Russian козёл ‘he-goat’, while the others arose in Latvian itself from the form kaza. The form kaza is almost never found in Lithuanian. It is true that this form occurs in M. Miežinis’s dictionary. However, M. Miežinis probably took it from Latvian (LKŽd., V, 458). Sometimes, half-jokingly, this name for ‘goat’ is also used in some Lithuanian dialects spoken near the Latvian border. As mentioned, Slavic kaza has received various explanations. H. Petersson, on the basis of the very unreliable semantic parallel of Indo-European *ghaid- ‘goat’: Sanskrit jihīte ‘leaps, bounds’, linked Slavic koza, as a ‘leaping animal’, with Lithuanian kėžoti ‘to walk with legs splayed; to hobble’, and Lithuanian kėža ‘leg, stride, foot’¹⁵. However, H. Petersson’s proposed connection is wholly unfounded, since the Lithuanian words mentioned are undoubtedly of more recent origin, and their original meaning cannot be associated with walking or jumping. An attempt has been made to connect Slavic koza with other Indo-European names for ‘goat’. Some linguists (K. Uhlenbeck, E. Zupitza) linked Sanskrit chūgah ‘he-goat’ with the Slavic name for ‘goat’. However, Sanskrit chāgah, cf. also Sanskrit chāgā ‘she-goat’, chagalāḥ ‘he-goat’, and Ossetian sāy ‘she-goat’, is a word of obscure origin; moreover, connecting it with the Slavic name for ‘goat’ also presents phonological difficulties¹⁶. The connection of Slavic koza with Albanian kedh ‘kid’, Old English hæcen, and Old Icelandic hōhen¹⁷, with the reconstruction of the Indo-European proto-form *kog(a), is highly doubtful, despite having quite a few proponents. V. Georgiev¹⁸ goes even further. He reconstructs the Indo-European proto-forms *(s)kag-, *(s)kōg’, *(s)kēg-, linking not only Slavic koza and Albanian kedh with one another, but also the Sanskrit chāgah mentioned above, as well as the Thracian proper names Κοζας, Κοζείλας, etc. This latter proposal is also highly hypothetical. 14 О. Н. Трубачев, Происхождение…, p. 86; M. Vasmer, Et. Wb., I, p. 589—590. 15 H. Petersson, IF, 35, p. 272. 16 M. Mayrhofer, Et. Wb., I, p. 406; M. Vasmer, Et. Wb., I, p. 589; O. Н. Трубачев, Происхождение…, p. 86. 17 M. Vasmer, Et. Wb., I, p. 589; H. Pedersen, KZ, 36, p. 335; O. Schrader, Reallexikon der indogermanischen Altertumskunde, III, p. 692. 18 В. Георгиев, Исследования по сравнительно-историческому языкознанию, p. 121. 124 It seems to us that more successful are attempts to connect Slavic koza with another Indo-European name for the goat, namely Sanskrit ajāḥ “he-goat,” ajā “goat,” Lithuanian ožys, ožka, and others. E. Brückner19 tends to see metathesis in the Slavic name for the goat (koza < *ozka). However, E. Brückner’s assumption is complicated by the fact that a goat name with the formant -k- is found only in Lithuanian; the other Baltic and, more generally, Indo-European languages that have goat names of this origin do not contain the formant -k-. Therefore, the formant -k- in the Lithuanian word is most likely a later development. A. Meillet20, drawing on Slavic kostb “bone”: Sanskrit ásthi “bone, leg,” Greek ὀστέον, considered the k- in the Slavic name for the goat to be an addition. V. Machek21 held the same view. A. Meillet’s explanation would otherwise be very convincing, but there are too few similar cases of consonant insertion to support it (the relationship between Sanskrit áśru, Lithuanian ašara and Greek δάκρυ, Irish dér is very unclear22), except, of course, for i and u, which are often added in both Slavic and Baltic. In any case, Slavic languages have a tendency to begin words with a consonant. In addition, taboo may have played a role here. The fact that Slavic languages once had a name for the goat directly corresponding to Sanskrit aja may be indicated by Old Russian язъно “skin,” язънарь “tanner, furrier,” язъненъ “leather”23 (for the meaning, compare Avestan izaēna “made of skin”: Greek αἴξ “goat,” Sanskrit ajīnam “skin”: Sanskrit ajāḥ “he-goat,” Slavic koža “skin”: Slavic koza “goat”), and perhaps also Russian язь “a kind of fish, Idus melanotus, Cyprinus rutilus,” which, as we shall see later, is also being tentatively connected with Sanskrit ajā and others. The left-bank tributary of the Dnieper, Ажовка, is also connected with a goat name from this root. This connection is especially supported by the fact that another river, Козелинка, lies near it. However, Russian Ажовка is most likely a Baltic loanword, not a relic of an old Slavic name for the goat24. There are views that Slavic koza is a borrowing from eastern languages. Recently, O. Trubachyov25 has sought to support this view with new arguments. Endorsing an idea already put forward by F. Korsch, that Slavic koza may have arisen from Turkic kaza (cf. Turkish keči, Kazan Tatar kājā, Bashkir kāžā), he hypothesizes that Lithuanian ožkà, Sanskrit ajā, and related forms may also be of Turkic origin, since alongside the goat names just mentioned with k- in Turkic languages there are also names without initial k-, strikingly reminiscent of Indo-European goat names, especially the Lithuanian one; compare Uyghur äčкü, öčkä, Uzbek äčкi, Kazakh äśкі, Kyrgyz äčкі, Karaim äčкі. It seems to us that the weak point in O. Trubachyov’s hypothesis is his treatment of the -k- in the Lithuanian goat name as very ancient. O. Trubachyov compares Lithuanian ožkà with Sanskrit ajikā and Middle Persian azak. However, the -k- formants in these words must undoubtedly have arisen independently. 19 A. Brückner, Sl. et., p. 262. 20 A. Meillet, Études sur l’étymologie et le vocabulaire du vieux slave, Paris, 1902–1905, p. 246; A. Meje, Общеславянский язык, Москва, 1951, p. 396. 21 V. Machek, Et. sl., p. 229–230. 22 J. Zubatý, BB, 18, p. 159–160; J. Pokorny, Et. Wb., p. 23, 179; M. Mayrhofer, Et. Wb., I, p. 61. 23 И. И. Срезневский, Материалы для словаря древнерусского языка, III, Петербург, 1912, p. 1650; M. Vasmer, Et. Wb., III, p. 485; J. Zubatý, AfslPh, 16, p. 396. 24 В. Н. Топоров и О. Н. Трубачев, Лингвистический анализ гидронимов Верхнего Поднепровья, Москва, 1962, p. 175. 25 О. Н. Трубачев, Происхождение..., 87–89. 125 In Sanskrit ajikā, ajakā are diminutive forms of the word ajá ‘goat’; in Lithuanian, as the Old Prussian evidence shows, the word ožkà -k- must have arisen on Lithuanian soil. E. Fraenkel is inclined to think that -k- here is a motion-denoting suffix26. That Lithuanian ožkà should have derived from the form ožikā, as some researchers suppose27, is hard to believe28. Thus, all things considered, it would be most reasonable to regard Sanskrit ajā, Lithuanian ožkà and their cognates as ancient Indo-European names for the goat, characteristic of the eastern Indo-European languages. These names are fairly widespread in Indo-European languages; cf. Sanskrit ajáḥ ‘he-goat’, ajā ‘she-goat’, Middle Persian azak ‘goat’, New Persian azg, Albanian dhi ‘goat’ (thought to derive from *adhi, as sy ‘eye’ < asii29), Lithuanian ožys, ožkà, Prussian wosee ‘she-goat’, wosux ‘he-goat’, Latin āzis ‘he-goat’. We have already mentioned traces of this goat name in the Slavic languages. O. Haas is inclined to find traces of such an Indo-European goat name also in Greek territory, interpreting the inscription Zeus Aseis on a Phrygian coin as ‘god of the he-goat’30, and also explaining the original meaning of Greek ἀσκός ‘vessel’ as ‘vessel made from goat skin’31. This goat name is probably also found in Tocharian; cf. Tocharian A ās ‘goat’, Tocharian B asiye ‘goats, goat-related’. However, it seems to have entered Tocharian from some Iranian dialect32. An attempt has also been made to connect this Indo-European goat name with a Slavic fish name: Russian язь ‘a fish, Idus melanotus, Cyprinus rutilus’, Polish jaź ‘Leuciscus idus’, Czech jazek, Upper Sorbian jazyca, Lower Sorbian jaz, jazk. A. Janzén33, the first to propose this etymology, bases it on the fact that in German this fish species is called Ziege ‘goat’, because of the fish’s peculiar barbels; cf. German Bartkarpfen. Other linguists, too, are inclined to accept A. Janzén’s etymology34. In the Lithuanian dialects of East Prussia and the Klaipėda region, ožkà is also used with the meaning of the fish mentioned above, but here it is probably a calque from German. Lithuanian ožys and other Indo-European goat names with this root are sometimes linked with Sanskrit ájati ‘drives’, Greek ἄγω ‘I drive’, and the like.35 However, such a connection is difficult to prove. As we can see, Lithuanian has well preserved the ancient name of both the male and female of this animal. Various names for its young are also formed from the words ožys, ožkà: ožiukas, ožkiukas, and so on. Thus, in Lithuanian, the goat is the only domestic farm animal whose name does not display the characteristic suppletivism; cf. avis — avinas — eriukas, arklys — kumelė — eržilas — kumeliukas, karvė — jautis — teliūkas — veršis, etc. Suppletivism is likewise not characteristic of the Slavic name for goat. O. Trubachev36 cites this circumstance as an argument that Slavic koza may be a borrowed term. Of course, this circumstance seemingly sets the goat name apart from the names of other domestic animals, but it is not evidence of its antiquity or novelty. 26 E. Fraenkel, Et. Wb., p. 519; Glotta, 34, p. 307. 27 R. Trautmann, B-sl. Wb., p. 22. 28 Pr. Skardžius, Lietuvių kalbos žodžių daryba, p. 122. 29 J. Pokorny, Et. Wb., p. 7; H. Pedersen, KZ, 36, p. 320, 335. 30 O. Haas, Lingua Posnaniensis, 3, p. 87. 31 O. Haas, Lingua Posnaniensis, 7, p. 74. 32 A. J. Van Windekens, Orbis, XII, 2, p. 590—591. 33 A. Janzén, ZfslPh, 18, p. 29—32. 34 M. Vasmer, Et. Wb., III, p. 486; V. Machek, Et. sl., p. 172; F. Sławski, Sl. et., I, p. 532—533; E. Fraenkel, Et. Wb., p. 519. 35 C. D. Buck, Dict., p. 165. 36 O. H. Трубачев, Происхождение..., p. 89. 126 A great many place and hydronym names in Lithuanian are derived from the words ožys, ožka.37 Latv. āzis is likewise found in the names of many Latvian places and bodies of water38. It is characteristic that Latvian toponymy entirely lacks the old Baltic name for the female goat (: Lith. ožka, OPr. wosee), whereas it has numerous toponyms derived from the Slavic loanword kaza39. This circumstance would suggest that the Slavic name for the goat entered Latvian in very ancient times. This Indo-European name for the goat is well preserved in Old Prussian. In addition to the already mentioned OPr. wosee (Elbing Vocabulary, word 676), wosux (Elbing Vocabulary, word 675—Wosux Bok)40, Old Prussian monuments also contain further evidence confirming the authenticity of forms of this name for the goat. First is word 677 of the Elbing Vocabulary, Wolis-tian Zickel, which should undoubtedly be corrected to Wosistian (“kid”)41. The Elbing Vocabulary also contains the word Wosigrabis Spilbōm (word 611)42. That the first component of this word is inseparable from the Prussian name for the goat is shown by Lithuanian ožėkšnis, used with the meaning of German Spindelbaum. The second component of the Prussian word, -grabis, is related to Russian гра́б ‘hornbeam’43. Clear traces of this name for the goat are also found in Old Prussian toponymy: Wō-sebirgo, Wosispile (< OPr. wosee + cf. Lith. pilis), Wozekaym (< OPr. wosee + OPr. caymis ‘village’), Wozie44. The connection of these place names with the name for the goat is beyond doubt. The place name Wosepille even has a German equivalent, Ciginburg. The place name Woselowken in documents from 1374, which J. Gerullis explains differently, could also be associated with the Old Prussian name for the goat45. The second components of the Old Prussian place names mentioned above are otherwise clear: OPr. *pilis (: Lith. pilis, Latv. pils), OPr. caymis ‘village’, OPr. laucks ‘field, soil’. Only the component -birgo, -birge is unclear. The existing explanations—connecting it with Lith. brìgis ‘floor in a horse stable’ and Czech brh ‘cave, cavern’46—are very unreliable. Could this simply be a misrecording of German -burg? In that case, Wosebirge would merely be a ‘Germanized’ variant of OPr. Wosepille. The Old Prussian name for the goat everywhere has an added v-, which is sometimes also found in the same Lithuanian word in dialects. However, in the Old Prussian examples we nowhere find the -k- characteristic of the Lithuanian name for the goat (ožkà). The Finnic languages of the eastern Baltic also borrowed the Baltic name for the male goat; cf. Finnish vuohi, Estonian voho, and others. 37 Lietuvos TSR administracinis-teritorinis suskirstymas, Vilnius, 1959, p. 839—840; Lietuvos TSR upių ir ežerų vardynas, Vilnius, 1963, p. 112—113. 38 J. Endzelīns, Latvijas PSR vietvārdi, I, 1, Rīgā, 1956, p. 72—73. 39 J. Endzelīns, same work, I, 2, Rīgā, 1961, p. 72—76. 40 R. Trautmann, Die altpreussischen Sprachdenkmäler, p. 92; Monuments of the Prussian Language, p. 73. 41 R. Trautmann, same work, p. 92. 42 R. Trautmann, same work, p. 91; Monuments of the Prussian Language, p. 71. 43 R. Trautmann, same work, p. 466; R. Trautmann, B-sl. Wb., p. 94; J. Endzelīns, Senprūšu valoda, 277; M. Vasmer, Et. Wb., I, p. 301. G. Gerullis, Die altpreussischen Ortsnamen, p. 208, 209, 234.44 45 G. Gerullis, Die altpreussischen Ortsnamen, p. 211; J. Endzelīns, Senprūšu valoda, p. 277. 46 G. Gerullis, Die altpreussischen Ortsnamen, p. 208. 127 The goat name cibà, which is widely used in Lithuanian, is of onomatopoeic origin and usually has an affectionate or mocking connotation; compare also cibė, cibkė, cibaragė, cibūkas “kid,” cibūtis, ciubė “goat” (LKŽd., II, 9, 10, 11). These words cannot be separated from the onomatopoeic calls used to summon or drive goats, e.g., cibà - cibà, cibė - cibė, cibū - cibū, cib - cib, ciubà - ciubà; calls used to drive them include cibiks, cibikš, cibekšt. Such onomatopoeic forms are used across almost the whole of Lithuania. Some regard the onomatopoeic form cibà, as well as the goat names derived from it, as Germanisms47, since Low German speakers use the word zibbe to mean “sheep,” “goat,” “bitch,” and “female hare”48; compare East Prussian German Zibbe “ewe”49. In fact, words of similar origin are very often borrowed from neighboring languages. However, the goat name, and with it the aforementioned onomatopoeic form, could also have arisen independently in Lithuanian itself. Onomatopoeic forms of this kind are used to call various domestic animals and birds, and names for those animals and birds derived from such forms are also used in many languages; compare Latvian cib - cib, cibu - cibu, cibū - cibū, an “onomatopoeic call for chicks,” Latvian ciba “hen (in child language),” cibe, cibina, cibuks “chick” (EM, I, 378, 379; EH, I, 269); Czech cip - cip, an “onomatopoeic call for hens, geese, and goats,” cibi - cibi, cib - cib, ci - ci, cic - cic; Czech cibuška “affectionate name for a goose,” cibunka, cibenka, ciba “hen”; Slovak cipa “hen,” cipka, ciperka, cipūška, cipulienka50; Bavarian German zib - zib, an “onomatopoeic call for domestic fowl”51; Lithuanian čip - čip, čipà, an “onomatopoeic call for chicks” (LKŽd., II, 23). A goat name of similar phonetic structure and onomatopoeic origin is widely used in the Alpine–Carpathian region; compare Ukrainian цап, Czech cap, Slovak cap, Polish cap, Romanian țap, Albanian cjap, Italian tsappo, Crimean Gothic stap52. Latvian kizikis “a goat (derogatory and jocular)” (EH, I, 607) is also of onomatopoeic origin; compare kiz, kiza, kize (EM, II, 387). A goat name of German origin is fairly widely used in Latvian dialects; compare Latvian buks “the buck, the male of certain quadrupeds,” bucis, bucēns “a young he-goat,” bucēns, bucins, buciņš, bucītis, bukelis (EM, I, 344, 346–7; EH, I, 248, 250), bucīte “the goat” (EH, I, 248). These names derive from Low German buck “buck”53. Goat names from this root are fairly widespread in Indo-European languages, but their origin is unclear54. The word būkas “wild goat (male roe deer)” (LKŽd., I, 930) is also found in Lithuanian. The geographical distribution of the Lithuanian word suggests that it entered Lithuanian through Latvian. As we have seen, all three Baltic languages have preserved the old Indo-European name for “goat.” Latvian has not preserved the name for “goat” from this root: a borrowing from Slavic has taken hold in its place. The relationship between the Slavic name for “goat” and the Indo-European names preserved in the Baltic languages is a very complex question. It is possible that these words are cognate, with only the Slavic name having undergone phonetic change. 47 LKŽd., II, p. 9. 48 E. Fraenkel, Et. Wb., p. 69. 49 H. Frischbier, Preussisches Wörterbuch, II, Berlin, 1883, p. 492. 50 V. Machek, Et. sl., p. 57–58. 51 E. Fraenkel, Et. Wb., p. 69. 52 V. Machek, Et. sl., p. 54; M. Vasmer, Et. Wb., III, p. 281; C. D. Buck, Dict., p. 165; O. H. Трубачев, Происхождение..., p. 89. 53 J. Sehwers, Sprachlich - kulturhistorische Untersuchungen, p. 20. 54 J. Pokorny, Et. Wb., p. 174; F. Kluge, Et. Wb., p. 87. 128 LARGE HORNED CATTLE The history of the domestication of large horned cattle, like that of many other domestic animals, is very complex. It is believed that the breeds of domestic large horned cattle most widespread in Europe are descended from the aurochs (Bos primigenius), which, as archaeological finds and various written sources show, were still quite numerous here in relatively recent times. Aurochs were especially abundant in the territories of Poland, as well as Lithuania and Latvia. They became extinct in Poland only at the beginning of the seventeenth century (the last female aurochs died in 1627). The region between the shores of the Mediterranean and India is considered the center of domestication of European large horned cattle. Their domestication process undoubtedly took a very long time; it may have begun as early as the sixth millennium BCE and continued until the second millennium BCE.1 Many ancient peoples raised large horned cattle for various purposes. Drawings show that the Sumerians kept large horned cattle from very ancient times. In their script, the word “bull” was usually written as a linear drawing depicting a bull’s head2. A schematic drawing of a bull’s head, later modified by various peoples, became the first sign in many alphabets, while the Hebrew name for the bull, aleph, became the name of this sign—the Greek alfa. Large horned cattle were raised in Egypt even before the time of the pharaohs. The bull also played a very important role in ancient Egyptian religion3. Large horned cattle were also raised very early in ancient China. Bulls and cows were widely used in China for cultic purposes. It is known that during solemn religious ceremonies, as many as 40 bulls were sometimes sacrificed to the gods, while one inscription states that 300 cows were sacrificed at once. The king himself would sometimes inspect the bulls intended for sacrifice4. The cow also played a very important role in ancient Indian religion. In the oldest religious poetry, Indian gods and goddesses are most often compared to bulls and cows. The popularity and importance of large horned cattle are also eloquently shown by the fact that, for example, the original meaning of the ancient Indian word gāviṣṭiḥ, “battle, desire” (< gāuḥ “cow, cattle” + eṣati “seeks”), was “desire to acquire cows”5. Bones of large horned cattle have also been found in Neolithic archaeological deposits at many European sites. For Indo-European peoples, large horned cattle, especially cows, were the principal measure of value and means of exchange. The price paid for people was reckoned in cattle. The “Avesta” states that cattle were used to pay hono- 1 C. Keller, The Origin of the Oldest Domestic Animals, p. 116–168; E. A. Богданов, Происхождение домашних животных, Москва, 1937, p. 110–167; O. Keller, Animals of Classical Antiquity, p. 57–62; K. Пававер, Формирование тернофауны и изменчивость млекопитающих Прибалтики в голоцене, p. 307–340; K. Paaver and P. Kulikauskas, Acta Baltico-Slavica, 2, p. 264–265. 2 M. Hilzheimer, Haustier, – M. Ebert, Reallexikon der Vorgeschichte, V, p. 219; V. I. Avdijevas, History of the Ancient East, p. 95; Д. Дирингер, Алфавит, Москва, 1963, p. 64. 3 C. Keller, ibid., p. 119–121; M. Hilzheimer, ibid., p. 219; V. I. Avdijevas, ibid., p. 171. 4 V. I. Avdijevas, ibid., p. 576, 582. 5 C. Keller, ibid., p. 123; V. I. Avdijevas, ibid., p. 543–544; M. Mayrhofer, Et. Wb., p. I, 331. 9. Baltų ir slavų kalbų ryšiai 129 rare for doctors and clergymen. The ancient Irish are said to have paid fines in cows, including for murders and the like.6 Both archaeological finds and various written documents show that large cattle were also widespread domestic animals in Slavic lands. Oxen were the principal source of draught power on farms7. In settlements on the territory of Lithuania dating to the beginning of the second millennium BCE, bones of large cattle are found in greater numbers than those of other domestic animals. In finds from later periods as well—for example, from the first to fourth centuries CE, at the hillforts of Nemenčinė, Migoniai, Dovainonys, and Bačkininkėliai—the bones of large cattle make up the greatest percentage among the bones of domestic animals found8. Traces of large cattle are also found in second-millennium BCE finds from the territory of present-day Latvia9. Large cattle, especially oxen, are also frequently mentioned in various sources on Lithuanian history10. The ancient Indo-European name for large cattle, reconstructed as the proto-form *guou-, is well preserved in many Indo-European languages; compare: Sanskrit gauḥ “cattle,” Avestan gauš, Attic Greek βοῦς “cattle, cow,” Latin bōs, -vis “ox, bull, cow,” Old High German chuo “cow,” Armenian kov, Old Irish bō, Tocharian A ko, Tocharian B kau, Old Russian говядо “ox,” Latvian gūovs “cow”11. The original meaning of Indo-European *guou- is rather unclear. Some scholars consider this Indo-European name for large cattle to be a borrowing from non-Indo-European languages; others attempt to explain its origin on the basis of Indo-European material. The former connect Indo-European *guou- with Sumerian gu (an older form gud) “cattle, bull,” Chinese ngú, Tibetan go-lang “bull,” and Kott (Yenisei Ostyak) kuos “cattle.” For example, G. Ipsen believes that Indo-Europeans acquired the name for cattle as a cult animal from the Sumerians around 3000 BCE.12 The latter connect Indo-European *guou- with Greek βόσκω “I graze, feed,” βοσκή “fodder, pasture,” βοτόν “herdsman,” Lithuanian gaujà, gùiti, guotas “herd, band”13. O. Trubačiovas, partly agreeing with this explanation of the origin of Indo-European *guou-, believes that both the name for cattle and the words just mentioned are developments of Indo-European *gue-/*guo- “to go” (compare Gothic giman, Greek βαίνω, Latin venio, Hittite wem-). Thus, the original meaning of Indo-European *guou- would be “that which goes (herd),” compare words that arose in the same semantic way and are used with a similar meaning: Greek πρόβατα, Old Icelandic gandandi fē14. M. Budimir attempted to connect Indo-European *guou- with Indo-European *gueā “to bend,” relying chiefly on the fact that some breeds of wild large cattle are characterized by 6 O. Schrader, Reallexikon der indogermanischen Altertumskunde, I, p. 161—162, 255, 371—372; C. Keller, ten pat, p. 123. 7 Л. Нидерле, Славянские древности, p. 320; W. Hensel, Die Slawen im frühen Mittelalter, p. 85—91. 8 P. Kulikauskas, R. Kulikauskienė, A. Tautavičius, Lietuvos archeologijos bruožai, p. 79, 252—253; K. Паавер, ten pat, p. 368, 371; K. Paaver i P. Kulikauskas, ten pat, p. 268. 9 Latvijas PSR vēsture, I, p. 11; K. Паавер, ten pat, p. 367—370. 10 Lietuvos TSR istorijos šaltiniai, I, p. 575. 11 J. Pokorny, Et. Wb., p. 482—483. 12 G. Ipsen, IF, 41, p. 175—177; H. Wagner, KZ, 75, p. 58—75; O. H. Трубачев, Происхождение..., p. 38; J. Pokorny, Et. Wb., p. 483. 13 J. Pokorny, Et. Wb., p. 483. 14 O. H. Трубачев, Происхождение..., p. 39. 130 with protruding humps¹⁵. A. Brückner connected this Indo-European name for cattle with Sanskrit gu “to defecate,” gūhah “manure, excrement,” and Polish gówno¹⁶. While accepting its Indo-European origin from *gʷou-, perhaps the most plausible connection is with Indo-European *gʷe-/*gʷo- “to go.” Semantically, however, it seems to us that this animal name would be better explained not as “one that goes” but as “one that is born.” Such an interpretation would be supported by Lithuanian kėltuva “cattle”: Lithuanian kė́lti, kilti, kiltis; Greek πόρτις “calf, young cow,” Armenian ort “calf,” Ossetian firton “cattle”: Lithuanian perėti, Latin pario, -ere “to give birth”¹⁷. Indo-European *gʷou-, with the new suffix -ed- characteristic only of the Slavic languages, has been preserved in all Slavic languages. It is true that in some languages words from this root are no longer used in the sense of “large horned animal,” but survive only in the name for the meat of this animal; cf. Old Church Slavonic goveždb “cattle,” Old Russian говядо “bull,” Russian говядина “beef,” Ukrainian гов’ядина, Belarusian гаўяда “cattle,” Bulgarian говедо, Serbo-Croatian говедо “bull,” Slovenian govẹdo “cattle,” Czech hovado, Slovak hovado, Polish owiezina “beef,” Upper Sorbian howjado “cattle,” Lower Sorbian gowedo¹⁸. The ancient Indo-European name for cattle was probably also preserved in another Slavic compound: Old Church Slavonic gumъno “threshing floor,” Russian гумно, Czech humno, etc. < *gu- “cattle” + *meti “to tread,” Russian мять. Thus the original meaning of gumъno was “a place where cattle tread (the grain)”¹⁹. Some researchers are inclined to discern traces of the ancient name for cattle in Slavic words as well: Russian говно “manure, excrement,” Czech hovno, etc. In this way, the original meaning of Russian говно would have been “cattle manure”²⁰. However, the Slavic word mentioned also has another fairly reliable etymology: it is connected with Sanskrit gūthah “excrement”²¹. Indeed, as noted, A. Brückner also connected the Indo-European name for cattle under discussion with Sanskrit gūthah and gu- “to defecate”²². Such an etymology, however, is difficult to substantiate. V. Machek’s explanation is also unreliable: he attempts to connect the Slavic name for cattle gov- with Lithuanian galvijas and German Kalb “calf”²³. Thus Indo-European *gʷou- has been fairly well preserved in the Slavic languages. Among the Baltic languages, this name for cattle has been very well preserved in Latvian: Latvian gùovs corresponds precisely to the names for cattle from this root in other Indo-European languages. In Latvian, however, gùovs is used only in the sense “cow.” Diminutive and other suffixed forms are also widely used alongside gùovs: guōtiņa, guōsniņa, guostina, guovīte, guoliņa, guoča, guosnele, guošnele, guotele, guovīņa, guōtele, guōtelēns, guotulēns (EM, I, 692–3; EH, I, 424). It is quite unclear whether Indo-European *gʷou- is present in Lithuanian. K. Būga connected Lithuanian guotas “herd, group, flock” with this Indo-European root, explaining that the original meaning of Lithuanian guotas was “a herd of cows; a group of cows”²⁴. E. Fraenkel connects Lithuanian guotas not directly ¹⁵ M. Булдимир, Южнославенски филолог, 6, Београд, 1926–1927, p. 171; nurodoma iš O. Trubačiovo, ten pat, p. 39. ¹⁶ A. Brückner, Sl. et., p. 154. ¹⁷ J. Pokorny, Et. Wb., p. 818. ¹⁸ О. Н. Трубачев, Происхождение…, p. 35–36. ¹⁹ M. Vasmer, Et. Wb., I, p. 321; V. Machek, Et. sl., p. 150; О. Н. Трубачев, Происхождение…, p. 37; F. Slawski, Sl. et., I, p. 377–378. ²⁰ H. Hirt, IF, 37, p. 236; M. Vasmer, Et. Wb., I, p. 282. ²¹ F. Slawski, Sl. et., I, p. 331; M. Vasmer, Et. Wb., I, p. 282. ²² A. Brückner, Sl. et., p. 154. ²³ V. Machek, Et. sl., p. 141. ²⁴ K. Būga, Selected Writings, II, p. 353. 8* 131 with Indo-European *gʷou-, but with Greek βόσκω “I pasture, I feed” and its other cognates²⁵, which, as we have seen, are in turn also associated with the ancient Indo-European name for cattle. Lithuanian, however, has words used to mean ‘cow’ whose phonetics show that they cannot be separated from the Indo-European cattle name under discussion: Lithuanian guõtė ‘cow’, guõtena ‘young cow’ (LKŽd., III, 740–1), gūtė ‘an affectionate name for a cow’ (LKŽd., III, 764). These Lithuanian words, however, are used in a very limited area, and it is also unclear whether they are not loanwords. First, Lithuanian guõtena, as its geographical distribution would suggest (Šatės), may derive from Latvian guotina or a similar form. Lithuanian guõtė is recorded in a song that was also written down near the Latvian border (“Šiu namo, guote, šiu namo, raguote!”). Latvian guota is probably a recent formation from the diminutive form guotene (EM, I, 692). However, in Lithuanian, besides the words mentioned here that are used near the Latvian border, the form guõtė ‘bad woman; slovenly woman’, whose original meaning may have been ‘cow’, occurs in the environs of Liškiava and Veisiejai, where it could not have come directly from Latvian. The relationship of Lithuanian guõtė ‘an edible mushroom of the Hygrophorus family’ to the words mentioned above is also quite unclear. K. Būga linked this mushroom name directly with Lithuanian guõtas ‘herd, group’, since, according to Būga, the mushroom was given this name because it grows in clusters, that is, in guõtai (“We call guõtės mushrooms that grow in guõtais ‘in clusters, patches, groups,’” Slnt; guõtės grow in patches, ‘in clusters,’ Jnš, Kp, Šiauliai)²⁶. However, the origin of Lithuanian guõtė may also be explained as ‘cow mushroom’; compare also Latvian guotenes or guovju pekas ‘Kuhpilz (agaricus cinnamomus)’ (EM, I, 692). In “Aistiškuose studijuose,” K. Būga cited the Lithuanian place name Guovainiai, which he linked with Latvian guovs²⁷. E. Fraenkel also repeated Būga’s idea²⁸. However, the form Guovainiai is not found in other sources on Lithuanian place names. Būga probably had in mind the village of Gūvainiai in Šilalė District, from which the form Guovainiai may perhaps have been reconstructed. The stream name Gūragjis < guovs + rāgas (Kuršėnai), and the village name Gūragiai²⁹ derived from it, can probably be linked with the ancient name for cow. There are very many toponyms associated with the word guovs in Latvian territory³⁰. Thus, some traces of ancient Indo-European *gʷou- can also be found in Lithuanian. No traces of this Indo-European cattle name are found in Old Prussian sources. Of all the Baltic and Slavic languages, this name has generally been best preserved in Latvian. Later, apparently, when the female bovine began to play the most important role in farming, the general name for cattle in Latvian was transferred to the female—‘cow’. Meanwhile, a new word for ‘cow’ became established in the Slavic and Lithuanian languages: Russian корова, Ukrainian корова, Belarusian kapoba, Bulgarian крава, Serbo-Croatian krava, Slovene kráva, Czech kráva, Slovak krava, Polish krowa, Kashubian karva, krova, Upper Sorbian kruwa, Lower Sorbian krowa³¹, Lithuanian karvė, Old Prussian kurwis ‘bull’. This name seems to have ²⁵ E. Fraenkel, Et. Wb., p. 177. ²⁶ K. Būga, Selected Writings, II, p. 353. ²⁷ K. Būga, Aistiški studijai, Peterburgas, 1908, p. 25. ²⁸ E. Fraenkel, Et. Wb., p. 177. ²⁹ Register of the Names of the Rivers and Lakes of the Lithuanian SSR, p. 55. ³⁰ J. Endzelīns, Place Names of the Latvian SSR, I, 1, p. 343–344. ³¹ M. Vasmer, Et. Wb., I, p. 629–630; О. Н. Трубачев, Происхождение..., p. 40. 132 a reliable etymology: many scholars connect it with Latin cornu ‘horn’, Greek κεραός ‘horned’. Latin cervus ‘deer’, Cymric carw, Breton karo, Prussian sirwis ‘roe deer’, and others are also of the same origin. It is possible that the name of the elk or some other wild horned animal was transferred to the Baltic and Slavic word for ‘cow’, perhaps originally for some breed of broad-horned cattle. It is interesting that a similar process took place in other languages as well; compare also the connections of Latin cornu and Greek κεραός with German Rind ‘cattle’, Albanian ka (< *k’ru) ‘bull’32. V. Machek disagreed with this explanation of the origin of Lithuanian karvė, Russian корова, and related forms. He connected this word for ‘cow’ with Sanskrit cárvati ‘crushes, chews’, arguing that its original meaning had been ‘ruminant’33. This etymology, however, has not won wider acceptance. It is particularly unreliable because Sanskrit cárvati itself is a word of very obscure origin34. In Latvian, there are no clear traces of cognates of the Lithuanian word karvė: Latvian karva ‘an old, lean cow; a derisive designation for a woman; an abusive name for cows’ (EM, II, 165; EH, I, 590) is probably a loanword from Lithuanian. In Prussian, as we have already mentioned, a word with this root is used in the meaning ‘bull’. Besides the Elbing Vocabulary (word 672 – Curwis Ochze), the singular accusative form kurwan occurs in the Third Catechism. Some scholars35 regard Prussian curwis as a loanword from Polish (in the oldest Polish writings karw most often means ‘an old, lazy bull’). Nevertheless, it is more likely that Prussian curwis is an indigenous word36. This root is also fairly common in Prussian toponymy: Corwedompne < Prussian curwis + dompne: Latvian dubens ‘the bottom, ground, depth’, Korwelaucken < Prussian curwis + Prussian laucks ‘field’, Kurwingen < Prussian curwis + -ing-, Curwin37. The Baltic and Slavic languages have a name for a young bovine that is peculiar to them: Old Church Slavonic telice, Russian теленок, Ukrainian теля, Belarusian цяля, Bulgarian теле, Serbo-Croatian теле, Slovenian tele, Czech tele, Slovak tel’a, Polish cielę, Kashubian celą, Upper Sorbian čelo, Lower Sorbian šele, Lithuanian tėlias, teliūkas, Latvian telš, teļēns38. Both Baltic and Slavic languages have many derivatives of this root; compare Lithuanian telinga, teliuotis, Latvian telidze ‘a pregnant cow’, teļuoties ‘to calve’, Russian стельная ‘telinga’, Russian телиться ‘teliuotis’, and others. Indeed, it would be difficult to find another animal name in the Baltic and Slavic languages for which so many etymological explanations have been proposed. Unfortunately, none of them has so far proved particularly convincing. 32 J. Pokorny, Et. Wb., p. 574–577; E. Fraenkel, Et. Wb., p. 225; F. Kluge, Et. Wb., p. 600; H. Hirt, Indogermanische Grammatik, II, Heidelberg, 1921, p. 117, 130; A. Bezzenberger, BB, 17, p. 216; B. Порциг, Членение индоевропейской языковой области, Москва, 1964, p. 259–260; R. Trautmann, B-sl. Wb., p. 119; A. Brückner, Sl. et., p. 271. 33 V. Machek, Et. sl., p. 233; V. Machek, KZ, 64, p. 262–263. 34 M. Mayrhofer, Et. Wb., I, p. 379. 35 A. Brückner, Sl. et., p. 271; J. Pokorny, Et. Wb., p. 577. 36 R. Trautmann, The Old Prussian Language Monuments, p. 366; K. Būga, Selected Writings, II, p. 129; E. Fraenkel, Et. Wb., p. 225. 37 G. Gerullis, The Old Prussian Place Names, p. 30, 70–71, 77; J. Endzelīns, Old Prussian Language, p. 199. 38 M. Vasmer, Et. Wb., III, p. 90; E. Fraenkel, Et. Wb., p. 1077–1078; O. H. Трубачев, Происхождение..., p. 44. 133 H. Petersonas associated this name with Armenian t’alun “thick” and Sanskrit tilvilah “wealthy, fertile”⁳⁹. However, this etymology did not receive much support among other researchers. J. Mikola associated Lithuanian tėlias and related forms with Lithuanian talokas “grown-up daughter; young girl,” Lithuanian lokyš, and Old Prussian clokies⁴⁰. G. Ilinskis associated it with Latin stolidus “stupid, senseless; lacking strength,” stultus, Old High German stilli “quiet, calm,” and Lithuanian tylus⁴¹. Smiešek associated Slavic telę with Latin tollo, -ere “to raise,” and Old High German dolēn “to endure, raise”⁴². Other researchers are also inclined to agree partly with this explanation. The original meaning of this animal’s name may have been “born,” cf. Gothic barn “child”: *bher- “to carry”⁴³. A. Becenberger attempted to associate Lithuanian tėlias with Greek πέλεας “boar”⁴⁴. V. Machek gave a highly original explanation of the origin of the word telę. In his view, the forms Slavic telę, Lithuanian tėlias, and others derive from a longer form (similarly to Czech Řina < Kateřina), corresponding to Latin vitulus “calf, young bull” and Greek ἔπαλον, which are related to Indo-European *uet- (Greek ἔτος) “year.” Thus the original meaning of telę would have been “yearling”⁴⁵. K. Būga also attempted to explain the origin of Lithuanian tėlias and Slavic telę: he was inclined to connect these words with Slavic tělo “body”⁴⁶. Thus, there are many explanations, but all raise serious doubts⁴⁷. It seems to us that V. Machek’s etymology is the most worthy of consideration. It is supported by a considerable group of Indo-European animal names, specifically related to the Indo-European root *uet- “year”; cf. Sanskrit vatsáh “one-year-old animal; calf; head of cattle,” vatsakāh “calf,” Albanian vjetë “calf,” Gothic wiprus “yearling lamb,” and others⁴⁸. The weak point of V. Machek’s etymology is its phonetics. Yet here too, it seems to us, one cannot categorically deny that the form *tel- could have developed from *uet-elo-. Lithuanian telyčia “young cow that has not calved,” as the suffix of this word shows, derives from Russian телица or the Belarusian form of this word⁴⁹. Latvian telica is of the same origin⁵⁰. Another cattle name is also widely used in the Baltic languages; in Lithuanian its meaning is quite close to that of the name just discussed. This is Lithuanian veršis, Latvian vērsis, and Old Prussian werstian. No traces of this name are found in the Slavic languages. Lithuanian veršis is currently used in the literary language and in a large part of the dialects to mean a young bovine animal; cf. also veršinga and veršiuotis, whose usage does not differ from that of those mentioned earlier— 39 H. Petersson, Arische und armenische Studien, Lund, 1920, p. 29; M. Mayrhofer, Et. Wb., I, p. 505. 40 J. Mikkola, BB, 22, p. 245. 41 Г. Ильинский, РФВ, 60, p. 421–424. 42 Smieszek, Materiały i Prace Komisji Językowej Akademii Umiejętności, IV, p. 397–401, plg. M. Vasmer, Et. Wb., III, p. 90. 43 J. Pokorny, Et. Wb., p. 1061; C. D. Buck, Dict., p. 155. 44 A. Bezzenberger, BB, 27, p. 176. 45 V. Machek, Et. Sl., p. 524. 46 K. Būga, Rinktiniai raštai, II, p. 318, 625. 47 M. Vasmer, Et. Wb., III, p. 90; E. Fraenkel, Et. Wb., p. 1077; F. Slawski, Sl. et., I, p. 99; O. H. Трубачев, Происхождение..., p. 44–45. 48 J. Pokorny, Et. Wb., p. 1175. 49 E. Fraenkel, Et. Wb., p. 1078. 50 EM, IV, p. 160. 134 the forms telinga, teliuotis. However, some dialects (mostly Dzūkian) use the word veršis with the meaning “bull, ox.” This meaning of the word is found in K. Širvydas’s dictionary (“Stadnik/taurus. Wierśis,” 1st ed., 174; “Byk. Taurus/Werbis,” 5th ed., 22). Latvian veršis is used only in the meaning “ox, bull.” Old Prussian werstian (a word in the Elbing vocabulary, 674), which probably derives from the form *werstian, where -ist- is a diminutive suffix⁵¹. It is recorded in the meaning “calf (Kalb).” Thus the original meaning of Lithuanian veršis is “bull, ox.” S. D. Bakas was mistaken in seeing a parallel in the shift in meaning of English bullock from “young bull” to “ox” in Latvian veršis “ox” < “calf”⁵². Lithuanian veršis, Latvian vērsis, and Old Prussian werstian are associated with Latin verres “boar, male pig,” Sanskrit vṛṣah “bull, ox,” vṛṣṇih “male; ram,” and vṛṣaṇah “testicles.” These words are further associated with Indo-European *auer- “to wet, urinate, flow,” compare Sanskrit vār “water,” Tocharian A wăr, etc. Thus the original meaning of Lithuanian veršis and related words would have been “emitting seed, urinating.” Numerous semantic parallels can be cited for this etymology; compare Russian вепрь “boar”: Sanskrit vāpati “emits (seed),” Gothic auhsa “ox”: Sanskrit ukṣā “bull”: Sanskrit ukṣáti “sprinkles,” Latin ūrus “aurochs,” Swedish dialect ure “bull”: Old Icelandic úr “drizzle.” Admittedly, some of these parallels are questionable, but most scholars agree with the explanation of the origin of Lithuanian veršis just given⁵³. Lithuanian also uses jautis, a name for a male cow found only in this language. In some dialects this word is used not in the general sense of “male cow,” but to mean a castrated bovine used for agricultural work. This was probably the word’s original meaning. Just as the draft animal arklys, used for plowing, arose alongside žirgas “horse,” so jautis arose alongside veršis as “a calf yoked to a harness.” The word jautis may initially have been used only in the phrase with veršis. The etymology of Lithuanian jautis is beyond doubt: it is associated with Sanskrit yāuti “ties, harnesses,” Lithuanian jungas “yoke,” jaug tas “strap by which the yoke is fastened to the horns of a working ox,” etc. Compare also Old Icelandic eykr “working animal, horse” and Sanskrit yōgyaḥ “working animal,” associated with the same Indo-European root⁵⁴. The Prussian hydronym Jautin indicates that the ancient Prussians also had a word exactly corresponding to Lithuanian jautis⁵⁵. As in Lithuanian, Slavic languages also have separate names for a breeding bull and a working ox; compare Russian бык “bull” and Russian вол “ox (working).” However, these names have nothing in common with the corresponding Baltic names for a bull or ox. Moreover, they are probably of fairly recent origin and words peculiar to the Slavic languages⁵⁶. Admittedly, Russian бык, which many scholars associate with a verb meaning “to bellow, bleat” (compare Czech býkati), has an exact counterpart in Lithuanian too; compare Lithuanian būkas “Bota u rus stellaris”⁵⁷: Lithuanian būkti “to bellow, bleat,” baūkti. The origin of Lithuanian būkas is convincingly confirmed by its synonyms — baūblys: Lithuanian baūbti, rėklys: Lithuanian rėkti. 51 J. Endzelīns, Senprūšu valoda, p. 53. 52 S. D. Buck, Dict., p. 153. 53 J. Pokorny, Et. Wb., p. 80–81; E. Fraenkel, Et. Wb., p. 1228–9; K. Būga, Rinktiniai raštai, II, p. 652; EM, IV, p. 565; F. Kluge, Et. Wb., p. 518; R. Trautmann, B-sl. Wb., p. 353; F. Specht, Der Ursprung der indogermanischen Deklination, p. 234. 54 E. Fraenkel, Et. Wb., p. 191; J. Pokorny, Et. Wb., p. 508–510; R. Trautmann, B-sl. Wb., p. 110. 55 G. Gerullis, Die altpreussischen Ortsnamen, p. 51, 233. 56 M. Vasmer, Et. Wb., I, 158, 216; O. H. Трубачев, Происхождение..., p. 41–44; F. Sławski, Sl. et., I, p. 52. 57 И. Эндзелин, Lingua Posnaniensis, 1, p. 3. 135 In Lithuanian literary language, as well as in some dialects, the name of a breeding bull būlius is used. This word, like Latvian būlis, is borrowed from German; compare East Prussian German boll, bull and Middle Low German bulle58. The German name for a breeding bull is associated with Indo-European *bhel- ‘swell, blow, become swollen’; compare English ballock ‘testiculus’; Greek φαλλός ‘penis’, Old Irish ball, and so on. 59 Thus, the breeding bull would have received this name from its sexual organs. As we have noted, the Baltic languages did not preserve the Indo-European meaning ‘cattle’ of *guou. However, they have several names for cattle of other origins. Lithuanian and Old Prussian have well preserved Indo-European *peku-, whose original meaning, in the view of many scholars, was ‘a plucked, wool-bearing animal, a sheep’, from which the general meaning ‘cattle’ later developed. Indo-European *peku- is associated with Greek πέκω ‘I shear, comb’, Latin pecto, -ere ‘to comb’, Lithuanian pėšti, Greek πέκος ‘wool’, and so on. Many Indo-European languages have a name for cattle derived from this root; compare Sanskrit páśuh ‘cattle, animal’, Avestan pasu- ‘cattle, small livestock’, Latin pecū ‘cattle’, Old High German fihu ‘cattle’ (Gothic faihu ‘wealth’)60. Lithuanian pėkus is frequent in old writings. As the card file of the academic dictionary of the Lithuanian language shows, until relatively recently the word was still in use in the vicinity of Švenčionys. At present, Lithuanian pėkus survives only in Lithuanian enclaves in the Byelorussian SSR (Zietela). The form pėkas was also recorded near Švenčionys; it was used not only to mean ‘cattle’, but also figuratively to mean ‘fool’. This name for cattle is also well preserved in Old Prussian texts: in the catechisms, the singular accusative form pecku is recorded five times and the form peckan, in the same case, twice61. Earlier, some linguists, including K. Būga, regarded these Baltic names for cattle as Germanisms. In K. Būga’s view, the Prussians had obtained their word from the Goths, and it had then passed through Prussian into Lithuanian62. The main reason for this view was that Baltic forms of the word have k where (š)s would be expected. However, a velar consonant also occurs in Baltic languages in place of an expected sibilant in other words that no one attempts to regard as borrowings63. In arguing that Lithuanian pėkus was not borrowed, E. Hermann relied in particular on the specific meaning of the word (‘cattle, small livestock, sheep’)64. Indo-European *peku- ‘cattle’ has not been preserved in Latvian, and there are no traces of this word in the Slavic languages either. Lithuanian widely uses a name for cattle distinctive to this language and associated with the verb kėlti65: kėlta, kėltai (plural form), kėltava, kėltuva, keltuvà, kėltos ‘herd of cows’, kėltuvė ‘cow’, keltuvė, kėltuvės ‘cattle, herd’. Sometimes the word kėltuva is also used more generally for an animal, even a domestic 58 E. Fraenkel, Et. Wb., p. 64; EM, I, p. 348; K. Alminauskis, Die Germanismen des Litauischen, Kaunas, 1934, p. 37; J. Sehwers, Sprachlich-kulturhistorische Untersuchungen, p. 20. 59 F. Kluge, Et. Wb., p. 110; J. Pokorny, Et. Wb., p. 120–121; C. D. Buck, Dict., p. 154. 60 E. Fraenkel, Et. Wb., p. 564; J. Pokorny, Et. Wb., p. 797; F. Kluge, Et. Wb., p. 822. 61 R. Trautmann, Die altpreussischen Sprachdenkmäler, p. 392. 62 K. Būga, Rinktiniai raštai, II, p. 85, 86; III, p. 496, 897. 63 E. Fraenkel, Die baltischen Sprachen, Heidelberg, 1950, p. 13–18. 64 E. Hermann, AfslPh, 40, p. 161; Chr. S. Stang, Vergleichende Grammatik der baltischen Sprachen, Oslo–Bergen–Tromsö, 1966, p. 93; J. Otrębski, Die Sprache, 12, p. 50–51. 65 E. Fraenkel, Et. Wb., p. 238. 136 in the sense ‘bird’ (cf. Kėltuvos ‘cows, horses, ewes, pigs, geese’ K. Būga (Ad.), Ožka negadna kėltuva, etc.) (LKŽd., V, 530–1, 551–2). The form kėltuva is also used in the sense ‘herd of cattle, herd’. The cattle names mentioned are used in the eastern Lithuanian dialects, as well as in some old writings; for example, the form kėltuva is used fairly often by K. Širvydas and is found in the writings of M. Mažvydas and J. Bretkūnas. The word galvijas ‘animal (usually domestic, horned cattle); beast’ is also characteristic exclusively of Lithuanian. As we have seen, V. Machek attempted to connect Lithuanian galvijas with Slavic gov- (Russian говядо, etc.) and German Kalb ‘calf’. Such a connection, however, is difficult to substantiate: the Lithuanian meaning of galvà, ‘an individual person or animal’ (cf. “Eight head of cows and heifers will have to be kept through the winter,” LKŽd., III, 79), shows that galvijas is inseparable from galvà; cf. the Wolfenbüttel Postil’s pekui galvui, as well as German so und soviel Haupt Rindvieh66. Latvian luõps ‘cattle, animal’, which is entirely isolated in both Baltic and Slavic, has a cognate in Albanian—Alb. lopë ‘cow’. This is one of the few lexical isoglosses between Baltic and Albanian. Swiss German loobe, lioba ‘cow’67 has also been tentatively connected with these words. These forms, however, may also be newly coined, narrowly used names for a cow. J. Mikkola attempted to derive Latvian luõps from *lampas, and to connect the latter with Gothic lamb ‘lamb’68. In our view, however, a connection with Albanian lopë ‘cow’ is more plausible. Lithuanian lūopas ‘clumsy person, lout, simpleton’ (LKŽd., VII, 692) most likely also developed from Latvian luõps. The Lithuanian word lopas in the sense ‘cattle’ is found in S. Daukantas’s writings (LKŽd., VII, 648), where it was undoubtedly borrowed from Latvian. The Prussian cow name klente (word 673 in the Elbing Vocabulary), clynth (word 4 in Grunau’s Vocabulary), is very obscure and isolated in the livestock vocabulary of the Baltic languages. In both Prussian language monuments it is recorded with the meaning ‘cow’69. Moreover, this cow name seems to have left traces in Prussian toponymy as well; cf. the place name Clynteyne < Prussian clynth + suffix -ein70. Thus, the authenticity of the aforementioned Prussian cow name is beyond doubt. Various explanations have been proposed for the origin of Prussian klente. A. Bezzenberger connected Prussian klente (which he considered to derive from *tlentē) with Greek πτέλας ‘boar’ and Lithuanian tėl̃ias71. L. Geitler connected the Prussian cow name with Russian кляча (< *кле́тя) ‘nag, poor-quality mare’72. J. Mikkola also agreed with the Czech linguist73. A. Brückner derived Prussian klente from Polish klępa ‘old cow’74; cf. also Slovenian klęka ‘lean cow, nag’. A. Bezzenberger’s etymology seems the least plausible. 66 E. Fraenkel, Et. Wb., p. 132. 67 EM, II, p. 528; J. Pokorny, Et. Wb., p. 654. 68 J. Mikkola, BB, 21, p. 219–220. 69 R. Trautmann, Die altpreussischen Sprachdenkmäler, p. 360. 70 G. Gerullis, Die altpreussischen Ortsnamen, p. 66, 233. 71 A. Bezzenberger, BB, 27, p. 176. 72 L. Geitler, Litauische Studien, Prag, 1875, p. 65. 73 A. Mikkola, AfslPh, 39, p. 12. 74 A. Brückner, AfslPh, 20, p. 504. 137 Other researchers, in explaining the origin of Prussian klente, may well be on the right track. It seems to us that this name for ‘cow’ in Prussian may have arisen within the Prussian language itself from a corresponding verb not attested in the monuments of that language; compare Lithuanian klẽnkti ‘to walk with difficulty, laboriously’, Latvian klencēt. In the Slavic languages, corresponding animal names likewise arose independently from a verb of the same root, compare Russian клякать ‘to stumble’, Old Church Slavonic klẽčati, Slovenian klẽkati ‘to stumble, sway, stand unsteadily’, etc.75 Of all domestic animals, the cow is precisely the one characterized by a slow, heavy gait. Thus, all three Baltic languages have different names for ‘cow’. Latvian has preserved the oldest name. In Lithuanian and Prussian, this name, corresponding to Latvian giòvs, was displaced by a newer one (Lithuanian kárvė, Prussian curwis). In Prussian, the name for ‘cow’ corresponding to Lithuanian kárvė probably did not take hold because a word with this root was used in the sense ‘bull’. The Baltic languages have many different names for cattle, most often cows, associated with some characteristic of the animal; particularly many such names are found in Latvian dialects. The largest group is associated with the animal’s particular color. Latvian aûbe ‘a cow with a white head’ (EH, I, 183), compare Latvian aûbe ‘bonnet’ < German Haube76. Latvian bale ‘name of a white cow’ (EH, I, 200), compare Latvian bāls ‘pale, pallid’. Latvian bāltaste ‘name of a cow with a white tail’ (EH, I, 201) < bālts+aste ‘tail’. Latvian bāltkāja ‘name of a cow with white legs’, baltkājena (EH, I, 202) < bālts+kāja ‘leg’. Latvian bāltāna ‘a cow name’, baltanīte (EH, I, 202) < bālts+sānis ‘side’. Latvian bęnga ‘name of a spotted cow’ (EH, I, 212), compare Latvian bęngulis ‘(as a term of endearment) a child’? Latvian brūklene ‘name of a reddish-brown cow’ (EH, I, 246), compare Latvian brūkle, brūk-lene ‘the lingonberry, cowberry (vaccinium vitis idea); because of its red color, often compared with rosy-cheeked girls’. Latvian brūnala ‘a brown cow’, brūnala, brūnale, brūnuļa, brūnava, brūne, brūnce (EM, I, 341; EH, I, 245, 246), brūnķe ‘a disparaging term for a brown cow’ (EH, I, 245), compare Latvian brūns ‘brown’ < cf. Low German brün77. Lat. ciēlava “cow’s name; a cow with a white head” (EH, I, 277), cf. Lat. ciēlava “the wagtail”. Lat. ciruole “a white-headed cow” (EM, I, 392), cf. Lat. cīrulis “the lark,” cirulgalvas “large snowflakes” (EM, I, 392). Lat. drīzala “a cow’s name (the Striped One?)” (EH, I, 335), cf. Lat. drīzena “a ray,” drīksnains “ray-like, scratched.” If the meaning of this cow’s name were not “the striped one,” it could also be connected with Lat. drīzs “fast,” cf. Lat. drīzuļi “early-ripening fruits.” 75 M. Vasmer, Et. Wb., I, p. 576. 76 J. Sehwers, Sprachlich-kulturische Untersuchungen, p. 4. 77 J. Sehwers, ibid., p. 19. 138 Lat. dūkala “name of a blackish-brown cow,” dūkale, dūkala, dūkana, dùkaṇa, dùce “a dark-brown cow with a black head; name of a grey cow” (EM, I, 523; EH, I, 345, 346), cf. Lat. dūkans “grey-brown.” Lat. dūmala “a dark- or blackish-brown cow, a red cow with a brown head,” dumala “a dark-brown cow,” dùmula (EM, I, 514, 527, 528; EH, I, 347, 348), cf. Lat. dūmals “smoke-colored, dark grey.” Lat. gulbene “name of a white cow” (EH, I, 416), gūlbis (EM, I, 676), cf. Lat. gūlbis “a pigeon.” Lat. īrbe “name of a finely speckled cow” (EH, I, 431), cf. Lat. īrbe “partridge.” Lat. juosle “a white cow whose forequarters and hindquarters are dark” (EH, I, 571), cf. Lat. juōslains “striped,” juōslene “a pig with a belt-like stripe around its middle” (EM, II, 127). Lat. kruonala “name of a (dark) red cow; name of a cow,” kruōnula, krùonale, krùonala (EM, II, 295; EH, I, 664), cf. Lat. kruōnis “the crown; the wreath” < cf. Samogitian krōne78. Lat. krustala “name of a cow,” krustala (EM, II, 288; EH, I, 660), cf. Lat. krusts “the cross.” Lat. kūtala “a cow with a white stripe along its back,” kūtala (EM, II, 393; EH, I, 709), cf. Lat. kūtāins “striped (of livestock),” < Est. küüt “striped; livestock with a white stripe along the back” (EM, II, 393). Lat. làuce “a cow with a white blaze,” làučā, lauka, làukala, làukala, làukàża, laùcika (EM, II, 425, 426; EH, I, 722), cf. Lat. làuks “having a white blaze.” Lat. màntale “name of a black cow” (EH, I, 782), cf. Lat. mañdala “name of a cow that calved on Monday” (?). Lat. māralina “name of a cow” (…the one that is piebald is raibalina, the one that is red is māralina…), mārala (EM, II, 583; EH, I, 792), cf. Latvian mārani “red plant used for dyeing red” (EH, I, 792). Lat. melle “a black cow”, melne, mellika, meļļuža, mellene (EM, II, 596; EH, I, 798), cf. Latvian meļns “black”. Lat. mice “name of a white-headed cow”, mička (EH, I, 811), cf. Latvian mice “a woman’s cap, bonnet; a cap in general”, mička and < Samogitian müttse. Lat. mugrina “name of a cow with a differently colored back” (EM, II, 661), cf. mugura “the back”. Lat. mustala “a cow with black lips; a cow with a darker (dusky) head”, mustala “a cow with a dark muzzle”, mustika “a black cow” (EM, II, 672; EH, I, 835), cf. Latvian mustis “a black dog”, < Estonian must “black”, Livonian mustā. The form mustika derives from Estonian mustik (EH, I, 835). Lat. nakča “name of a black cow”, naktala (EH, II, 3), cf. Latvian nakts “the night”. Lat. pālne “name for ash-gray cows” (EH, II, 152), cf. Latvian pēlni “the ashes”, palss “pale” (?). Lat. pālse “name of a dun cow” (EH, II, 152), cf. Latvian palss “pale”. Lat. plaṇke “a white cow with black or red forequarters and hindquarters; a black-and-white cow or a black cow with a white flank; a 78 J. Sehwers, ibid., p. 59. 139 “A piebald cow or a white-headed cow” (EH, II, 283), cf. Latvian plaṅks “piebald” (EM, III, 319), plaṅkene “a piebald cloth” (EH, II, 283). Latvian punika “name of a brown cow” <Estonian punik “red cow” (EM, III, 413). Latvian raibe “a piebald cow”, raibala, raibala, raibala, raibala, raìbala, raibula, ràibula, raibule, raibulīte, raibelīte, raibalīte, raibele, raibene, ràibale, raibuolina-reibulīte (EM, III, 467, 468, 505; EH, II, 350), cf. Latvian rāibs “piebald, spotted, dappled”. Latvian raicka “a piebald cow”, raiča (EM, III, 469; EH, II, 351) should likewise probably be associated with the names just listed. Latvian rāine “a cow’s name” (EH, II, 351), cf. Latvian raìns “piebald, striped”. Latvian salnika “an iron-gray cow” (EM, III, 675), cf. Latvian salns “gray-haired”. Latvian sāntala “name of a black cow”, santene “name of a cow” (EH, II, 433–4), cf. Latvian sants “velvet”. Latvian sārke “name for a (red, brown) cow”, sārke, sārkene “name of a red cow”, sarkane, sarkala, sarče “a brown cow” (EM, III, 722; EH, II, 441, 443), cf. Latvian sarks “somewhat reddish”. Latvian sārtala “a cow’s name”, sārtala, sārtite “name of a red cow” (EM, III, 807; EH, II, 473), cf. Latvian sārts “red”. Latvian sārmule “a gray cow” (EH, II, 444), cf. Latvian sārma “hoarfrost”. Latvian sēmale “a light gray cow” (EH, II, 481), cf. Latvian *šēms “light gray with black spots”. Latvian sīrmala “a gray cow”, sirmala, sirmula, sirmule (EM, III, 846, 847; EH, II, 488, 489), cf. Latvian sīrms “gray”. Latvian sīrsniņa “name of a cow with a heart-shaped spot on its forehead” (EH, II, 489), cf. Latvian sirds “the heart”. Latvian skudre “black cow”, skudrite, cf. Latvian skudre “the ant”⁷⁹. Latvian slauna “name of a black cow; piebald cow; a dirty cow; a cow with red-and-white or black-and-white sides”, slāune “a cow with a white belly; a black cow with a white belly; a cow with white sides”; slāunala “piebald cow”, slāunene “a cow’s name”, slaunike, slaunuža, slaunīs “a cow with a piebald belly and sides”, slaure “a spotted cow”, šļaune “a cow piebald on the hips or thighs”, šļāune (EM, III, 919, 220; IV, 67; EH, II, 521, 522), cf. Latvian slauns “piebald or spotted on the hips or thighs”, šļāuns. Latvian sniedze “name of a white cow” (EM, III, 977), cf. Latvian sniegs “the snow”. Lat. spīdala “name of a cow with a glossy coat,” spīdala “a cow’s name” (EM, III, 1000; EH, II, 552), cf. Latv. spīdēt “to shine.” Lat. stripala “name of a striped cow” (EM, III, 1092), cf. Latv. stripā “the stripe.” Ants are also associated with cows in various Latvian folk beliefs; cf.:79 „Viena pati man gotiņa, Tai skudrīti vārdų liku, Lai telītes vairojās Kā skudrītes pūlīte“ (LD, 28960). “People usually lead the cows around an anthill three times before taking them to market to sell, in the hope that there will then be many buyers, like ants” (J. Alūnāns, Mājas Viesis, 1857, 270) and so on; cf. P. Šmits, Latviešu tautas ticējumi, p. 551. 140 Latv. škūtala “name for a cow whose back differs in color from the rest of its body” (EH, II, 641), cf. Latv. skūt “to shave” (?). Latv. trese “name of a cow that has a blaze (trese)” (EM, IV, 231), cf. Latv. trese “the blaze.” Latv. tūmšsārke “the dark-red one (said of a cow)” (EM, IV, 263), cf. Latv. tūmšsārkans “dark red.” Latv. ūbele “a gray cow” (EM, IV, 403), cf. Latv. ūbels “dark gray.” Latv. uōgra “name of a black cow” (EH, II, 743), cf. Latv. uōgle “the coal” (?). Latv. vabule “name of a black cow; name of a brown cow,” vabuole, vabala “name of a black cow” (EM, IV, 428; EH, II, 746), cf. Latv. vabule “the beetle”⁸⁰. Latv. valgīs “a white ox” < Est. valgu (EM, IV, 455). Latv. zale “a reddish-brown cow” (EM, IV, 684; EH, II, 800), cf. Latv. zals “reddish yellow.” Latv. zeltere “?” (guosniņas – viena zale, uotra zeltere) (EM, IV, 705), cf. Latv. zēlts “gold,” zeltenes “a shrub with yellow flowers.” Latv. ziēdala “name of a multicolored cow,” ziēdala, ziēdala, ziēdele, ziēča, ziēdaine, ziēduone (EM, IV, 737, 738; EH, II, 810, 811), cf. Latv. ziēds “the blossom, flower.” Latv. zile “cow’s name,” zilene “a blue cow,” ziluža “a gray (?) cow” (EM, IV, 719, 721; EH, II, 806), cf. Latv. zils “blue.” Lat. zīmala “a cow with a mark (on its forehead),” zimala, zīmala, zīmala, zīmala, zīmala, zīmala, zīmala, zīmēle, zīmule, zīmala, zīmālite, zīmāle, ziemala (EM, IV, 734, 735, 736, 742; EH, II, 810), cf. Latvian zīme “the mark.” The form ziemala may also be of a different origin, cf. Latvian ziema “winter.” Latvian zvaigala “a cow with a white, star-shaped mark on its forehead,” zvaigale, zvaigala (EM, IV, 761; EH, II, 813, 814), cf. Latvian zvaigzne “the star.” Latvian makes extensive use of cow names derived from the name of the day on which the cow was born, or of the period in general⁸¹. Names of this origin are foreign to Lithuanian. They are found in Slavic languages, cf. Russian полднёха, вечареха, вторёха, понеделка, Lower Sorbian pónžela⁸², but are used far less frequently than similar Latvian cow names. Latvian cẹtala “name of a cow born on Thursday,” cẹtalina, cẹtala, cẹtula, cẹture, cẹturtale, cẹtuža, cẹkula “designation of a cow born on Thursday, or one with a mark on its forehead,” cẹkula, cẹkule, cẹkata, cẹka “a cow born on Thursday” (EM, I, 368, 376, 409; EH, I, 262, 267), cf. Latvian cẹtūrtais “the fourth,” cẹtūrtdiena “Thursday.” Latvian dienala “a cow born during the day” (EM, I, 483), cf. Latvian diena “the day.” Latvian laūnadżite “a cow born around the time of launags” (EH, I, 723), cf. Latvian laūnags “midday,” laūnadżite “the girl born around the time of launags.” Latvian maņdala “name of a cow born on Monday,” maņdala, maņčka, mandža, maņčka, maņdža (EM, II, 560; EH, I, 782, 783), cf. German der Montag “Monday.” ⁸⁰ P. Šmits, Latvian Folk Beliefs, p. 550. ⁸¹ P. Šmits, ibid. ⁸² О. Н. Трубачев, Происхождение…, p. 46. 141 Latv. mārika “name of a cow born on a Marian feast day” (EH, I, 792), cf. Latv. Māra “the Virgin Mary; patron saint of cows”83. Latv. pirmala “a cow born on Monday,” pirmala, pirmaliņa, pirmula, pirmuža (EM, III, 225, 227; EH, II, 237), cf. Latv. pirmais “the first,” pirmdiena “Monday.” Latv. piektala “name of a cow born on Friday,” piektala, piektuļa, piektuža, piekūža, piekala, piekča (EM, III, 260, 261; EH, I, 253, 254, 256), cf. Latv. piektis “the fifth,” piektdiena “Friday.” Latv. pustala “name of a cow born on Saturday (pussvēta),” pustuža (EM, III, 435; EH, II, 334), cf. Latv. pussvēta “Saturday.” Latv. rītala “name of a cow born in the morning,” rītala, rītula (EM, III, 540, 541; EH, II, 377), cf. Latv. rīts “morning.” Latv. sestala “name of a cow born on Saturday,” sestala, sestuļa, seška, šeške, sestika (EM, III, 820, 821; EH, II, 478, 479), cf. Latv. sestais “the sixth,” sestdiena “Saturday.” Latv. svētala “name of a cow born on Sunday,” svētala, svētula, svētula, svētuža (EM, III, 1154, 1157; EH, II, 616), cf. Latv. svēts “holy,” svētdiena “holiday; Sunday.” Latv. trešala “name of a cow born on Wednesday,” trešala, trešele, treška, treške, trešula, trešula, treštala, trese (EM, IV, 231, 232; EH, II, 693), cf. Latv. trešais “the third,” trešdiena “Wednesday.” Latv. uotraļa “name of a cow born on Tuesday,” uotruļa, uortuļa, uotala, uōtala, uōtala, uōtala, ūtala (EM, IV, 423, 424, 426; EH, II, 741, 743, 744, 745), cf. Latv. uōtrs “the other, the second,” uōtrdiena “Tuesday.” Latv. vakare “name of a cow born in the evening” (EM, IV, 447; EH, II, 751), cf. Latv. vakars “evening.” Latvian also has many cow names, used more or less widely, that relate to some physical characteristic or habit of the animal, milking, etc. Latv. briedale “name of a cow with upright, pointed horns,” briedaļa, briēdele (EH, I, 243), briēdala “an elk-haired (gray) cow,” briedule (EM, I, 336, 337), cf. Latv. briēdaļa “the elk cow,” briēdis “the elk”84. Latv. pipaste “a cow with a short tail” (EH, II, 235), cf. Latv. pipis “the corner, the tip of a grain sack; the male member” (+aste “the tail”). Latv. puškala “name of a cow with a tuft of hair between its horns” (EH, II, 336), cf. Latv. puškains “fringed.” Latv. radze “a cow with horns,” raguolite “the cow,” stāvradze “a cow name” (EM, III, 463; EH, II, 350, 574), cf. Latv. rags “the horn.” Latv. sīkala “a cow name,” sikala “a cow with small spots; a cow name” (EM, III, 851), cf. Latv. sīks “small, slight,” sikaļa “a short-statured girl.” Lat. staltēne “name of a handsome, well-fed cow” (EM, III, 1042), cf. Latv. stalts “handsome, imposing”. 83 K. Straubergs, Latviešu buramie vārdi, I, Rīgā, 1939, p. 397–402. 84 P. Šmits, Latviešu tautas ticējumi, p. 550. 142 Lat. żemala “name of a cow (with short legs); žema guovs”, žemala, žemula, žemlūze “a cow with low (short) feet”, zemlūza “a cow with shovel-shaped ears” (EM, IV, 707, 712; EH, II, 805), cf. Latv. žems “low”. Lat. barvede “a cow that is usually at the head of the herd” (EH, I, 206), cf. Latv. barvedis “the first mower, the leader”. Lat. blānde “a cow that tends to stray from the herd” (EH, I, 226), cf. Latv. blāndīties “to wander about”. Lat. dīkuļa “a cow that bellows softly” (EH, I, 326), cf. Latv. dīkuļōt “to weep aloud repeatedly”. Lat. dūķna “a cow that bellows often (softly)” (EM, I, 525), cf. Latv. dūkt “to sound hollow, to whizz”. Lat. duša “soothing call used to cows during milking, interpreted as a cow’s name”, duše, dušina (EH, I, 345), cf. Latv. duš “call to cows”. Lat. ellīka “name for an unruly cow” (EH, I, 368), cf. Latv. elle “hell”; < cf. Vidzeme, Vārmē, žem. helle (EM, I, 568). Lat. graule “the cow that graulē”, grāule (EM, I, 639), cf. Latv. graulēt “to eat slowly with a full mouth”. Lat. idāla “a bellowing cow” (EH, I, 499), cf. Latv. īdēt “to bellow softly”. Lat. kruva “a restless cow” (EM, II, 291), cf. Latv. krūtīes “to thrust oneself forward”. Lat. kuodala “a biting cow” (EM, II, 340), cf. Latv. kuōdīt “to bite repeatedly”. Lat. mīstāvniča “a restless female person or cow” (EH, I, 822), cf. Latv. mistīt “to break flax (lit. to tread repeatedly)”. Lat. rāmala “a cow’s name” (EM, III, 496), cf. Latv. rāms “tame, quiet”. Lat. ramūle “a cow” (EM, III, 476), cf. Lith. rambūs “sluggish” (?). Lat. spārdala “a cow that kicks with its feet” (EM, III, 980), cf. Latv. spārdīt “to kick repeatedly and vigorously, to lash out (of horses).” Lat. zibsna “a cow that quickly swishes its tail” (EM, IV, 717), cf. Latv. zibsīt “to make shine, to flash.” Lat. žauga “a cow that repeatedly leaves the herd and goes into the grain, jumps over ditches, etc.”, žaukle “a cow that frolics”, žāuste “a frolicking cow”, žāusteve “a cow that sometimes acts as an ox” (EM, IV, 790, 791, 792; EH, II, 817), cf. Latv. žauties “to climb, fall, tumble”, žautava “a girl who is in the habit of wandering around the neighborhood and frolicking with young men.” Lat. žņerga “a cow that is reluctant to eat properly” (EM, IV, 825), cf. Latv. žņerģāt “to be fussy about food, to eat without much appetite.” Lat. agraine “a cow that is milked early” (EH, I, 4), cf. Latv. agrs “early.” Lat. atdiene “a cow that calves in its second year; a young, non-milking cow”, atdienīte, a(t)daine (EM, I, 154; EH, I, 139), cf. Latv. dēt “to suckle”, Lithuanian pirmdēle “a cow that has calved for the first time”, Sanskrit dhāyati “sucks” (EM, I, 154, 465). A cow name of very ancient origin. Lat. ciētala “a cow that has not given milk for a long time” (EH, I, 278), cf. Latv. ciēts “hard”, cf. guovs cieta slaukt “difficult to milk.” Lat. garpiēna guovs “a cow that gives no milk for a longer time than usual” (EH, I, 386), cf. Latv. gars “long” + piēns “milk.” 143 Lat. pārslaucene “a cow that, after being mated once, gives milk for two consecutive years,” pāršlaucine (EM, III, 176; EH, II, 211), cf. Lat. pāršlàukt “to milk once more.” Lat. pil(n)piēne “a cow that has just begun to give milk” (EM, III, 216), cf. Lat. pilns “full” + piēns “milk.” Lat. pirm pien e “a cow that has calved for the first time,” pirmpiena (EM, III, 227; EH, II, 238), cf. Lat. pirmais “the first” + piēns “milk.” Lat. riētala “name of a (high-yielding) cow,” riētaliņa, riētala, riēča “call-names for cows” (EM, III, 544, 549; EH, II, 379), cf. Lat. riētēt “to become fuller; to flow in,” guovs neriet “the cow gives no milk.” Lat. semilše (??) “a cow that has not calved again” (EM, III, 816). Lat. vadala “a cow that has been in calf” (EM, IV, 429), cf. Lat. vadāt “to be carrying young, to be pregnant.” Lat. ciemala “name of a cow,” ciemala “name of a cow bought or brought from another farm,” ciemuļa (EM, I, 393; EH, I, 277), cf. Lat. ciems “farmstead, village.” Lat. pirceniša “a purchased cow” (EH, II, 236), cf. Lat. pirkt “to buy.” Lat. blūzga “a cow that loafs about, a horse that loafs about” (EM, I, 319), cf. Lat. blūzēt “to loaf about.” Lat. kabele “pet name for cows and mares” (EH, I, 572), cf. Lat. kabele “an old, lean mare” <rus. кобыла (EM, II, 129). Lat. kaika “a lean, ugly cow with long legs, or such a horse or sheep” (EM, II, 132), cf. Lat. kaikt “to act clumsily, to bungle,” kaikaris “a ragged fellow; a hack.” Lat. kandava “a large, lean cow” (EM, II, 154), cf. Lat. kañdavāt “to whip, beat; to strike something noisily while working, but without really working” (?). Lat. kocala “a derogatory name for a cow” (EH, I, 637), cf. Lat. kocis “a small sack” (?). Lat. kranka “a poor, lean cow” (EM, II, 259), cf. krānkāins “lean (of animals); with shaggy hair.” Lat. kranka J. Endzelīns is inclined to connect with German krank “weak.” Lat. kvęp̄pa “a large, fat animal (e.g. said of a cow)” (EH, I, 690), cf. Lat. kvempis “a fat, roundish piglet or such a child.” Lat. mitala “name of a poor cow or mare” (EM, II, 648) should probably be connected with Lat. mīt ene “tanned leather” or with Lat. mīt “to exchange.” For the latter connection, cf. Lat. mītenis “an exchanged horse; a hack” (EM, II, 649). Lat. pūpala “a cow’s name,” pūpalina “a term of endearment for cows” (EM, III, 448); compare Latvian pūpūols “the pussy willow; also used as a feminine term of endearment.” Lat. skrepstīte “a lean cow” (EM, III, 891); compare Latvian skreblis “an old, decrepit man,” skreble “an old maid or woman,” skrebulis “an old fur coat.” Lat. mūja “a cow (in children’s speech),” mūmiņa (EM, II, 678)—names of long-vowel origin. Lat. nūža “a cow” (EM, II, 755; EH, II, 29); compare Latvian nūž “an interjection used to soothe cows.” 144 Lat. tprucina “a term of endearment for a cow,” tpruka, tprušina, tprutala, tprutaliņa (EM, IV, 216, 217; EH, II, 689); compare Latvian trū “an interjection used to call cows.” Lat. àrkalė “a cow’s name” (EH, I, 129); compare Latvian arkulītis (?), compare mazākais brālis, kuru sauca par arkulīti (?). Lat. dolkata “a cow’s name” (EM, I, 488); compare Latvian dalkata “a chatterbox,” dolkata. Words of unclear origin. Lat. jurika “a cow’s name, žemkājīte” (EM, II, 120); compare Latvian Juris “George,” Jura diena “St. George’s Day,” jurītis “a weak, simple-minded person; poor tobacco; the wolf” (?). Lat. maile “a cow’s name” (EH, I, 777); compare Latvian maile “the whitefish” (?). Lat. pugala “a cow’s name” (EH, II, 321); compare Latvian puga “a button,” pugulains “rounded, raised, button-shaped,” pugažiņa “a little woman” (?). Lat. purala “a cow’s name,” puralina (EM, III, 416; EH, II, 327); compare Latvian purene “marsh marigold,” purainīte (?). Lat. rege “a cow’s name” (EH, II, 363) is a word of unclear origin. Lat. rīgala “a cow’s name” (EM, III, 536) is a word of unclear origin, perhaps related to Latvian Rīga “Riga.” In Lithuanian dialects, the most widespread cow names are associated with the animal’s color: Lith. balnė, bálnė, balnugàrė, balgalvė; compare Lithuanian bálnas “white, with a white back (of a bull or cow).” Lith. baltóji, baltė, baltūika, baltmairgė, baltasnikė, baltakaktė, baltazūbė, balkójė; compare Lithuanian báltas. Lith. blizgė, cf. Lith. blizgėti. Lith. būròji, būrùtė, cf. Lith. būras “roan, gray” < Polish bury, Belarusian буры. Lith. ciėkė, ciekkākė (LKŽd., II, 13), cf. Lith. ciėkis “mark, spot” < German zechen “Zeichen, Merkmal für die Pferde”⁸⁵. Lith. cinkė, cinkakaktė (LKŽd., II, 22), cf. Lith. cinkas “finely mottled, with small spots”. Lith. čėkė (LKŽd., II, 41), cf. Lith. čėkas “mottled,” cf. German zächen “Zeichen”. Lith. čirvė, cf. Lith. čirvas “a card suit, hearts, diamonds”. Lith. degùtė “black cow,” cf. Lith. degùtas. Lith. dūmė, dūmė “dark-colored cow” (LKŽd., II, 590), cf. Lith. dūmas “smoke-colored”. Lith. dvylė, dvylóji, dvylūtė, dvylka, dvylmargė, dvylaušė, cf. Lith. dvylas “dark reddish, reddish-brown”. Lith. juodóji, júodė, juõdė, júočkė, júodenka, juodùtė, juodõlė, juodoika, juodìlė, juodùlė, juodzénkė, juodbalte, júodmargė, juodmárgė, juodmàrgė, juodžalė, juodaušė, juodšõnė, juodarágė, juodnugàrė, cf. Lith. júodas. Lith. kéršė, keršóji, kéršmargė, kéršlaunė, cf. Lith. kéršas “black mixed with white, mottled, striped”. Lith. laũkė, laukóji, laukkaktė, laukakaktė, cf. Lith. laũkas “an animal with a white muzzle or white forehead”. 85 K. Alminauskis, The Germanic Elements in Lithuanian, p. 40. 10. Baltų ir slavų kalbų ryšiai 145 Lith. margóji, márge, márge, margùtė, margùlė, cf. Lith. márgas. Lith. pálšė, palšóji, cf. Lith. pálšas “light gray”. Lith. pelėkė, cf. Lith. pelėkas “mouse-colored”. Lith. pilkė, pilknugùrė, pilksmiltė; cf. Lith. pilkas. Lith. raūdė, cf. Lith. raūdas. Lith. šėmoji, šėmė, šėmutė, šėmargė, šėmargė, cf. Lith. šėmas “light, bluish gray (usually of cattle).” Lith. vābuolė “black cow” (Šakyna), cf. Lith. vābalas, dialectal vābuolas. Lithuanians may also have borrowed this name for a cow from Latvian, where black cows are especially often called this86. Lith. žalóji, žalė, žalė, žaliukė, žaliukė, žaliamargė, žalausė, cf. Lith. žalas “reddish (of cattle).” Lith. žirnė “a gray cow with black spots,” cf. Lith. žirnis. Lith. žvaigždė “a cow’s name,” cf. Lith. žvaigždė. Lithuanian cow names derived from various plants, especially flower names, are quite common: agràstė (cf. Lith. agràstas), aguona, aguonė, avietė, bijūnė (cf. Lith. bijūnas), dobilė, eglė, grūšė, grūšnė (cf. Lith. grūšnė “pear”), jazminė (cf. Lith. jazminas), jurginė (cf. Lith. jurginas), kanapė, kvietka, kvietkė (cf. Lith. kvietka “flower”), lelija, lelijė, liepa, margarita (cf. Lith. margarita “a flower of this name”), nastūrta, nastūrtka (cf. Lith. nastūrta), pienė, ramùinė, ramùlė, razetė, rožė, rūtà, rūtė, serbenėte (cf. Lith. serbenitas), slyvė (cf. Lith. slyva), spañguolė, vaivōrė (cf. Lith. vaivōrė “blueberry”), vijuolė (cf. Lith. vijuolė “hepatica”), vyšnia, vyš nė, žalrūtė, žemčiūgė (cf. Lith. žemčiūgas), žėmuogė, žibutė, žibė, žibkė. Some names derive from other creatures, most often bird names: cýrule (LKŽd., II, 28; cf. Lith. cýru lis “skylark”), gegùtė, genẽlis (cf. Lith. genỹs), krėgždė, musýtė (cf. Lith. mùšė), pémpė, stirna, šárka, šárkė, širšė, vijūnas. Here are some other cow names of various origins: Lith. gražūlė “a beautiful cow” (LKŽd., III, 543), gražuolė, gražūlė, cf. Lith. gražis. Lith. kryžótė “a cow whose hair grows crosswise” (LKŽd., VI, 678), cf. Lith. kryžius. Lith. dūrklė “a cow that gores” (LKŽd., II, 641), cf. Lith. dūrti. Lith. stūmà “a sluggish cow,” cf. Lith. stūmti. Lith. rìeklė “a lean cow,” cf. Lith. rìeklės “poles for hanging clothes or drying firewood.” Lith. berǧzdinė “a cow that is continually barren,” cf. Lith. bergždžias. Lith. žlibė, cf. Lith. žlibas. Lith. bùčké “a cow, a ‘tpruk’ cow” (LKŽd., I, 914), cf. Lith. bùčki “interj. ‘tpruk’ (calling a cow).” Lith. bùkšė “a cow, a ‘tpruk’ cow,” cf. Lith. bùkšė “interj. ‘tpruk’ (calling a cow).” Lith. bùbė “a cow (in children’s speech)” (LKŽd., I, 908), cf. Lith. baūbti. Lith. bùžė “a cow (in children’s speech),” bùžė, bužiùkas “a calf,” bužiùlis (LKŽd., I, 1005, 1006), cf. Lith. buzà “a cow.” Lith. švàika “a lean cow,” cf. East Prussian German schweike, Old High German sweiga “herd of cattle”87. 86 P. Šmits, Latviešu tautas ticējumi, p. 550. 87 E. Fraenkel, Et. Wb., p. 1037; E. Schwentner, IF, 70, p. 113. 146 In general, there are very many names for cows in both Lithuanian and Latvian dialects. Some are used very narrowly, and there are even completely individual names. The list of cow names presented here is by no means complete, but it nevertheless reflects the general trends in the formation and use of names for this animal. A distinct group of names for hornless animals88 consists of the names for cows, as well as cattle in general, in the Baltic languages. In concluding the survey of names for large horned livestock, it should be noted that, in general, the Baltic languages have preserved their old Indo-European names for these animals comparatively well. However, the individual Baltic languages have preserved them to varying degrees. Some Baltic languages (Lithuanian and Old Prussian) and the Slavic languages share a cow name of somewhat more recent origin. The Baltic and Slavic languages also share a name for a young bovine that is characteristic only of these languages. Both the Baltic and Slavic languages have a considerable number of new names for large horned livestock that are specific to these language groups or to individual languages. HORSE The domestic horse (Equus caballus) descended from wild horse breeds. There were probably several centers of wild horse domestication: Central Asia, southern Siberia, and eastern Europe. Lighter-type horses may have descended from the wild horse Equus Przewalski1. Such wild horses were discovered in Central Asia in 1879 by the Russian traveler N. Przhevalsky. Wild horses were also found in eastern Europe until quite recently. For example, the last wild horse, the “tarpan” (Russian тарпан < Kyrgyz tarpan “wild horse”), was hunted in Ukraine in 1878. Wild horses of this species also lived in Lithuania2. However, they may also have descended from feral domestic horses, as was the case in South America3. Traces of wild horses whose wild status is beyond doubt have been found in the territories of what are now the Estonian and Latvian SSRs. These traces date to the seventh through second millennia BCE4. Wild horses may have been domesticated in the fifth to fourth millennia BCE, or perhaps even later—later, then, than the other domestic animals surveyed here. Judging from Sumerian drawings, one could conclude that horses were known in their land from the middle of the third millennium BCE5. Other researchers tend to place the horse’s appearance in this region in an even later period—the second millennium BCE6. Horses were not bred in ancient Babylonia, but were sometimes imported from neighboring mountainous regions. The horse is first mentioned in a religious text written in 2300 BCE. Horses were so rare that they are not mentioned at all in the Code of Hammurabi. From 1750 BCE, horses became widespread in this region7. In later editions of fragments of Babylonian literary works, alongside 88 A. Sabaliauskas, From the History of Livestock-Breeding Terminology in the Baltic Languages, — “Problems of Indo-European Linguistics,” Moscow, 1964, p. 59–65. 1 C. Keller, The Descent of the Oldest Domestic Animals, p. 93. 2 P. Kulikauskas, R. Kulikauskienė, A. Tautavičius, An Outline of Lithuanian Archaeology, p. 110. 3 S. Mastaukis, Taikomoji zoologija, Kaunas, 1947, p. 697; K. Паавер, Формирование тернофауны и изменчивость млекопитающих Прибалтики в голоцене, p. 183. 4 K. Paaver, ibid., p. 180–194. 5 M. Hilzheimer, Domestic Animal, — M. Ebert, Reallexikon der Vorgeschichte, V, p. 220. 6 V. I. Avdijevas, History of the Ancient East, p. 43. 7 B. Meissner, Domestic Animal, — M. Ebert, Reallexikon der Vorgeschichte, V, p. 221. 10* 147 Alongside the ox, another working animal appears—the horse. The fable “The Dispute between the Horse and the Ox,” in which they argue over the superiority of their breeds, also dates from this period8. The ancient Egyptians apparently first became acquainted with horses when the tribes of Asians known as the “Hyksos” invaded their land. For the Hyksos were already using war chariots in battle. They invaded Egypt at the end of the Middle Kingdom and the beginning of the New Kingdom, in the eighteenth to sixteenth centuries BCE9. In the annals of Pharaoh Thutmose III’s (1525–1491 BCE) campaigns in Syria, horses are especially singled out among the other spoils of war, being mentioned alongside “living captives,” chariots, gold, and silver10. Horse breeding was of particular importance to the Hittites. Horses are mentioned in one of the oldest Hittite inscriptions, the inscription of King Anitta. Hittite laws of the fourteenth century BCE stipulate that stealing a large horned animal, a horse, or a ram was punishable by a fine fifteen times the value of the stolen animal11. In ancient Assyrian art, no domestic animal is depicted as often as the horse12. The horse also played an important role in ancient India. There it was used particularly for military purposes, being harnessed to war chariots. Horse races were held during popular festivals13. In Homer’s poems, some heroes—kings—take particular pleasure in breeding horses. Homer often gives these kings the epithets “rich in horses” and “horse-tamers.” Horse breeding is also vividly reflected in Greek visual art14. Later, when the horse became a riding and war mount, the custom arose in various countries of burying a rider together with his horse. Horses also came to be sacrificed to the gods during various festivals. This custom was characteristic of the ancient Indians, Iranians, Greeks, Slavs, Germans, and Romans15. As we shall see later, in the relatively recent past horses were also sacrificed in the lands of the Balts. Both archaeological and various written sources provide interesting information about horse breeding in Slavic lands. Among finds in Polish territory dating as far back as the sixth century CE are spurs. The Arab traveler Ibrahim ibn Yaqub writes that excellent riding equipment for horses was made in Prague in the tenth century. More precise information about horse breeding in Russia before the tenth century is lacking. For example, some Arab and Byzantine sources report that there were few horses in Russia and that only princes owned them. However, reliable evidence from the second half of the tenth century is available. By that time, horses were already being used in Slavic lands even for agricultural work16. 8 V. I. Avdijevas, ibid., p. 102. 9 H. Ranke, Haustier, — M. Ebert, Reallexikon der Vorgeschichte, V, p. 220; M. Hilzheimer, Haustier, — ibid., V, p. 220; C. Keller, Die Abstammung der ältesten Haustiere, p. 89. 10 V. I. Avdijevas, History of the Ancient East, p. 225. 11 V. I. Avdijevas, ibid., pp. 310–311. 12 C. Keller, The Origin of the Oldest Domestic Animals, p. 90. 13 V. I. Avdijevas, History of the Ancient East, p. 544. 14 C. Keller, Die Abstammung der ältesten Haustiere, p. 89; V. S. Sergejevas, History of Ancient Greece, Vilnius, 1955, pp. 104–105. 15 O. Schrader, Reallexikon der indogermanischen Altertumskunde, I, pp. 172, 175; V. I. Avdijevas, History of the Ancient East, p. 544. 16 W. Hensel, Die Slawen im frühen Mittelalter, p. 81—85; Л. Нидерле, Славянские древности, p. 319. 148 – Within the territory of Lithuania, horse bones, alongside the bones of other domestic animals, have been found at a Bronze Age settlement near Palanga17. The round bronze plates found in the hoard at Baudžiai (Prienai district) are, in archaeologists’ opinion, bridle ornaments. This fact would indicate that horses were bred in Lithuania at that time not only for meat, but also for riding18. Among finds dating from the 1st–4th centuries AD, horse bones are found fairly often alongside the bones of other domestic animals. It is true that, compared with the bones of other domestic animals, they make up a rather small percentage: 2.5% at Nemenčinė hillfort, 3% at Migonys hillfort (Kaišiadorys district), and 18.8% at Dovainonys hillfort19. Among the ancient Balts, the custom of burying a horse with its deceased owner was widespread. Numerous graves have been found in the territory of Lithuania in which the remains of a burned or unburned horse and traces of its harness lie beside the horseman20. In describing the Prussians’ beliefs, P. Dusburg states that the Lithuanians and other unbelievers of their tribe burn the aforesaid offering according to their rites in some sacred place, but before burning the horses they ride them so hard that the animals can barely remain standing. The 1249 Treaty of Christburg records that the Prussians pledge not to burn the dead or bury them with horses. Herman Wartberg writes that the Lithuanian duke Algirdas was solemnly cremated with 18 warhorses. Wigand of Marburg tells of Kęstutis being cremated with horses, clothes, weapons, hunting dogs, and other things21. The traveler Wulfstan describes certain horsemen’s contests connected with funerals in the land of the Balts around 887–90122. The Latgalians and Curonians subjugated by the Teutonic Order had to pay regular taxes “for each horse” or “for each horse that pulls a harrow”23. The Indo-Europeans had a common word for ‘horse’. In some languages this word has been preserved, in others only traces of it remain, and in still others no traces survive. In general, the various Indo-European languages have a great many new names for this animal, often peculiar to individual languages. This is true even of languages that have preserved the old Indo-European name. Such changes in the names for the horse are most often connected with changes in the horse’s functions as a human helper. Here are the old Indo-European names for ‘horse’, which can be reconstructed to the proto-form *eku̯o-s: Skt. áśvaḥ, Av. aspa-, Old Persian asa-, Ossetian yæfs (with an added v-), Greek ἵππος, Latin equus; Old Icelandic iór, Old English eoh, Old Irish ech, Gaulish epo- (Eporēdia, Epona ‘goddess of mule-drivers’), 17 P. Kulikauskas, R. Kulikauskienė, A. Tautavičius, Lietuvos archeologijos bruožai, p. 109–110; P. Kulikauskas, Lietuvos TSR MA Darbai, S. A, 2(7), p. 33–41. 18 P. Kulikauskas, R. Kulikauskienė, A. Tautavičius, Lietuvos archeologijos bruožai, p. 110. 19 Ten pat, p. 252–253; K. Paaver i P. Kulikauskas, Acta Baltico-Slavica, 2, p. 271–272. 20 P. Kulikauskas, R. Kulikauskienė, A. Tautavičius, ten pat, p. 394–400; J. Jaskanis, Acta Baltico-Slavica, 4, p. 29–65. 21 P. Kulikauskas, R. Kulikauskienė, A. Tautavičius, Lietuvos archeologijos bruožai, p. 400. 22 Lietuvos TSR istorijos šaltiniai, I, p. 22–23. 23History of the Latvian SSR, I, p. 42. 149 Toch. A yuk, gen. sg. ykes, Toch. B yakwe (as in Ossetian, with an added y-), Lithuanian ašvà ‘mare’²⁴. H. Pedersen also attempted to connect Armenian ēš, gen. sg. išoy ‘donkey’²⁵ with the aforementioned names for ‘horse’. Hittite aswa ‘horse’ is probably a loanword from Indo-Iranian²⁶. This Indo-European name for ‘horse’ was used to mean both ‘horse’ and ‘mare’. Sanskrit aśvá ‘mare’, Latin e qua, Lithuanian ašvà—alongside the general word for ‘horse’—arose independently in all these languages, as A. Meillet apparently rightly points out²⁷. As we can see from the examples given, this Indo-European name for ‘horse’ is absent from the Slavic languages. Traces of a certain Indo-European *ēḱuos might be discerned in Slavic hydronymy; cf. Russian Осва, Освей, Освея, Освица, Освина, Осевка, Осова, Осовка. These place names, however, are probably Baltisms²⁸. The disappearance of this Indo-European name for ‘horse’ from the Slavic languages can be explained in two ways. First, the fact that the Slavs became acquainted with domestic horses somewhat later than their neighbors may have played a role. The terminology of neighboring peoples who practiced horse breeding more intensively may have displaced the Slavic terminology. Second, the disappearance of the old Indo-European name for ‘horse’ from the Slavic languages can also be explained by linguistic factors. Indo-European *ēḱuos, as a general name for ‘horse’, did not fit with the other Slavic animal-husbandry terms associated with sexual differentiation²⁹. In none of the Baltic languages is Indo-European *ēḱuos attested in its original, general sense ‘horse’. The form ašva is found with the meaning ‘mare’ in K. Širvydas’s dictionary, but in all its editions the word is listed after kumelė: Klãžá equa, mare||Ąbwa (1st ed., 54; 3rd ed., 104, 109; 5th ed., 91, 95)³⁰. The word ašva is also found in the dictionaries of P. Ruhig and Chr. G. Mielcke. These dictionaries distinguish the meanings of ašva and kumelė: Aßwa, wós, f. a mare of a large breed (P. Ruhig, Lex., I, 8; Chr. G. Mielcke, Wb., I, 12)³¹. Kummélé, és, f. eine. Stutte (P. Ruhig, Lex., I, 70; Chr. G. Mielcke, Wb., I, 134). Gestütt, Aßwos weislininė, Weislei (P. Ruhig, II, Lex., 174; Chr. G. Mielcke, Wb., II, 231). Common mare, Kummélé, és, f. 24 J. Pokorny, Et. Wb., p. 301; E. Fraenkel, Et. Wb., p. 20. 25 H. Pedersen, KZ, 50, p. 311. 26 M. Mayrhofer, Et. Wb., I, p. 62; H. Kronasser, Vergleichende Laut- und Formenlehre des Hethitischen, p. 229. 27 A. Meillet, Wstęp do językoznawstwa indoeuropejskiego, p. 239–240; BSL, 29, LXIV. 28 K. Būga, Selected Writings, I, p. 500; III, p. 536; B. H. Топоров, О. Н. Трубачев, Questions of Lithuanian Linguistics, 4, p. 197; cf. also J. Rozwadowski, Studies on the Names of Slavic Waters, Kraków, 1948, p. 176–177; M. Rudnicki, Lingua Posnaniensis, 1, p. 268–269; J. Endzelin, ZfslPh, 11, p. 119. 29 О. Н. Трубачев, Происхождение..., p. 51. 30 Dictionarium trium linguarum... Constantino Szyrwid... Quinta editio... Vilnae, 1713 (I leid. 1629 m., III leid. 1642 m.). 31 Ph. Ruhig, Littauisch-Deutsches und Deutsch-Littauisches Lexicon, Königsberg, 1747; Chr. G. Mielcke, Littauisch-deutsches und Deutsch-littauisches Wörter-Buch, Königsberg, 1800. 150 Stutte, große, Abwa, wôs f. (P. Ruhig, Lex., II, 346; Chr. G. Mielcke, Wb., II, 463). The word ašva used by F. Kurschat is no longer known from living speech. He writes: “Stute, feminine, mare, large mare, according to Mielcke, abwà (otherwise unknown)” (F. Kurschat, Wb., II, 217).32 [ašžwa, feminine noun, a mare of a larger kind, in M. (= Mielcke A. S.) and Bd. (= Brodowski A. S.) now no longer used at all. From it are derived abutai, abutinis, see there.] (F. Kurschat, Wb., 24).33 Thus, Lithuanian written records show the process by which this word fell out of use: at first ašva was used alongside the word kumėlė without any difference in meaning; later ašva acquired a specialized meaning and eventually disappeared altogether. It is true that the word ašva in the sense ‘mare’ is occasionally found in later written records as well, for example in A. Jakštas’s poetry34, but there it was taken from old writings, not from living speech. Such instances of the use of the word ašva gave some linguists the mistaken impression that the form ašva is used in modern Lithuanian in place of the form ešva found in old writings35. The form ešva occurs only in the writings of J. Bretkūnas: “As a stallion neighs among all the mares” (LKŽd., II, 844). Judging from the sentence, it is used in the sense ‘mare’, without any distinction of kind. The names for ‘horse’ with this root in other Indo-European languages indicate that the older form is ešva. However, it cannot be asserted categorically that J. Bretkūnas’s ešva is a direct remnant of Indo-European *eku̯a, since this form may also be secondary in origin, having arisen alongside the form ašva, as in ešis: ašis, ežeras: ažeras, ešerys: ašerys, eš(u)onis: aš(u)onis36, and so forth. In Samogitian dialects (Alsėdžiai, Kvėdarna, Luokė, Rietavas), the word ašvienis is used to mean ‘workhorse’ (the form ašvienỹs also occurs, LKŽd., I, 283). This was probably formerly an adjective, formed from the forms ašva or *ašvas with the suffix -einja-; cf. bulbėnis ‘potato stem’, ropienis ‘turnip leaf’, miežienis ‘barley-like’, and so on.37 The form ašviena found in S. B. Chilinskis’s Bible translation is probably of similar origin—the singular accusative aszwi(eną) ‘a filly’ 41813 38. In Lithuanian publications, the word ašvienis was once used in the sense ‘donkey’; cf. “…came upon a wondrous ašvienis (donkey)” (Ūkininkas, 1902, No. 10, p. 30). The ancient Indo-European name for ‘horse’ has also left certain traces in Lithuanian toponymy; cf. the hydronyms Ašvà, Ašvijà, Ašvinė39 and the place names Ašvėnai, Ašva-raistė40 A number of other Lithuanian words are also associated with Lithuanian ašva. As we have seen, F. Kurschat associated Lithuanian ašutai ‘hair of a horse’s tail or mane’ with ašva. Such deri- 32 F. Kurschat, Deutsch-littauisches Wörterbuch, I–II, Halle, 1870–1874. 33 F. Kurschat, Littauisch-deutsches Wörterbuch, Halle, 1883. 34 LKŽd., I, p. 283. 35 M. Mayrhofer, Et. Wb., I, p. 62. 36 Z. Zinkevičius, Lietuvių dialektologija, Vilnius, 1966, p. 121–124; W. R. Schmalstieg, Instituto Orientale di Napoli, Annali, sezione Linguistica, VII, p. 53–59. 37 Pr. Skardžius, Lietuvių kalbos žodžių daryba, p. 13, 289; J. Otrębski, Gramatyka języka litewskiego, II, p. 213. 38 Cz. Kudzinowski, Biblia Litewska Chylińskiego, III, Poznań, 1964, p. 10. 39 Lietuvos TSR upių ir ežerų vardynas, p. 9. 40 Lietuvos TSR administracinis-teritorinis suskirstymas, p. 623. 151 People also adhere to F. Specht’s view regarding the origin of Lithuanian ašutai. However, Lithuanian ašutai has recently been linked by many linguists to Old Church Slavonic осъто ‘thistle’, Russian осот, etc., from Indo-European *ak- ‘sharp’. For the time being, it is difficult either to refute or to confirm either etymology.4142 It is possible that Lithuanian ‘Ribes rubrum; red currant’, ašóklis, ašóklė, ašvóklė, ašvokšlė, vašóklė, vašóklšlė, is also connected with the old Indo-European name for ‘horse’. In explaining the origin of Lithuanian ašvóklis, K. Būga relied on semantic parallels: avis: avietė, German Bocksbeere ‘currant (black)’: Bock ‘he-goat’. To these parallels one may add German Roßbeere, perdsbier, as well as Gothic aihvatundi ‘thorn bushes’ (it is thought that the first component of Gothic aihvatundi is Indo-European *eḱu- ‘horse’).4344 This Indo-European name for ‘horse’ has not been preserved in Latvian. Nevertheless, some traces of it are found there too; compare the place names Asva, Asvenieks, Aswing and the name of the lake Asva45. With a small degree of probability, one may also surmise that Latvian aški ‘horsehair’ and aste ‘tail’ are connected with this name for ‘horse’. Distinct traces of the old Indo-European word for ‘horse’ are found in the Prussian language. The Elbing glossary records the word Aswinan Kobilmilch (word 694)46. Prussian aswinan was probably formed with the suffix -in- from Prussian *asva ‘mare’. Prussian aswinan was apparently used as an adjective alongside the word dadan ‘milk’. Thus aswinan dadan means ‘mare’s milk’; compare Prussian Ructandadan Suwermilch (= Sauermilch ‘sour milk’) (word 690 in the Elbing glossary). Various historical documents attest to the importance of mare’s milk among the Prussians. Some Prussian place names should also be connected with this name for ‘horse’; compare Asswaylen, Asswene, Assuenus, Asswin, Eswiten47. The Elbing Vocabulary contains another word that has likewise been tentatively connected with the name for ‘horse’ under discussion — Arwaykis Volle (word 434) (Volle ‘i.e., a young male horse’). Some researchers connect this word with Russian опь ‘horse, steed’ (arwaykis < ar- ‘horse’ + waykis ‘child’). An attempt has also been made to derive the form *aswawaykis from arwaykis. However, perhaps the most acceptable emendation is that of A. Bezzenberger, who corrects arwaykis to aswaytis. R. Trautmann is also inclined to accept this emendation. Accordingly, Prussian arwaykis would derive from *asva+aitis; compare Lithuanian Póvilas: Povílaitis, brólis: brólaitis ‘little brother’, kiaulė: kiaulaitė, and so on. Of course, A. Bezzenberger’s explanation also raises doubts; in particular, the occurrence of r in place of s is problematic48. As we can see, the process by which the old Indo-European name for ‘horse’ is disappearing—a process that began long ago in the Baltic languages—is, one might say, still continuing in Lithuanian even today. A similar process of loss of this name occurred in many Indo-European languages: the old horse- 41 F. Specht, Der Ursprung der indogermanischen Deklination, p. 36. 42 E. Fraenkel, Et. Wb., p. 18–19; M. Vasmer, Et. Wb., II, p. 285; J. Pokorny, Et. Wb., p. 19. 43 K. Būga, Rinktiniai raštai, II, p. 20; Z. Zinkevičius, Lietuvių dialektologija, p. 189. 44 E. Fraenkel, Et. Wb., p. 19; J. Pokorny, Et. Wb., p. 301. 45 J. Endzelins, Latvijas PSR vietvārdi, I, 1, p. 45; J. Endzelin, ZfslPh, II, p. 119. 46 R. Trautmann, Die altpreussischen Sprachdenkmäler, p. 92, 305; Prūsų kalbos paminklai, p. 73. 47 G. Gerullis, Die altpreussischen Ortsnamen, p. 12, 34; K. Būga, Rinktiniai raštai, III, p. 536; J. Endzelins, Senprūšu valoda, p. 145–146. 48 R. Trautmann, Die altpreussischen Sprachdenkmäler, p. 88, 302; J. Endzelins, Senprūšu valoda, p. 144. 152 The names for horses were often displaced by various neologisms or borrowings. As we have mentioned, no trace of this name remains in the Slavic languages. Within the Germanic branch, only Old English, Old Icelandic, and, in part, Gothic have retained such a name. The following forms are widespread: Old High German (h)ros, German Roβ, English horse, Old Icelandic hross, etc., associated with Indo-European *(s)ker- ‘to jump’⁴⁹; German Pferd < from Middle Latin paraverēdus ‘post horse for service on secondary routes’⁵⁰; German Gaul, which at first most often meant a poor horse⁵¹. In Greek we find φάρας, φαρίον < Arabic fāris ‘horseman’⁵²; in Latin, the word equus was displaced by caballus, which initially meant a workhorse or simply a poor horse⁵³. In the Indic languages, forms of unclear origin appear: Sanskrit ghoṭaḥ, ghoṭakah, Pali ghoṭaka—‘poor horse’; Hindi ghoṛā ‘horse’⁵⁴. New names for the horse seem most often to have arisen alongside changes in the animal’s functions: its use for riding, agricultural work, and so on. In the Baltic languages, alongside the old Indo-European *ek̑ua, a new name for ‘horse’ emerged, characteristic only of the Baltic languages: Lithuanian horse, Latvian zirgs, Old Prussian sirgis. The meaning of these words differs somewhat across the languages: Lithuanian horse means a beautiful, good horse; Latvian zirgs means a horse in general, while Old Prussian sirgis means a stallion. The Latvian meaning of the word is the most recent. It is quite common for a word used in one language to have a certain poetic coloring, while in another it is an ordinary generic term; compare Armenian ji ‘horse’ < and Sanskrit hāya, which occurs only in the Vedas and has a poetic coloring⁵⁵. It is not entirely clear whether the Old Prussian word or the Lithuanian one has retained the older meaning, although in general their meanings are quite close. For example, even in Lithuanian, žirgas is used in some dialects (Dieveniškės, Trakai) in the sense ‘stallion’⁵⁶. This name for ‘horse’ probably became established in the Baltic languages at the time when the ancient Baltic tribes began to use horses widely for warfare. The etymology proposed for this Baltic word for ‘horse’ may perhaps support this assumption. A. Leskynas⁵⁷, R. Trautmanas⁵⁸, H. Hirtas⁵⁹, V. Tomsenas⁶⁰, and K. Būga⁶¹ connect Lithuanian horse with Lithuanian to prance, to trot; compare also žirgis ‘a cross-shaped foal on a roof’, žirgės, žirgiai ‘a forked tree for hanging and drying a fur coat; poles for drying clover and hay’. The weak point of this etymology is its semantics. The original meaning of Lithuanian horse, etc., must have been ‘running quickly’; compare Lithuanian to stride, an ideophone describing a wide stride. Semantic parallels to this Baltic word for ‘horse’ would be Old Russian клюся ‘young horse’, Old Polish klusie ‘horse’, Czech klisna ‘mare’: Gothic hlaupan ‘to run’, German laufen, Old Russian скокъ ‘a horse that jumps’, Russian скакун, Polabian skocáika ‘stallion’: Russian скакать ‘to jump’⁶², and so ⁴⁹ F. Kluge, Et. Wb., p. 608; J. Pokorny, Et. Wb., p. 934. ⁵⁰ F. Kluge, Et. Wb., p. 542–543. ⁵¹ F. Kluge, Et. Wb., p. 236. ⁵² C. D. Buck, Dict., p. 168. ⁵³ A. Walde, Et. Wb., I, p. 125. ⁵⁴ M. Mayrhofer, Et. Wb., I, p. 361–362. ⁵⁵ B. Порциг, Членение индоевропейской языковой области, p. 239. ⁵⁶ A. Lyberis, Kalbos kultūra, 7, p. 60. ⁵⁷ A. Leskien, Der Ablaut der Wurzelsilben im Litauischen, Leipzig, 1884, p. 358. ⁵⁸ R. Trautmann, Die altpreussischen Sprachdenkmäler, p. 427. ⁵⁹ H. Hirt, BB, 24, p. 259. ⁶⁰ V. Thomsen, Beröringer mellem de finske og de baltiske (litauisk - lettiske) Sprog, p. 249. ⁶¹ K. Būga, Rinktiniai raštai, II, p. 260. ⁶² О. Н. Трубачев, Происхождение…, p. 55–57; V. Machek, Et. sl., p. 205. 153 the already mentioned Germanic name for ‘horse’—German Roß, English horse, etc.: Indo-European *(s)ker- ‘to jump’. J. Mikkola connected Lithuanian žirgas with Latin grex ‘herd, group, pack’⁶³. There were also attempts to link this Baltic name for ‘horse’ with Lithuanian žėrti and Armenian jar ‘horse’s mane’⁶⁴. However, all three of these latter cases seem highly implausible. The very first etymology is more acceptable (žirgas: žergti). It seems to us that Lithuanian žirgas, Old Prussian sirgis, and Latvian zirgs could, bearing in mind that their original meaning may also have been ‘stallion’, as Old Prussian sirgis would indicate, be linked with Old Icelandic graar ‘uncastrated’, graðungr ‘breeding bull’, grieðung⁶⁵. The suffix -ga- in the Baltic name for ‘horse’ (or ‘stallion’) could have arisen on the model of adjectives such as *dveigas (: dveigys ‘two-year-old animal’), *treigas (: treigys ‘three-year-old animal’). In that case, Old Prussian sirgis would simply be an innovation in the Elbing Vocabulary, replacing the older *zirgas; compare the Elbing Vocabulary forms deywis, dumis, caymis, ragis, snaygis, wilkis, etc., instead of the expected nouns ending in -as⁶⁶. Apart from the Elbing Vocabulary (Sirgis Hengest, word 430), this word is also fairly frequent in Old Prussian toponymy; compare Sirgelawck (< sirgis + laucks ‘field, plot’), Sirgite, Sirgun, Czirgelawken⁶⁷. This name for ‘horse’ is also often found in Lithuanian and Latvian toponymy⁶⁸. It is possible that the Finnic name for ‘ox’ in the eastern Baltic was also derived from this Baltic word; compare Finnish härkä, Estonian härg, etc. As we have seen, the common Indo-European name for ‘horse’ was displaced by a new name specific to the Baltic languages. We have attempted to connect this process with changes in the functions for which horses were used. In Lithuanian, this process went further still: here, a name specific to Lithuanian alone arose, arklys. This word arose when people began ploughing land with horses as well as oxen. Initially, arklys apparently meant an inferior horse, harnessed to the plough for tilling, and may have been used in the compound arklys žirgas, compare dūonriekis peilis. Another name for ‘horse’ that occurs occasionally in Lithuanian, artùvas ‘working horse’ (LKŽd., I, 261), is also derived from the word arti. In Latvian, a name for ‘horse’ from this root is otherwise not found: the words ārkls, ārklis and the diminutive form ārkliņš are used only in the sense ‘plough’. However, in Latvian-language texts recorded by A. Bezzenberger, we find the form ārkls, also used in the sense ‘horse’. Borrowing from Lithuanian cannot be considered here, since the example in question was recorded in the vicinity of Dunten (northwestern Latvia, east of Limbaži) (EM, I, 141). It is most likely an error by A. Bezzenberger. Indo-European languages have no common name for an uncastrated male horse. In the various languages, this name was formed in very different ways; compare Spanish caballo padre (literally ‘father horse’), Modern Greek ἄλαγο βαρβάτο (literally ‘bearded horse’; originally, such an epithet (bearded) was used of a man who is not a eunuch, that is, is not 63 J. Mikkola, AfslPh, 39, p. 14 64 EM, IV, p. 727. 65 J. Pokorny, Et. Wb., p. 441. 66 J. Endzelīns, Senprūšu valoda, p. 32. 67 G. Gerullis, Die altpreussischen Ortsnamen, p. 157–158, 189, 233. 68 Gazetteer of Rivers and Lakes of the Lithuanian SSR, p. 206; Administrative-Territorial Division of the Lithuanian SSR, p. 1021; J. Endzelin, ZfSlPh, II, p. 119. 154 castrated, whose beard grows69, Polish stadnik ‘stallion’: stado ‘herd’, Serbian пастух ‘stallion’, Bulgarian пастух: пастух ‘shepherd’70, Irish (ech-) cullach ‘stallion’, Breton marc'h kallo'h (literally ‘with testicles, uncastrated’)71. Like the Celtic-language names for stallion just mentioned, the Baltic name appears to have arisen semantically in the same way—the Lithuanian and Latvian name for a stallion; cf. Lithuanian eržilas, erzalas, erzēlas, eržilis, eržiokas (LKŽd., II, 835), ergis ‘young stallion’ (LKŽd., II, 827), aržilas ‘stallion’ (LKŽd., I, 262), Latvian ērzelis, diminutive forms ērzelēns, ēržuks, ērzehuks (EM, I, 577; EH, I, 374), ēržuks (the short e and the word’s geographical distribution suggest that this form was borrowed from Lithuanian)72. The Baltic name for ‘stallion’ is related to Avestan arəzi ‘scrotum’, dual ərəzi ‘testicles’, Armenian orji-k ‘testicles’, orji ‘uncastrated’, miorji ‘monorchid’, Greek ὄρχις ‘testicle’, Albanian herdhe ‘testicle’, cf. Old Irish uirgge ‘testicle, penis’, New Irish uirghe73. This semantic interpretation of the origin of Lithuanian eržilas is also supported by German Bulle ‘bull, breeding bull’, Old Icelandic boli, English bull: Greek φαλλός ‘penis’, Old Irish ball74. K. Būga75, drawing on a semantic parallel, linked Lithuanian geil ‘libidinosus’: geile ‘testicle’ in Middle High German, Lithuanian eržilas and Greek ὄρχις ‘testicle’ with Lithuanian arškūs ‘spirited, hot-tempered, fierce; intractable, angry’ (cf. arškūs drigantas, arškūs kumelys) (LKŽd., I, 254), aržūs ‘spirited, hot-tempered; stubborn; lustful’ (cf. aržūs eržilas), aržlūs ‘disobedient, contrary; fierce’ (LKŽd., I, 263). In some Lithuanian and Latvian dialects we find another name for stallion common to both languages: Lithuanian drigantas, drigōtas, dragantas (LKŽd., II, 427, 488, 489), Latvian drigants (EM, I, 498). Some researchers (J. Zubatas, H. Peterson) regarded this word as native to the Baltic languages76. In fact, however, its source is Polish drygant ‘stallion’ (a word of obscure origin already found in sixteenth-century Polish texts)77. The geographical distribution of the Latvian word suggests that Latvians may have received it through Lithuanian. Forms such as Lithuanian dragañtas and Latvian drigals ‘restless child, scrapper’ arose in these languages under the influence of other words78. Latvian and Lithuanian also have another horse name of foreign origin, used in Latvian also in the sense ‘stallion’—Latvian rumaks, rumāks ‘a breeding stallion’, rumaks ‘a horse’, rumāks ‘a heavy, sluggish packhorse’, rumāks ‘a dark-yellow or brownish horse’ (EM, III, 557; EH, II, 383), cf. also rumaks ‘a broad-shouldered young man’. Lithuanian rumōkas ‘a spare horse (Handpferd)’ occurs in East Prussian Lithuanian dictionaries and has further contacts with Polish 69 C. D. Buck, Dict., p. 81, 169. 70 О. Н. Трубачев, Происхождение..., p. 60. 71 C. D. Buck, Dict., p. 162. 72 EH, I, p. 370. 73 J. Pokorny, Et. Wb., p. 782; E. Fraenkel, Et. Wb., p. 123; R. Trautmann, B-sl. Wb., p. 71; K. Būga, Rinktiniai raštai, I, p. 153; J. Zubatý, BB, 18, p. 259; J. Scheftelowitz, BB, 28, p. 299—313. 74 F. Kluge, Et. Wb., p. 110. 75 K. Būga, Rinktiniai raštai, I, p. 355; III, p. 780. 76 J. Zubatý, BB, 17, p. 324; H. Petersson, Arische und armenische Studien, Lund, 1920, p. 79. 77 K. Būga, Rinktiniai raštai, II, p. 151; E. Fraenkel, Et. Wb., p. 105; A. Brückner, Sl. et., p. 99. 78 E. Fraenkel, Et. Wb., p. 105; EM, I, p. 498. 155 in dialects where the language is spoken. The source of this word is Polish rumak ‘horse, warhorse, argamak’79. Polish rumak, in turn, is a word of Turkic-Tatar origin80. This name for a horse may also have entered Latvian through Lithuanian. Latvian og’eris ‘the stallion’ (EH, II, 117), cf. Polish ogier, is also of Slavic origin. In the Baltic languages, at least Lithuanian and Latvian, we find a common name for a horse that, with different suffixes, is used to designate both a female and a male horse; cf. Lithuanian kumėlė ‘mare’, kumelys ‘young horse; stallion’, kumeliūkas ‘foal’ (LKŽd., VI, 866, 867, 868, 870), Latvian kumelš ‘stallion; handsome horse’, kumelis, kumelīce ‘pregnant mare’, kumeliņš ‘foal’ (EM, II, 311; EH, I, 673–4). In both Lithuanian and Latvian, these words are used with a wide variety of suffixes, which give them various shades of meaning. The origin of these words is still quite unclear. Among linguists, J. Charpentier’s etymology is the most popular: it links Lithuanian kumelys and Latvian kumelš with Sanskrit kumarāḥ ‘young man’81. This etymology, however, has its shortcomings. First, the derivation of Sanskrit kumarāḥ from *kum-elō- is already questionable. Second, the meaning of the Sanskrit word does not provide sufficient grounds for such a comparison. Sanskrit kumarāḥ can mean ‘child’, ‘boy’, ‘son’, ‘prince’; cf. Sanskrit kumārī ‘girl, daughter’. As M. Mayrhofer points out, the primary meaning of the Sanskrit word was probably ‘frail, tender, weak’; cf. Vedic kumārā-deṣṇa ‘bestowing perishable gifts’82. J. Pokorny83, perhaps the first to reject J. Charpentier’s aforementioned etymology, attempted to explain the origin of Lithuanian kumėlė and its cognates in another way. In his view, the original meaning of Lithuanian kumėlė may have been ‘castrated horse’, making this word a secondary derivative of kumelys, for which such a semantic development is entirely possible. J. Pokorny then reconstructs the proto-form *kom- for this Baltic horse name and connects it with Slavic ko-molъ ‘hornless’. In both cases, the original meaning of the words would have been ‘circumcised’. J. Pokorny is also inclined to connect Prussian camnet ‘horse’ and Lithuanian kamienas with these words. It seems to us that J. Pokorny’s explanation would be quite convincing if the original form of the Baltic words had been *kumas. In fact, J. Pokorny also regards Lithuanian kūmė ‘mare’ as the basic form. However, Lithuanian kūmė is a back-formation derived from the form ku-mėlė, just as barsas arose from barsūko (cf. Belarusian борсук <, Turkish barsuk), and gėgė arose from gegūtės, and so on.84 Lithuanian kumėlė, kumelys have been linked in various ways with Slavic komonь (cf. Russian КОМОНЬ ‘horse’, Czech komoň ‘horse’), konь (cf. Russian конь, Polish koń). In fact, these words are very similar in form, and their meanings are completely identical. However, it is not yet possible to prove that they are related85. The Prussian word camnet ‘horse’ is also very unclear. This word is found in S. Grunau’s glossary (41 words), in which, as is known, Prussian words are particularly corrupted. El- 79 A. Brückner, Die slavischen Fremdwörter im Litauischen, Weimar, 1877, p. 128; E. Fraenkel, Et. Wb., p. 748. 80 A. Brückner, Sl. et., p. 468. 81 J. Charpentier, KZ, 40, p. 435; IF, 25, p. 246. 82 M. Mayrhofer, Et. Wb., I, p. 232–233. 83 J. Pokorny, KZ, 56, p. 130–133. 84 P. Skardžius, Lietuvių kalbos žodžių daryba, p. 21–22; A. Augstkalns, StB., 4, p. 63–65. 85 A. Brückner, Sl. et., p. 253–254; V. Machek, Et. Sl., p. 216; E. Fraenkel, Et. Wb., p. 309; M. Vasmer, Et. Wb., I, p. 609, 618; E. Berneker, Et. Wb., p. 555; O. H. Трубачёв, Происхождение…, 50–52; EM, II, p. 311. 156 In the Elbing vocabulary, where no fewer than seven names for different kinds of horses are listed in succession, no such name occurs. That the spelling camnet is defective is also evident from its ending, which is alien to the Baltic languages. Thus, in this case Prussian camnet can be emended in various ways and connected both with Slavic komonъ and with Lithuanian kumelys, although, in any event, Prussian camnet is most reminiscent of Slavic komonъ86. The question of another name for a horse, perhaps also used in all three Baltic languages, is highly complex: Lithuanian kėve ‘a poor, lean animal; a nag’, kie-vė ‘a poor mare’, kėvinas ‘a poor horse, a nag’, kėvis, keivis (LKŽd., V, 496, 672, 677, 766)87; Latvian kėve ‘mare’, kėve, kėva, diminutive forms: kėvele, kėve-lite, kėvene, kėvene, kėvens, kėvens, kėvėna, kėvenice, kėvine, kėvka, kėvelėns (EM, II, 377; EH, I, 700–1); Prussian kaywe ‘mare’ (word 433 in the Elbing vocabulary)88. First, it is clear that this is not a word common to all three Baltic languages, since the consonantism of the Latvian word shows that it is a loanword in Latvian. Second, it is highly uncertain whether the Prussian name for a mare is in fact a word of the same root as Lithuanian kėvė and Latvian kėve. On reviewing the Lithuanian variants of this name, the unusual root vocalism immediately catches the eye: -ė-, -ie-, -ei-. In explaining the origin of Prussian kaywe, A. Bezzenberger had already connected the Prussian word with a supposed Lithuanian form *kievė89. R. Trautmann repeats A. Bezzenberger’s idea90. In a letter to J. Endzelīns dated May 13, 1910, K. Būga, discussing R. Trautmann’s work, notes, among other things, “Lith. *kėve XII, 142 is a product of vivid imagination”91. As we see, the form once imagined by A. Bezzenberger is now in the Lithuanian Dictionary. Nevertheless, it seems to us that K. Būga was right in saying that such a form was a product of imagination. Forms with -ie- have been recorded in parts of Lithuania where ė > ie (Ignalina, Vidiškės), or in their vicinity (Daugėliškis), where the word kievė alongside dėdė or tėvas may occur as a sporadic feature that has spread from a neighboring dialect. The form keivis is also probably spurious, since it was recorded only once, in the vicinity of Klaipėda, perhaps in place of a kėvis that had not been heard clearly. Although there could also be some sporadic shift of ė to ei here, as occasionally occurs in the speech of the Curonian Spit fishermen and in Livonian Latvian dialects92. Accordingly, the most reliable Lithuanian form of this name is kėvė (with root vowel ė). Recently, many linguists—more precisely, researchers of relations between Finnish and Baltic languages—have held that Latvians borrowed this word from the Livonians, cf. Livonian kėv ‘mare’, while Lithuanians, in turn, borrowed it from Latvians and modified its meaning93. J. Endze- 86 J. Endzelīns, Senprūšu valoda, p. 189; R. Trautmann, Die altpreussischen Sprachdenkmäler, p. 352. 87 A. Lyberis, Kalbos kultūra, 7, p. 60–61. 88 R. Trautmann, Die altpreussischen Sprachdenkmäler, p. 88. 89 A. Bezzenberger, BB, 23, p. 318; 27, p. 168. 90 R. Trautmann, Die altpreussischen Sprachdenkmäler, p. XII, 142, 351. 91 K. Būga, Rinktiniai raštai, III, p. 820. 92 J. Gerullis ir Chr. Stang’as, Lietuvių žvejų tarmė prūsuose, Kaunas, 1933, p. 5–6; Z. Zinkevičius, Lietuvių dialektologija, p. 75; J. Endzelīns, Latviešu valodas gramatika, p. 138–139; M. Rudzīte, Latviešu dialektoloģija, Rīga, 1964, p. 150–166. 93 V. Thomsen, Samlede Afhandlinger, IV, Köbenhavn, 1931, p. XI; I. H. Toivonen, Finnisch-ugrische Forschungen, 20, p. 144; J. Mikkola, Izglītības Ministrijas Mēnešraksts, 1930, 2, p. 443. 157 flax94; earlier, he considered Latvian mare a Lithuanian borrowing (...wohl aus li. kēve „кляча“95. D. Zemzarė also regards Latvian mare96 as a Lithuanian borrowing. In considering the origin of Lithuanian mare and Latvian mare, it seems to us that the origin of the Old Prussian form kaywe plays a very important role. If the Latvians got their word from the Livonians, and the Lithuanians from the Latvians, then we could not speak of any connection between Old Prussian kaywe and the aforementioned Lithuanian and Latvian words, since it is very difficult to imagine such a process chronologically; moreover, in general the Balts are not known to borrow agricultural or animal-husbandry terms from the Finnic peoples of the Baltic region—the opposite process is much more common. The fact that this name for a horse is not a borrowing from Livonian is also suggested by the fact that Lithuanian kēvē, it seems to us, has a very convincing etymology. E. Fraenkel connects this word with Old Prussian keuto ‘skin’, Lithuanian kēvalas, etc.97 Various semantic parallels to E. Fraenkel’s etymology can be found in many languages; compare Lithuanian skūrā ‘poor mare, poor horse’, skūrinis ‘poor horse’: Lithuanian skūrā ‘skin’ (< Belarusian скупа), Lithuanian lūpena ‘poor horse’: Lithuanian lūpti, Latvian ādnieks ‘poor horse’: Latvian āda ‘skin’, Russian одёр ‘poor, lazy horse’: Russian драть ‘to flay, skin’, German Schindmähre ‘poor horse’: German schinden ‘to flay, skin’98. As we have mentioned, A. Bezzenberger and R. Trautmann linked Old Prussian kaywe with Lithuanian *kiēvē. However, Old Prussian kaywe may even derive from Lithuanian kēvē. The root vocalism of the Prussian word might perhaps be regarded as a simple transcription or spelling error for *kiewye or *keywe; compare the Elbing Vocabulary’s Plēynis (word 38): Lithuanian plėnys, pleynis (word 75): Lithuanian plėnis, plėvė. In the spelling of the Elbing Vocabulary, -y- seems at times to have been capable of indicating the length of the preceding vowel99. Finally, this -y- may have appeared in transcription under the influence of the adjacent Sweykis, Arwaykis. J. Endzelīns seems justified in questioning A. Bezzenberger’s linking of Old Prussian kaywe with Lithuanian kaimenē ‘herd’, since kaimenē means not ‘a group of horses’ but, more generally, ‘the livestock of a village’. However, J. Endzelīns’s attempt to emend Old Prussian kaywe to *kanwe and link it with Slavic konb ‘horse’, conjecturing that -vė is the same kind of ending as that in the Lithuanian word kārvė, is highly unconvincing. Strictly speaking, J. Endzelīns does not assert this categorically either (Varbūt...)100. Thus, perhaps the most plausible hypothesis is that kēvē first arose in Lithuanian with the meaning ‘poor mare’, and that later the meaning ‘mare’ in general passed from Lithuanian into Prussian and Latvian. Latvian has some rather unusual forms of the aforementioned horse name: kāvē ‘horse’ (Vecaucē), kāvele ‘a name for a horse or mare with a derogatory connotation’ (Lubana, Meiranai, Cesvaine, EH, I, 575). The diphthong -ai- in these words should rather be explained as having arisen through substitution, since Latvian words normally do not have front vowels after -k-. There are very many different names for horses in the Baltic languages, most of them characteristic of only particular languages in this group. These names usually indicate some characteristic of the horse and carry a derogatory or affectionate nuance of meaning. 94 J. Endzelīns, Old Prussian, p. 187. 95 EM, II, p. 377. 96 D. Zemzare, Latviešu vārdnīcas, Rīgā, 1961, p. 45. 97 E. Fraenkel, Et. Wb., p. 248. 98 O. H. Трубачев, Происхождение..., p. 58; M. Vasmer, Et. Wb., II, p. 254. 99 J. Endzelīns, Old Prussian, p. 26; FBR, XII, p. 148; XV, p. 101. 100 J. Endzelīns, Old Prussian, p. 187. 158 Lith. kūinas ‘a poor, lean, weak horse; a nag’ is already found in K. Širvydas’s dictionary (in the third edition, 1642): Szk apá Caballus tardus Kuynas Szkapi Caballinus Kuyniβkas Szkapinė (Caballinus caro. Horse meat) kuy nėna. (Dict., 436). In some Lithuanian dialects, the word kūinas is used as an adjective meaning ‘hornless’ (cf. kūinas veršis, kuinà kárvė, Daugelìškis, Tverečius). The word kūinas ‘poor horse’ is not used there; kėvė is used instead. K. Būga also detects a similar case of a noun becoming an adjective in Lith. taūras, taurùs ‘honest, good, suitable’: taūras ‘wild bovine (Bos primigenius)’¹⁰¹. In Lithuanian, this name for a poor horse is very widespread: it is used in the literary language and is found in a large part of the dialect area. However, the other Baltic languages do not know it. Alongside kuinas, a variant of this word, kūlnas (LKŽd., VI, 844), also occurs, as does škūina (Kapsukas, Tirkšliai). The word kūinas should probably be connected with other Baltic names for horse that closely resemble it. These are Lith. kūika ‘a lean, poor mare; a nag, kuinas’, kuikas, kūikė, kūikė (LKŽd., VI, 779), Latv. kūika ‘poor horse’ (EM, II, 300). The Prussian paustocaican < pausto ‘wild’ + caican ‘horse’ (word 654 of the Elbing vocabulary)¹⁰², Latv. kaikaris ‘kuinas, poor horse’ (EM, II, 132), and Lith. kaikaras ‘a very tall person; a sluggard’ should probably also be connected with these names; cf. also Lith. kaikaruoti ‘to waste away, perish’ (LKŽd., V, 48). E. Fraenkel further connects these words with Skt. kekarah ‘squinting’, Lat. caecus ‘blind’, Irish caech ‘one-eyed’, Goth. haihs ‘one-eyed’¹⁰³. He explains the emergence of the root -ui- in the Lithuanian words kūinas, kūika by their pejorative semantic coloring. This etymology is, on the whole, quite doubtful. It seems to us that the Baltic words may have originated in an entirely different way: perhaps they should be connected with Lith. keipti ‘to diminish, weaken, grow lean’, kaipti ‘to dwindle, weaken; faint’. M. Mayrhofer seriously doubts whether Skt. kekarah, alongside kedara-, teraka-, used with the same meaning, is connected with Lat. caecus, etc.¹⁰⁴ Lith. škūika ‘poor horse’ should likewise be connected with kūika. The š-, as in the word škūina, may have arisen through contamination with škapà or some other word, or may simply have been added as a kind of expressive intensification (cf. kabálda: škabálda ‘one who walks with a limp’, kūnka: škūnka ‘a withered person or animal’)¹⁰⁵. Lith. kūika, škūika should also be assigned to this same group. Many Lithuanian names for a poor horse arose in the same semantic way: they derive from words meaning ‘to come to an end, die, perish’, or simply denoting ‘the body of a dead animal’. These names are generally used not only of horses but also of other old, poor-quality animals. The following are of this origin: Lith. baigėna, baigliena, baigšėna, cf. Lith. baigtis ‘to come to an end, die’. 101 K. Būga, Rinktiniai raštai, I, p. 297; II, p. 318, 635; A. Сабаляускас, Проблемы индоевропейского языкознания, Москва, 1964, p. 63. 102 R. Trautmann, Die altpreussischen Sprachdenkmäler, p. 91, 391; Prūsų kalbos paminklai, p. 72. 103 E. Fraenkel, Et. Wb., p. 202. 104 M. Mayrhofer, Et. Wb., I, p. 264. 105 Z. Zinkevičius, Lietuvių dialektologija, p. 191–192. 159 Liet. diẽngalis, dienagalỹs, dienãgalis (LKŽd., II. 346, 347) < liet. dienà + gãlas, plg. lat. diengalis „ein altes, durch zähes Leben sich auszeichnendes Wesen“ (EM, I, 483). Lith. dvasnà, dveskà, dvėšlyna, dvėšena, núodvasa (LKŽd., II, 672, 679, 680); cf. Lith. dvėsti ‘to perish’, dvasnà ‘the carcass of a dead animal’, dvėšena. Lith. gaišena, gaištaras, gaištara, núogaiša (LKŽd., III, 37–8, 41); cf. Lith. gaišti ‘to meet one’s end’, gaišena ‘the carcass of a dead animal’. Lith. maità; cf. Lith. maità ‘the carcass of a dead animal’. Lith. carrion, cf. Lith. carrion ‘carcass’ < Polish carrion. Lith. pùolena; cf. Lith. pùlti ‘to meet one’s end’, pùolena ‘the carcass of a dead animal’. Lith. spróg ena, núosproga; cf. Lith. sprógti ‘to perish, die’. Lith. stipena; cf. Lith. stipti, stipena ‘the carcass of a dead animal’. Another group of Lithuanian names for a poor horse arose in a similar way: Lith. kuìbena, kùiba (LKŽd., VI, 778), cf. Lith. kuibina ‘footwear made from leg skins; a moccasin’ < Latv. kuìba, kuìbena ‘skin removed from an animal’s legs; footwear made from such skin’, cf. Est. koib ‘leg’¹⁰⁶. Lith. lùpena, lupsnà, lupynà, lùpeta, lupýnė, lùpkė; cf. Lith. lùpti ‘to skin, peel off the hide’, lùpena ‘bark that is peeled off, peel’. Lith. skùrdà, skùrinis, cf. Lith. skùrà ‘skin’ < Baltic скупа. The following also belong to the same semantic group: Latv. âdiniẽks, âdnieks, âdenis, âdeniẽks, âdenica, âdminis (EM, I, 236; EH, I, 192); cf. Latv. âda, Lith. óda. Lith. kalabãnas (LKŽd., V, 100); cf. Lith. kalabãnas ‘a clumsy, ungainly person’. Lith. kaplỹs (LKŽd., V, 238); cf. Lith. kaplỹs. Lith. kybelka “a wobbly, unsteady-legged animal (usually a horse)” (LKŽd., V, 720); cf. Lith. kìbelkos “joc. legs.” Lith. kluknà (LKŽd., VI, 165); cf. klukšėti “to quack,” kluknoti “to drink noisily, gulping.” Lith. klùmpis (LKŽd., VI, 171); cf. Lith. klùmpis “a sluggish or slovenly person.” Lith. kramùkas “a very small, slow horse” (LKŽd., VI, 418); cf. Lith. kramas “a puny, sleepy person,” kramùila “someone small, undergrown.” Lith. kriklà “a thin horse” (LKŽd., VI, 580); cf. krikti “to become unsteady.” Lith. kriòkas “a large, inept, awkward person or horse,” kriókis (LKŽd., VI, 602, 603); cf. Lith. kriòkti. Lith. kùlčius “a lazy horse,” kùltena “a horse that has been driven hard, a nag” (LKŽd., VI, 821, 850); cf. Lith. kùlti “to beat, thrash.” Lith. lapatkis (LKŽd., VII, 142); cf. Lith. lapatúoti “to walk heavily and awkwardly,” lapatókas “a slovenly person,” lapònas, lapnòtis “one that plods (said of a horse).” Lith. lòbeda, lòbena (LKŽd., VII, 637) may perhaps be connected with Lith. lėbeda “a sluggish, awkward person, a lout.” Lith. susnà; cf. Lith. sùsti “to dry out.” Liet. klėperis (LKŽd., VI, 50) < vok. Klepper. Lith. krãgas (LKŽd., VI, 395), krãkas, strėkas, škrãkas may have been borrowed from German or Latvian, cf. Ger. dial. Kracke, Kragge107, Latv. krãģis, skrãģis. 106 K. Būga, Rinktiniai raštai, I, p. 296; EM, II, p. 300. 107 F. Frischbier, Preussisches Wörterbuch, I, p. 416. 160 The Lithuanian examples mentioned are found in the Klaipėda region. Latvians, too, have borrowed such names for a poor horse from German. Lith. lušokas <Pol. łoszak (LKŽd., VII, 712). Lith. škapà <Pol. szkapa. Lith. škabàrda is probably of the same origin. An exceptionally large number of names for a “poor horse,” of various origins, are found in Latvian dialects: Lat. ābideris “a lean horse,” cf. Latv. ābideris, ārd̄bilis “a fork-like tool with which one pushes apart the drying-pole beams” (ārds + bīdīt) (EH, I, 191; EM, I, 241). Lat. begis “an old horse” (EH, I, 211). Its origin is unclear. Lat. bèmbelis “a stiff, lazy horse” (EM, I, 278, 279; EH, I, 212), cf. Latv. bèmbelis “an insult,” bemberis “a knotty tree,” Lith. bembys, bamblys. Lat. bestis “an old horse,” beškis “a horse” (EM, I, 281). J. Endzelīns tends to derive it from Slavic bestija. Lat. blànkāns “a sluggish horse” (EH, I, 226) may perhaps be connected with Latv. blenkt “to gape.” Lat. cōbikis “a worn-out nag” (EH, I, 279), cf. Latv. cōbliņš “a slow person.” Lat. cā pāns “an old, decrepit horse,” cāpis “a sluggish horse” (EM, I, 408; EH, I, 285), cf. Latv. cāpāt “to walk slowly,” cā pūlis “someone who walks slowly.” Lat. cāpris “an old, poor horse,” cf. Latv. cāprs “bad, wretched” (EM, I, 404). Lat. cēmbris “an old, poor horse” (EM, I, 409). J. Endzelīns tends to connect it with Curonian *cembris, cf. Lith. kēmbras “lean, thin.” Lat. drēberis “a large, lean horse; a fast, spirited horse” (EM, I, 497; EH, I, 333). J. Endzelīns tends to derive it from German Traber “runner; a horse with a good trot.” Lat. kačāps “a lean horse” (EH, I, 572) probably derives from an ethnic name with a derogatory connotation. Lat. kāibala “a poor nag” (EH, I, 573) is probably a reshaped form of Russian кобыла. Lat. kaīkaris “a kind of horse; a wretched old horse” (EM, II, 132), cf. Lat. kaīkaris “a ragged person, a pauper,” Lith. kaīkaras “a very tall person; a lazy person, a vagabond.” Lat. kaņa “a horse” (EH, I, 585) is thought by J. Endzelīns to derive from Russian конь. Lat. kanēris “a wretched old horse” (EH, I, 584), cf. Lat. kaneris “a hare,” may also sometimes be a reshaping of Russian конь. Lat. kankans “a poor horse,” kankāns “a large, lean horse” (EM, II, 155, 156), cf. Lat. kankāt “to walk, trot with large, weary strides,” Lat. kankāns “something large, heavy, soft.” Lat. kārkis “an old horse,” kākis (EM, II, 197), perhaps should be linked with Lat. kārkis “the hook,” kākis. Lat. kāsis “a wretched old horse” (EH, I, 606) is thought by J. Endzelīns to be related to Lat. kāsis “the hook.” Our explanation of the origin of Lat. kārkis would also support such a connection. Lat. keņcītis “a poor horse” (EM, II, 365), cf. Lat. keņcis “a shoddy worker, a bungler.” 11. Baltų ir slavų kalbų ryšiai 161 Lat. klām̄pa “a wretched old horse, an old, stiff horse, a lame horse,” klam-pis “an old horse” (EM, II, 212; EH, I, 609) should probably be linked with Lat. klām-pât “to walk heavily.” Lat. klams “an old, lean, weak horse” (EM, II, 212) is thought by J. Endzelīns to be related to Lith. klėmnas “weak.” It seems to us, however, more convincing to derive Lat. klams from Russian хлам “junk, scrap.” Lat. klām̄za “an old, emaciated horse, a wretched old horse” (EM, II, 212; EH, I, 610), cf. Lat. klamz̄a, klamza “someone who walks with heavy steps,” Lat. klām-zāt “to walk heavily.” Lat. klanḡis “a large, emaciated horse,” kleņḡis “a wretched old horse” (EM, II, 214, 223) was linked by J. Endzelīns with Lat. kleņḡis “a loafer, good-for-nothing.” Lat. klaūga “a wretched old horse” (EH, I, 611), cf. Lat. klaūḡis “a piece of wood; a bigmouth.” Lat. knadz̄is “an old horse,” knadze “an old mare,” cf. Lat. knaḡis “a hook or a stake” < German Knagge (EM, II, 241; EH, I, 626). The origin of Lat. kōksis “a wretched old horse” (EH, I, 640) is unclear. Perhaps it should be linked with Lat. kuksis “a fox-colored, yellow horse” or kuksīt “to walk slowly.” Lat. krabiņš “an old, emaciated horse” (EM, II, 255) should perhaps be linked with Lat. krabiķis “a branched stake driven into the ground, on which grain is dried in the field,” krabināt “to crawl, move along.” Lat. kraḡis “a wretched old horse,” krāḡis, skrāḡis “an old horse,” krak̄is “a poor, weak horse” derive from German Kracke, Kragge (EM, II, 255, 256, 265). Lat. krampis “an old, lean horse” (EM, II, 258; EH, I, 641) should probably be linked with Lat. krāmpis “the closing hook.” Latv. krapants “a weak, thin horse”; J. Endzelīns tends to associate it with Lithuanian krapinėti “to walk with difficulty” (EM, II, 260). Latv. krapš̄kis “an old, thin horse,” krapšis (EM, II, 260; EH, I, 642); cf. Latv. krapis “a derogatory name.” Latv. krepsis “a worn-out nag” (EH, I, 649); cf. Latv. krepecēt “to cough quietly,” krepecī “expectoration of mucus.” Latv. krimpa “a thin horse” (EM, II, 279); cf. Latv. krimpāns “a crying little child,” krimpa “as a derogatory term for a gaunt old woman.” Latv. kroksis “a worn-out nag” (EH, I, 658); perhaps it should be associated with Latv. kruķis “the crutch, the oven fork,” krukite “a derogatory name for a little girl.” Latv. lamāks “a fat, sluggish horse” (EM, II, 530); cf. Latv. lamaka “a person who does not hold their body upright, a clumsy oaf,” lamāns “a large, clumsy, gluttonous person or dog.” Latv. limaks “a lazy horse” (EH, I, 742); perhaps it should be associated with the preceding name. Latv. mitenis “a horse acquired in exchange; a worn-out nag,” mietenis “a worn-out nag”; J. Endzelīns associates these with Latv. mīt “to exchange”; cf. mitala “name of a poor cow or mare” (EM, II, 649, 656). Latv. naina, naine “a thin, spent horse” (EM, II, 690) should perhaps be associated with Latv. naine “the widow” < Est. naene “woman”?, cf. tā tāda naine vien ir (of a woman— 162 from a female person, EH, II, 3). A name for an animal could also have arisen from a contemptuous designation for a woman. Lat. nátmene “a worn-out mare,” nátanais zirgs “a worn-out mare,” nátenis “a weak, white horse,” nátną ķēve “a frail mare,” nàtns zirgs “a white and weak horse” (EM, II, 702); cf. Latvian nàtns “linen cloth,” whose original meaning was supposedly “made from nettles”: nàtre “nettle.” On the meaning “poor, bad” of nàtns, cf. kàrklu vācietis “a mocking designation for someone who pretends to be German but does not succeed.” Lat. stīvnica “a stiff horse,” stīvuicis (EM, III, 1077); cf. Latvian stīvs “stiff, rigid” < MHG stīf. Lat. storaks “a sluggish person or such a horse,” storags (EM, III, 1080; EH, II, 584); cf. Latvian storcka “an insulting name for a female living being,” storgaks “a fat, clumsy person.” Lat. svanaris (?) “an emaciated horse,” zvanārs “an old, weak, thin horse” (EM, III, 1143; IV, 765; EH, II, 814); cf. Latvian zvanārs “an old, bad, ugly clock” < Russ. звонарь “bell-ringer; chatterbox.” Lat. testis “a lazy horse”; cf. Latvian test “to pant” (EM, IV, 168). Lat. tūcis “a lazy horse” (EM, IV, 278), perhaps should be connected with Latvian tūkat “to push, knead, stuff.” In Latvian dialects we find many other names for the horse as well, most often associated with some characteristic of this animal: Lat. aīcis “the horse (a jocular designation)” (EM, I, 12), perhaps should be connected with Latvian āita, aīča “sheep.” Lat. auzainis “horse,” àusainis (EM, I, 231; EH, I, 188, 189); cf. Latvian auzas “oats.” Lat. brīēdis “a horse with elk-colored hair” (EM, I, 337; EH, I, 243); cf. Latvian brīēdis “the elk.” Lat. ēbelis “a proud horse,” ēberis “an insult for an old horse,” ēberis “a good horse; a small, nimble horse” (EM, I, 572; EH, I, 371) might perhaps be connected with German Eber “boar.” Lat. gàisuonis “a wild, unruly horse” (EH, I, 378); cf. Latvian gàisuonis “a windbag; a restless person,” Latvian gàiss “the air.” Lat. rēceknis “a stallion that neighs loudly”; cf. rēkt “to roar, howl” (EM, III, 517). Lat. spārdauniece “a mare that likes to kick,” spārdainice (EM, III, 986); cf. Latvian spārdities “to kick about.” Lat. sperška “a kicking mare” (EH, II, 548); cf. Latvian spèrt “to kick.” Latv. stakņa “a horse that, while pulling a cart, keeps stopping along the way” (EM, III, 1041), cf. Latv. staknīt “to stop.” Latv. svipastis “a horse that lashes about with its tail,” cf. Latv. svàipīt “to whip” + aste “the tail” (EM, III, 1160). Latv. tīza “a mare that limps and cannot move forward” (EM, IV, 199), cf. Latv. tizāt “to limp, hobble.” Latv. tramdis “a skittish horse,” tramīkis (EM, IV, 221), cf. Latv. tramīgs “skittish, wild.” 11* 163 Latv. žiblis “a one-eyed horse”; J. Endzelynas tends to relate it to Latv. žibt “to flicker, to be dazzled” (EM, IV, 808). Latv. žlanga “a horse that drinks a lot of water” (EM, IV, 815), cf. Latv. žlāngāt “to drink for a long time, slowly, and a lot (said of people and horses).” Latv. žuklis “a fast horse,” cf. Latv. žukls “fast, nimble” (EM, IV, 829). Some Lithuanian names for horses are also associated with particular characteristics of the animal: Lith. bėgūnas “a horse with an easy gait,” bėguonėlis (LKŽd., I, 597), cf. Lith. bėgti “to run.” Lith. bišius “a small horse,” biškinas “a medium-sized, not large horse,” bišė “a poor mare” (LKŽd., I, 700), cf. Lith. biškenti “to run in small steps”; it may be of onomatopoeic origin, cf. bišku “a sound word used to call an ox.” Lith. gyvėntuvas “a working horse” (LKŽd., III, 379), cf. Lith. gyvėnti. Lith. karčiūkas “a horse with a fine mane” (LKŽd., V, 270), cf. Lith. karčiai. Lith. ristūnas “a horse with an easy gait,” ristininkas, ristokas (A. Lyberis, 60)108, cf. Lith. risčia. Lith. šarūnas “a well-fed, excellent horse” (A. Lyberis, 61) should probably be related to Lith. šorai “blinders attached to the bridle, preventing horses from looking sideways.” Lith. vežmininkas “a strong horse suitable for pulling a cart” (A. Lyberis, 61), cf. Lith. vežimas. Lith. žvignis “a well-fed horse intended for visiting” (A. Lyberis, 61), cf. Lith. žvygauti “to neigh continually”(?). Lith. kunteris “a small but strong horse” (LKŽd., VI, 903) is a borrowing from German; cf. German Kunter. Lith. rišokas “a horse with an easy trot” is a Slavic borrowing; cf. Rus. рысак (A. Lyberis, 60). Lith. staininis “a well-fed horse intended for visiting guests” is a Slavic borrowing; cf. Polish stajenny (A. Lyberis, 61). In both Lithuanian and Latvian, one can distinguish a group of horse names characteristic mainly of children's speech. These names are most often of onomatopoeic origin. Lith. ygagas “horse (in children's speech),” vyčiukas “foal” (LKŽd., IV, 7, 20); cf. Lith. ygaga “interj. used to represent a horse's neighing.” Lith. kažis “colt,” kožė “mare (in children's speech),” kožis “horse, foal (in children's speech),” kožius, kužė “horse (in children's speech),” kužia, kužis kužius, kužis, kužius (LKŽd., V, 464; VI, 392, 1017, 1018, 1021, 1022); cf. Lith. interjections (used when calling a horse) kuš, kuzi, kuzia, kuziu, kūž, kužiu, etc. Lith. kirkilas “stallion” (LKŽd., V, 836); cf. Lith. kirkėti. Latv. cigiņš, ciga, cigus “the foal, the steed,” cigulis “the foal,” ciga (EM, I, 379; EH, I, 269, 290); cf. Latv. ciga, cig “a call to foals, to horses.” Latv. kose “a pet name for a mare,” košiņš “the horse, little horse (usually in children's speech),” koša, košiņa košis, košelis, kuziņa “a young horse; a horse in general in children's speech,” kuze “a foal,” kuzlis, kuža “the horse, a small foal,” kužiņa “a term of endearment for a horse” (EM, II, 255, 331; EH, I, 639, 681); cf. Latv. kuz, kuze, kužu “a call to horses.” 108 A. Lyberis, Kalbos kultūra, 7, p. 59–63. 164 Lat. sugulis “a small foal,” sūgulis, suka “the foal (in children’s speech),” sukulis “a small foal,” sukulinš, sukuls, suksis “a horse that can no longer walk well,” sukulis “a not very strong horse,” sūka “a young, handsome horse or foal” (EM, III, 1117, 1118; IV, 105; EH, II, 600, 601, 607, 657); compare Latvian suk, suku, šuk, šuku “interjection, a call to attract a foal.” Lat. tprūta “the horse (in children’s speech),” tprūtina, tprūte (EM, IV, 217); compare Latvian tprū “interjection used to make horses stop.” Lithuanian and Latvian have quite a large number of names for horses associated with the animal’s color (in both Lithuanian and Latvian, we find quite a number of color names used only when speaking about horses): Lith. báltis, baltōkas, baltàsis, baltēlis, balckis, baltĕus, balt(a)marģis, balt(a)-keršis, baltplėšnis, balt(a)galvis, balt(a)kāklis, balt(a)kāktis, balt(a)karītis, balt(a)kōjis, baltas mārgis, balt(a)prūšnis, balt(a)smūkis, balt(a)uodēgis, baltas lėpsnis (LKŽd., I, 498–504; A. Lyberis, 62); compare Lithuanian báltas ‘white.’ Lith. beliōkas “a gray horse” (LKŽd., I, 604), a Slavic borrowing; compare Russian беляк. Lith. bēris, bēris, bērasis, bērōkas, bēriōkas, bēriōte, bēriņas, bēriūkas, bēriūkas, bērelis, bēriūnelis, bēruōlis, bērvalelė, bērširvis (LKŽd., I, 625, 632; A. Lyberis, 62); compare Lithuanian bēras, bēras ‘bay.’ Lith. blēzis, blēšis, blisis “a horse with a white stripe across its forehead; a horse with a white blaze” <German Blässe (LKŽd., I, 737, 752; A. Lyberis, 62). Lith. briedplaukis “elk-colored, brownish-gray” <Lith. briedis + plaukas (LKŽd., I, 853; A. Lyberis, 63). Lith. brišis; compare Lithuanian brišas “pale; dark reddish, elk-colored” (LKŽd., I, 867; A. Lyberis, 62–3). Lith. brūnis, brūnas(is) (LKŽd., I, 894); compare Lithuanian brūnas “dark bay, brownish,” brūnas <Low German brūn109. Lith. bulānas “a light yellow-coated horse; a yellow horse” <Russian буланый “a dun or reddish-brown horse” (LKŽd., I, 939; A. Lyberis, 63). Lith. cinākis “a horse with white, squinting eyes” (LKŽd., II, 20) < cinas “tin” (<German Zinn) + akis. Lith. čėkis (LKŽd., II, 41; A. Lyberis, 62); compare Lithuanian čėkas “variegated” <German Scheck110. Lith. darāšis, darāšius, derēšis, derēšius; compare Lithuanian darāšas, derēšas “dun (reddish-brown) with white hairs (of a horse), dark gray” <Polish deresz <Hungarian deres (LKŽd., II, 183, 277; A. Lyberis, 62; K. Bartkus, 382111). Lith. gelsvis, gelsvōkas, gelsvāis, geltis, geltēlis, geltāisis (LKŽd., III, 220, 221, 223; A. Lyberis, 63); compare Lithuanian gelsvas, geltas ‘yellowish, yellow.’ Lith. gnēdis “a bay horse” (LKŽd., III, 458); compare Lithuanian gniedas “bay” <Russian гнедой. Lith. jūōdis, jūōckis, juodōkas, juodāsis, juodūkas, juōdberis, juodbrūnis, juodmārgis, juōdširmis, juōdširvis, juōdžerkštis, juōdplėšnis, juod(a)galvis, juod(a)kāklis, juod(a)karītis, juod(a)kōjis, juod(a)prūšnis, juod(a)smūkis, juod(a)uodēgis (LKŽd., IV, 398, 400–10; A. Lyberis, 62), cf. Lith. juōdas. 109 E. Fraenkel, Et. Wb., p. 60. 110 E. Fraenkel, Et. Wb., p. 72. 111 K. Bartkus, Literatūra ir kalba, VI, p. 371–393. 165 Lith. Liet. kaštānas, kaštānis, kaštōnas, kaštōnis (LKŽd., V, 401, 403; A. Lyberis, 62), cf. Lith. kaštānas ‘brown-haired’, kaštōnas, kaštānas ‘a certain tree and its fruit’, kaštānas < Polish kasztan. Lith. kéršis (LKŽd., V, 624), cf. Lith. kéršas ‘black in patches, white in patches’. Lith. làukis, laukōkas, laukàgsis, lauk(a)kàktis (LKŽd., VII, 176, 178, 183, 184; A. Lyberis, 62), cf. Lith. làukas ‘with a white muzzle or white forehead’. Lith. moliūgis, cf. Lith. moliūgas ‘clay-colored’. Lith. obuolãinis, obuolmušỹs (A. Lyberis, 63), cf. Lith. ōbuolmušas ‘spotted, with small dark or light circular spots’, obuolỹs. According to M. Nyderman, Lith. ōbuolmušas is a mistaken calque of Polish jabłkowity¹¹². Lith. paļšis, paļšōkas, paļšāsis, paļšiūkas, paļšbēris, paļšmàrgis (A. Lyberis, 62, 63; K. Bartkus, 382), cf. Lith. pálšas ‘light gray’. Lith. palvis, palvỹs (A. Lyberis, 63), cf. Lith. palvas ‘light yellow, yellowish’. Lith. pelēkis (A. Lyberis, 63), cf. Lith. pelēkas ‘mouse-colored’. Lith. pelēnius (A. Lyberis, 63), cf. Lith. pelenai. Lith. plēsnis (A. Lyberis, 62), cf. Lith. plēsnas ‘reddish or brownish dappled’, a word of Slavic origin, cf. Rus. пле́нъ. Lith. pilkis, pilkėlis (A. Lyberis, 63), cf. Lith. pilkas. Lith. raudāsis, raudīkas, raūdžerkštis, raūdžilis, rūdširvis, raudširmis, raudširvis, raudonširmis, raudonbēris (A. Lyberis, 62), cf. Lith. raudās ‘reddish, chestnut-colored’, rūdas, raudōnas. Lith. sārtis, sartōkas, sartàsis, sartùkas, sartēlis (A. Lyberis, 62), cf. Lith. sārtas “light bay, yellowish.” Lith. šalnis (A. Lyberis, 62), cf. Lith. šalnas “like frost, covered with hoarfrost.” Lith. šēkis “a skewbald horse” (Žagarė, Šakyna), cf. Latv. sekis “a pied horse” (EM, III, 815). Lith. šerkšnis (A. Lyberis, 62), cf. Lith. šerkšnas. Lith. širmis, širmōkas, širmāsis, širmukas, širmēlis, širmbēris (A. Lyberis, 62), cf. Lith. širmas “white with mixed dark hairs.” Lith. širvis, širvāsis, širvōkas, širvānis, širvūkas, širvabēris (A. Lyberis, 62), cf. Lith. šīrvas “white with mixed dark hairs, gray.” Lith. šyvis, šyvāsis, šyvōkas, šyvūkas, cf. Lith. šyvas “light gray.” Lith. žerkštys (A. Lyberis, 62), cf. Lith. žerkštas “hoarfrost-colored.” Latv. ābuolainis “one that is dappled (a horse’s nickname),” cf. Latv. ābuōls “the apple,” ābuōlains “dappled,” ābuōltains, ābuōluōts (EM, I, 234–5; EH, I, 192). Latv. bāltenis “white horse, a gray,” bāltiņš, baltenica “a white mare,” balteniša, cf. Latv. balts “white” (EM, I, 257; EH, I, 202). Latv. bēris “a brown horse,” bēritis, bēruks, bēriņš, cf. Latv. bērs “brown” (EM, I, 290, 291, 292; EH, 216). Latv. blesis “a horse with a blaze” < Middle Low German blesse (EM, I, 314; EH, I, 228). Latv. briēdis “an elk-haired horse” (EM, I, 337; EH, I, 243), cf. Latv. briēdis “the elk.” Latv. brūnis “a brown horse,” brūnicis, cf. Latv. brūns “brown” < Middle Low German brūn (EM, I, 340, 341; EH, I, 246). 112 M. Niedermann, ZfslPh, 4, p. 42–44; E. Fraenkel, Et. Wb., p. 515. 166 Latv. dārcis “a piebald horse,” dārkis; cf. Latv. dārks “piebald, variegated” (EM, I, 447, 448). Latv. dūkanis “a brown horse,” dūkanis, dūcis, dūcis, dūcis, dūkainis “a yellow horse with a black mane,” dūkanbēris “a dark brown horse”; cf. Latv. dūkans “gray-brown” (EM, I, 523, 525; EH, I, 346). Latv. dulis “a light brown horse,” dulinbēris “a dark brown horse”; cf. Latv. duls “dark-colored” (EH, I, 340). Latv. dzeltis “a yellow horse,” dzeltinis, dzeltenis, dzeltiņis, dzelṭānis, dzelṭainis; cf. Latv. dzeltāns “yellow” (EM, I, 542; EH, I, 353). Latv. gaīkis, in the phrase gaika zirgs “a variegated (brown-and-gray-spotted) horse” (EH, I, 376); cf. Latv. gaīkis “the fugitive, unruly one” (zirgs iet kā gaīkis); Latv. gaīkis “an eccentric, frivolous, exaggerated person” (EM, I, 584). Latv. kuksis “a fox-colored, yellow horse; the fox” probably arose by assimilation from *puksis <Ger. Fuchs (EM, II, 301; EH, I, 668). Latv. lāucis “a horse with a blaze,” lāukis, laukene “a mare with a blaze” (?), cf. Latv. lāuks “blazed” (EM, II, 426, 428; EH, I, 722, 723). Latv. luošītis “a horse that is luoss,” luošelis “a yellow-brown horse”; cf. Latv. luõss “dun, yellow-gray” (EM, II, 528). Latv. muõris “a brownish-blue, gray horse” (EM, II, 683; EH, I, 841); cf. Latv. muõris “the Moor” (?). Latv. mūsainis “a spotted horse, a gray horse”; cf. Latv. mūsāns “spotted, variegated” (EM, II, 679). Latv. palseris “a light gray horse”; cf. Latv. palsāins “gray-colored,” palsāns (EM, III, 62–3; EH, II, 152). Latv. pelēce “a gray mare,” pelēķis “a gray horse”; cf. Latv. pelēks “gray” (EM, III, 196; EH, II, 221). Latv. raūdis “a red horse”; cf. Latv. raūds “red, reddish, brown” (EM, III, 483). Latv. ripainis “an apple-gray horse, a horse with round spots; a round, well-fed horse,” rīpainis “a piebald horse”; cf. Latv. ripa “a round spot” (EM, III, 530, 539; EH, II, 373). Latv. sālnis “an iron-gray horse,” sahlkis; cf. Latv. salns “gray-colored” (EM, III, 675). Latv. sarkanis “a light brown horse”; cf. Latv. sarkans “red” (EM, III, 720; EH, II, 443). Lat. sekis “a piebald horse” is probably derived from Liv. šek “Schecke” (EM, III, 815; EH, II, 476). Lat. sirkis “a red roan,” cf. Latv. sīrks “gray-haired, grayish” (EM, III, 846). Lat. sīrmis “the gray roan,” sirmiņš, sīrmsarītis, cf. Latv. sīrms “gray” (EM, III, 846, 847; EH, II, 489). Lat. sveķainītis “a yellow horse,” cf. Latv. sveķains “resinous” (EH, II, 613). Lat. ūbelis “a piebald horse; an old, ugly horse,” cf. Latv. ūbele “the turtledove” (EM, IV, 403; EH, II, 740). In the monuments of the Prussian language, we find several horse names peculiar to this language alone. 167 The Elbing vocabulary records the word — Rapeno Jungkekobel (word 435) “young mare.” To date, this word has no more reliable etymology. Could Pr. rapeno perhaps be regarded as a borrowing from German, cf. German Rappe, which originally meant “raven” and later also “black horse”?113 The origins of the other two horse names found in the Elbing vocabulary are also quite unclear — Sweriapis Keynhengest (word 431) and Sweykis Pflugpfert (word 432). The first probably meant “tournament horse” and has been tentatively derived from Polish *świerzop “stallion,” cf. Polish świerzepa “mare”; the second (the variants sweyke, sweike, sweke are also attested in documents) has been tentatively connected with Old High German sweiga “herd of cattle”114 A review of horse names in the Baltic languages shows that they include many names of diverse origins. First, the Baltic languages preserved the old Indo-European name for horse, derived from the proto-form *eḱuo-s. We find no clear traces of this name in the Slavic languages. A horse name peculiar to the Baltic languages alone is Lithuanian žirgas, Latvian zirgs, Prussian sirgis. Later, the horse name arklys, peculiar to Lithuanian alone, emerged in Lithuanian. These changes in horse names are probably connected with shifts in the horse’s functions as a domestic animal. The Baltic languages have a stallion name of Indo-European origin that is peculiar to them alone. Lithuanian kumelys and Latvian kumelš have been variously associated with the Slavic horse name. However, these proposed connections have so far proved unsuccessful. In general, Baltic and Slavic horse names differ greatly. Apart from some cases of borrowing, there are no features characteristic of these two language groups alone. PIG In Europe, compared with the dog, sheep, and large horned cattle, the pig was probably domesticated by humans somewhat later. It also seems not to have played as great a role in the life of prehistoric humans as the other animals just mentioned. Separate centers of pig domestication existed both in Europe and Asia. The domestic pigs most widespread in Europe are descended from the wild boar (Sus scrofa ferus). The abundance of pig-domestication centers may also be related to the fact that, because of its physical characteristics, the pig is more difficult to transport than, for example, large and small horned cattle and horses. Traces of pigs are found in Neolithic archaeological remains in the Dnieper River basin and Bessarabia, as well as in almost all Neolithic settlements in northern and central Europe. They are also found in pile-dwelling settlements of the Po plain and in Mycenaean tombs1. We find many interesting facts about pig rearing in the historical sources of the ancient Near East. Here, pigs seem to have been domesticated considerably earlier than in Europe. For example, in ancient China, traces of pigs are found alongside those of dogs in early Neolithic settlements, whereas traces of other animals appear only at the very end of the Neolithic. The oracle-bone inscriptions of Chenan state that in ancient China, during solemn religious ceremonies, as many as 100 pigs were sometimes sacrificed2. 113 F. Kluge, Et. Wb., p. 582. 114 J. Endzelīns, The Old Prussian Language, p. 260; R. Trautmann, The Old Prussian Linguistic Monuments, p. 443. 1 O. Schrader, Reallexikon der indogermanischen Altertumskunde, II, p. 360; C. Keller, The Descent of the Oldest Domestic Animals, p. 100–115; M. Hilzheimer, Schwein, — M. Ebert, Reallexikon der Vorgeschichte, XI, p. 380–383. 2 V. I. Avdijevas, The History of the Ancient East, p. 576, 582. 168 That pigs were raised in ancient Babylon is indicated, among other things, by the fact that this animal is already mentioned in the famous Code of Hammurabi. The Israelites regarded the pig as an unclean animal and did not eat pork. In Asia generally, although pigs were raised, they were not popular. Almost half-wild, they wandered through cities and, together with dogs and vultures, helped keep the streets clean3. There is no mention of eating pork in the historical sources of ancient Egypt, although pigs are known there as domestic animals from prehistoric times. For example, a herd of pigs is depicted in a drawing in a prehistoric tomb. A faience statuette of a boar was found in the oldest archaeological strata of the temple at Hierakonpolis. A running boar was already used as a hieroglyphic sign in an inscription from the First Dynasty. In general, however, representations of pigs are found much less often than those of other domestic animals. These facts suggest that the pig was not particularly popular among the ancient Egyptians either. This is partly confirmed by the fact that in later times the pig was regarded as the animal of the evil god Set, the slayer of his brother Osiris. It is also quite unclear why pigs were kept in ancient Egypt. Herodotus relates that during his travels he saw pigs being used in the Nile Delta to trample seeds sown in the soil4. In ancient Greece and Rome this animal was held in greater esteem than in the countries of the East. Homer relates that Odysseus had twelve herds of straight-horned cattle, and as many herds of sheep, goats, and pigs. The Romans enjoyed pork, and did not hesitate to depict pigs in their works of art5. The pig was a very popular animal in Slavic lands. In general, among all domestic animals, the Slavs seem to have raised pigs and sheep most extensively. Arab travelers of the 10th century also describe their rearing in these regions. Conditions were especially favorable for raising pigs between the Vistula and the Desna, where the vast oak forests made it possible to gather enormous quantities of acorns and thus provide winter fodder for them with little effort6. In the territories of the present-day Baltic republics, traces of pigs, together with those of dogs and large and small horned livestock, are already found in Neolithic remains7. In the remains from hillforts excavated in the territory of the Lithuanian SSR (Nemenčinė, Migonys, Dovainonys, Bačkininkėliai), dated to the 1st–4th centuries, a substantial percentage of pig bones was found alongside the bones of other domestic animals8. The old Indo-European name for the pig *sūs/*suų has been fairly well preserved in many Indo-European languages: Sanskrit śūkarāḥ, Avestan hū-, Greek ὗς, σύς, Latin sūs, Gothic swein, Slavic. 3 P. Thomsen, Schwein, — M. Ebert, Reallexikon der Vorgeschichte, XI, p. 383—384; B. Meissner, Haustier, — ten pat, V, p. 221; O. Schrader, Reallexikon der indogermanischen Altertumskunde, II, p. 361. 4 Ranke, Schwein, — M. Ebert, Reallexikon der Vorgeschichte, XI, p. 383; C. Keller, Die Abstammung der ältesten Haustiere, p. 102. 5 C. Keller, ten pat, p. 103; V. S. Sergejevas, Senovės Graikijos istorija, Vilnius, 1955, p. 109. 6 Л. Нидерле, Славянские древности, p. 319—320. 7 P. Kulikauskas, R. Kulikauskienė, A. Tautavičius, Lietuvos archeologijos bruožai, p. 79; Latvijas PSR vēsture, I, p. 11; История Эстонской ССР, под. ред. Г. И. Наана, Таллин, 1958, p. 10. 8 P. Kulikauskas, R. Kulikauskienė, A. Tautavičius, ten pat, p. 252—253; K. Paaveri P. Kulikauskas, Acta Baltico-Slavica, 2, p. 270—272. 169 Schwein, Old High German sū, German Sau, Albanian thi, Tocharian B suwo, Russian свинья, Latvian sivēns ‘piglet’, etc. As with many other ancient Indo-European animal names, the original meaning of *sūs/*suu is very unclear. Several explanations have been proposed, some less and others more convincing, but none can be said to be certainly correct and entirely free of doubt. An attempt has been made to connect Indo-European *sūs with the Indo-European word for ‘son’ (Lithuanian sūnùs, Russian сын, etc.), deriving both words from the same verb meaning ‘produce, beget, give birth’, cf. Sanskrit sūtē, sāuti, sūvátē ‘produces, gives birth’. Phonetically, such a connection is possible, but it is very difficult to justify semantically, especially considering that the pig was domesticated somewhat later than other domestic animals. F. Specht⁹ connected Indo-European *sūs with Gothic bi-saulan ‘smear, daub’, Gothic swarts ‘black’, and Latin sordes ‘dirt’. Several attempts have been made to seek the source of Indo-European *sūs not among the Indo-Europeans themselves, but in the languages of their neighbours. A. Nehring¹⁰ considered the Proto-Finno-Ugric form *buvo to be such a source (cf. Finnish sika, Mordvin tuwo). E. Polivanov, reconstructing *(t)sūs as the proto-form underlying the Indo-European words for ‘pig’, derived it from Old Chinese čú ‘pig, boar’¹¹. However, the etymology that has probably attracted the most adherents is the one that explains Indo-European *sūs as an onomatopoeic word. This is supported semantically by the many onomatopoeic names for animals in various languages, including the pig itself. In addition, the interpretation of Sanskrit sū-karāḥ as ‘sū—making’, that is, ‘an animal that “makes” a sound’, supports this etymology. In this case both Indo-European *sū- and Old Chinese ču could have originated in the same way¹². In the Slavic languages, this Indo-European name for ‘pig’ has indeed been well preserved, albeit in a slightly modified form: Old Church Slavonic svinija, Russian свинья, Ukrainian свиня, Belarusian свіння, Bulgarian свиня, Serbo-Croatian свиња, Slovenian svinja, Czech svině, Slovak sviňa, Polish świnia, Kashubian svina, Upper Sorbian swinja, Lower Sorbian swińa. This Slavic name was apparently formed from the feminine form *svini of the adjective svinъ; the related forms include Latin suīnus ‘of a pig, swinish’ and Gothic swein ‘pig’¹³. Among the Baltic languages, only Latvian has preserved this Indo-European name for ‘pig’: su-vēns ‘the piglet’, suvēns, suvēnelis, sivēns, sivēnis, sivēntiņš, sivēnica ‘a sow (that has piglets, etc.)’, sivēnice, sivēne ‘a pig six to seven months old’, sivēnēns ‘a little piglet’, sivēnīza = sivēnica, sivēniete ‘a young (no more than one year old) sow; a pregnant sow’, sivēnuks ‘the piglet’, sivēnuks (EM, III, 850, 1129; EH, II, 491, 606). Forms with root -i- are innovations in Latvian: in this language u quite often changes to i before v and b, cf. divi ‘two’: duvejāds ‘twofold’, zivs ‘fish’: zuvs, tīvi ‘to plough’: tuvu, driva ‘soil’: druva, dibens ‘bottom’: dubēns, etc.¹⁴ Latvian dialects also have further variants of this name: sukis ‘a piglet, a half-grown pig’, sukēns, zuikis ‘a little piglet’, sukis ‘a half-grown pig, a piglet’, sukelis (derogatory), sukēns, sukentiņš, sukelēns, 9 F. Specht, Der Ursprung der indogermanischen Deklination, p. 123. 10 A. Nehring, Studien zur indogermanischen Kultur und Urheimat, Salzburg—Leipzig, 1936, p. 112. 11 E. A. Polivanov, Archiv Orientalní, 9, p. 405—406. 12 O. H. Трубачев, Происхождение..., p. 62; M. Vasmer, Et. Wb., II, p. 593; F. Kluge, Et. Wb., p. 626. 13 V. Machek, Et. sl., p. 489; M. Vasmer, Et. Wb., II, p. 593. 14 J. Endzelynas, Baltų kalbų garsai ir formos, p. 15; J. Endzelīns, Latviešu valodas gramatika, p. 50—52; K. Būga, Rinktiniai raštai, II, p. 615. 170 sukāns, sukans, suŋķis “a medium-sized pig,” siūka “the piglet, young pig,” siūkis, svīkis “a very lean pig,” svīķelis “a small, lean piglet,” svīkaltis “the piglet, young pig,” sukantīns “a little piglet,” sukniši “small piglets” (EM, III, 850, 1115, 1117, 1119, 1124, 1163; IV, 749; EH, II, 601, 602, 619–620). As we can see, these names are quite distant from the pig names of the same root that we mentioned earlier. The formation of some of them is also very difficult to explain. Forms with iu- might perhaps be explained as deriving from *suvikis, cf. zuintina < zuvitina15. The emergence of some forms may at times have been influenced by the sound words suku “a call to entice a foal; an interjection,” suk “an interjection used to call a dog to which one tosses something to eat; a call to entice a foal” (EM, III, 1116, 1118), cf. sukulis “a small foal.” In Prussian, too, we find a pig name of this root: word 682 of the Elbing vocabulary, Swintian Swin. This Prussian form can be explained in various ways. First, it can be viewed as having arisen through dissimilation, or perhaps simply through a copying error, from *swinstian < *swinistian (cf. parstian “pig,” werstian “calf,” which in turn would derive from *parsīstian, *wersīstian; cf. gertistian “chick” beside gertis “rooster”). Like Prussian camstian “sheep” and Slavic овца “sheep,” Prussian swintian may have become a species name for an animal from a diminutive form. However, the suffix -tian could have been added directly to the stem swīn- without any diminutive meaning, by analogy with other animal names bearing this suffix16. Nor is it entirely clear whether the Prussians reshaped this word after borrowing it from Slavic (J. Mikkola considered some svin-ča to be its source, and R. Trautmann17 also tends to agree with him), or whether it is an old word native to Prussian. Considering that Prussian vocabulary quite often differs from that of the other Baltic languages and coincides with Slavic, Prussian swintian might perhaps be regarded as an inherited native word. This assumption is also supported by the fact that terms associated with animal husbandry in Prussian are generally native words. The pig name of this root also survives in the compound Prussian word sewēwnis (word 229 of the Elbing vocabulary: Sewenis Sewstal18). It is difficult to say to what extent this spelling reflects the actual form of the Prussian word. K. Būga explained seweynis as having arisen by dissimilation from *sweina-s19. J. Endzelīns is inclined to think that ew instead of uw may have arisen simply through a copying error, due to the adjacent German sewstal20. Thus, the pig name reconstructed from the aforementioned name for a pigsty would correspond to Latvian suēns. On the other hand, given that Prussian e represents broad i, Prussian seweynis can also be connected with Latvian svēns, as V. Burda21 did. In this case, however, uw > iv is somewhat more difficult to explain on Prussian linguistic grounds, since it is otherwise characteristic only of Latvian, although forms živė, živis, liežuvīs22 attested around Zietela would seem to indicate that uw > iv may not have been foreign to Prussian either, at least in certain dialect areas. 15 J. Endzelīns, Latviešu valodas gramatika, p. 155, 214 16 J. Endzelīns, Senprūšu valoda, p. 53, 260—261. 17 R. Trautmann, Die altpreussischen Sprachdenkmäler, p. 443; J. Mikkola, Baltisches und Slavisches, Helsingfors, 1902—3, p. 8. 18 Prūsų kalbos paminklai, p. 63. 19 K. Būga, Rinktiniai raštai, II, p. 615; III, p. 852. 20 J. Endzelīns, Senprūšu valoda, p. 246. 21 R. Trautmann, Die altpreussischen Sprachdenkmäler, p. 85, 425—426. 22 Z. Zinkevičius, Lietuvių dialektologija, p. 68; Э. А. Вольтер, Известия отделения русского языка и славесности Имп. Ак. Наук, т. 16, кн. 4, p. 151—160. 171 However, it seems to us that it would be best to reconstruct a Prussian form seweynis that could be directly related to Prussian swintian. The Prussian river name Swene and the village name Swene23 could apparently be related to the Prussian word for ‘pig’, swintian. A large number of Indo-European languages have preserved the old word for a piglet: Latin porcus, Irish orc, Old High German farah, Chotan Saka pāsa (< *parsa-) ‘pig’, Kurdish purs. The word for piglet is especially well preserved in the Slavic and Baltic languages: Old Church Slavonic prase, Old Russian порося, Russian поросенок, Ukrainian порося, Belarusian парася, Bulgarian прасе, Serbo-Croatian прасе, Slovene prase, Czech prase, Slovak prasa, Polish prosię, Kashubian parsa, Upper Sorbian proso, Lower Sorbian prose, Polabian porsą, Lithuanian paršas, Prussian parstian24. Attempts have been made to explain the original meaning of this word in various ways. E. Lidén25 and F. Specht26 associated Lithuanian paršas and related forms with Latin porca ‘furrow’, persėti, praparšas ‘ditch’, arguing that the original meaning of this Indo-European word for a piglet had been ‘one that roots’. Semantic parallels for this explanation exist, but the fundamental problem is that the word does not mean pig in general, only a pig’s young—a piglet. There have been attempts to relate Indo-European *porkos, interpreted as ‘fire, i.e. a sacrificial animal’, to Greek πῦρ ‘fire’, Armenian hur, Old High German fuir, and other cognates of these words27. We have already encountered a similar attempt when Indo-European *agnos ‘lamb’ was linked to another Indo-European word for fire (Lithuanian ugnis, Latin ignis). But of these attempts, one can say, in O. Trubachev’s words, ‘ingenious, but unlikely’. Even if such etymologies were semantically defensible, phonetically they are exceedingly ‘forced’. E. Benveniste’s28 etymology found ardent supporters; it links Indo-European *porko with a color term, cf. Sanskrit pṛ́śni- ‘speckled’, Greek πέρκος. E. Benveniste’s etymology is semantically supported by the fact that, up to six months of age, wild piglets’ skin is streaked with longitudinal black and yellowish stripes. In Lithuanian dialects paršas is sometimes also used to mean a pig in general, or even a large pig, a hog. These meanings, however, are more recent. Their development was especially encouraged by the fact that in Lithuanian dialects, when referring to a pig’s young, diminutive forms of the word paršas are most often used: paršiūkas, paršūkas, paršėlis, paršiščias. The old meaning ‘piglet’ is also preserved in the words paršiuotis ‘to farrow’, paršuotis, paršinga ‘pregnant (of a sow)’. Lithuanian parš(i)ūkas also entered neighboring Slavic languages: Belarusian парсюк, парсюок, парсюляк, паршук, Polish parsiuk, Russian парсук, паршук, парсюк, парсюк. The Slavic words are used with various meanings: ‘piglet’, ‘hog’, ‘lean, poorly fed piglet’. O. Trubachev tends to explain some Russian forms as having arisen not through borrowing but through reduction from other Slavic forms. He may have been prompted to do so by the fact that Russian парсук, парсюк29 are found far away and in isolation from Lithuanian territory (around Ryazan). However, they can be explained as remnants of a Baltic substratum. 23 G. Gerullis, Die altpreussischen Ortsnamen, p. 178. 24 О. Н. Трубачев, Происхождение…, p. 61; M. Vasmer, Et. Wb., II, p. 409. 25 E. Lidén, KZ, 56, p. 218. 26 F. Specht, Der Ursprung der indogermanischen Deklination, p. 34–35. 27 J. P. Rona, El culto indoeuropeo del fuego, Montevideo, 1957, p. 14; plg. О. Н. Трубачев, Происхождение…, p. 63. 28 E. Benveniste, Bulletin de la Société de linguistique de Paris, 45, p. 77, 85. 29 В. Даль, Толковый словарь живого великорусского языка, III, p. 19. 172 Words of Baltic origin are also quite often found in Slavic territories far from present-day Lithuania and Latvia30. The Indo-European name for ‘pig’ is also found in Old Prussian sources. The Elbing Vocabulary records: Prastian Ferkel (word 686)31. Most scholars (A. Bezzenberger, R. Trautmann, J. Endzelīns, K. Būga) emend Old Prussian prastian to parstian < *parsistian32. The Prussian word contains the same diminutive suffix that we encountered when discussing Old Prussian eristian, camstian, swintian. The Prussian name for ‘pig’ is also attested in Prussian toponyms, which, moreover, also confirm the correctness of the reconstruction parstian; cf. Parstlawke < parstian + Old Prussian laucks ‘field’, Porsekaymen < *parsas + Old Prussian caymis ‘village’33. This Indo-European word for ‘pig’ is also found in the Finno-Ugric languages: Finnish porsas, Estonian põrzas, Veps porzas, Votic põrzas, Livonian puõras, Mordvin purhts, puršez. Many scholars do not doubt the Indo-European origin of these words, but opinions among linguists differ as to how and from which Indo-European language the Finno-Ugric peoples borrowed this word for ‘pig’. V. Thomsen was inclined to think that the words mentioned entered the Finno-Ugric languages from the Baltic languages34. K. Būga strongly supported this view. He wrote: “Finnish porsas, Mordvin pur’hts, pyr’hts(ez) (Moksha), pur’ts, pur’sez, purtsos (Erzya) ‘piglet, Ferkel’, Mari porš, porýš, Udmurt parš, pariš, Mansi pūrys, pôres, poreš, Khanty pörös, pūrös ‘pig, Schwein’ must likewise be of Baltic origin... By way of trade, paršas could easily have travelled from the Baltic lands through the Mordvins even as far as the Finns of Perm and the Urals. As the distribution of the word paršas shows, the center of pig breeding was not in the east, but in the west. Consequently, the Finno-Ugric peoples could not have obtained pigs from the east, whose inhabitants, according to Herodotus’s clear testimony, did not keep pigs at all. There is nothing surprising about the long journey of paršas and *solo (Finnish suola...) ‘salt’, since these two things are very important in human life. Other words of Baltic origin reached the Mordvins and the Mari in the east. Once pigs (paršas) and salt (Latvian sāls) from the Baltic lands had reached the lands of the Mordvins and the Mari, it was easy for traders to carry them from there to their more distant neighbors as well”35. Other scholars, relying mainly on geographical considerations, assign the aforementioned Finno-Ugric word for ‘pig’ to the layer of Indo-European loanwords in Proto-Finno-Ugric36. Along with Finnish porsas and the like, this layer also includes words regarded by other scholars as Balticisms: Finnish jyvä ‘grain’ (cf. Lithuanian javai), Finnish sisar ‘sister’ (cf. Lithuanian sesuo). Recently, this view has gained more and more adherents. Nevertheless, it would still be premature to consider the question definitively settled. Estonian pahr ‘pig- 30 О. Н. Трубачев, Происхождение..., p. 63—64; M. Vasmer, Et. Wb., II, p. 317—318; T. Zdancewicz, Lingua Posnaniensis, 8, p. 346; Cz. Kudzinowski, Acta Baltico-Slavica, 1, p. 224. 31 R. Trautmann, Die altpreussischen Sprachdenkmäler, p. 92; Prūsų kalbos paminklai, p. 73. 32 R. Trautmann, Die altpreussischen Sprachdenkmäler, p. 408; J. Endzelīns, Senprūšu valoda, p. 219; K. Būga, Rinktiniai raštai, I, p. 305. 33 K. Būga, Rinktiniai raštai, I, p. 424; II, p. 384; III, p. 677; G. Gerullis, Die altpreussischen Ortsnamen, p. 115, 131. 34 V. Thomsen, Beröringer mellem de finske og de baltiske (litauisk-lettiske) Sprog, p. 206. 35 K. Būga, Rinktiniai raštai, III, p. 592. 36 Л. Хакулинен, Развитие и структура финского языка, II, p. 38; E. Fraenkel, Et. Wb., p. 542; J. Kalima, Festschrift für Hermann Hirt, Heidelberg, 1936, p. 199—214; E. Itkonen, A. J. Joki, Suomen kielen etymologinen sanakirja, III, Helsinki, 1962 p. 606. 173 J. Kalima considers “lys,” distinguishing it from the other pig names in the Finno-Ugric languages we have just listed, to be a borrowing from Baltic37. Baltic and Slavic languages have another name for the pig, which appears to be characteristic only of these two Indo-European language groups and whose origin has remained highly uncertain to this day. In Slavic languages this word is most often used to mean ‘wild boar’: Old Russian вепрь, Russian вепрь, Russian dialectal венерь ‘young boar’, вепрь, веприк ‘wild boar, boar, young boar’, Ukrainian вепер ‘wild boar, castrated boar’, Belarusian вепер ‘wild boar, young boar’, Bulgarian вепър ‘wild boar’, Serbo-Croatian вѐпар ‘young boar’, Slovenian veper ‘wild boar’, Czech vepř ‘pig, young boar’, Slovak vepor, Polish wieprz ‘pig, young boar, wild boar’, Upper Sorbian wjapr ‘young boar, wild boar’, Lower Sorbian wjapš, Polabian víper38. Among the Baltic languages, this word is well preserved only in Latvian: vepris ‘a castrated boar, a hog’, vepruks ‘a small (castrated) boar’, veprēks ‘a not-quite-small vepris’, veprēks, pejorative veprelis, veprēns, veprēlis ‘a not-large vepris’, veprukāns, cf. also vepruoties ‘to eat messily and sloppily at the table’, veprelis ‘an unclean child’ (EM, IV, 538; EH, II, 771). The existence of this name for the pig in Lithuanian can be inferred from the toponymy: Vėpriai (a small town southwest of Ukmergė), Veprinis (a lake in Vievis district), Veprys (Lake Antalieptė), Vepriškiai (two lakes in Vievis district), Vėprynas (Lake Veisiejai)39. The Prussian place names Weppen, Wepers suggest that such a word was also familiar to the Prussians40. In his notes and supplements to A. Preobrazhensky’s etymological dictionary of the Russian language, K. Būga had proposed that Latvian vepris might also have been borrowed from Russian (“…заимствование из русского не исключено”)41. However, traces of the aforementioned word in Lithuanian and Prussian do not support this assumption, and other scholars do not doubt the Baltic origin of Latvian vepris. Yet the origin of this word and its original meaning give rise to very considerable doubt. Some scholars, reasoning semantically that the wild boar received its name as ‘inseminator’, connect it with Sanskrit vapati ‘casts out (seed)’, while others connect it with Sanskrit yabhati ‘to copulate’. There is also a view that the wild boar’s name was prompted by its bristles, and an attempt has been made to connect it with Latin veprēs ‘thorns’. Others, treating the v- in the Baltic-Slavic words as an added element, connect the word with Old High German ebur ‘wild boar, boar’, German Eber, and Latin aper42. Both Slavic and Baltic languages have many different names for the pig, characteristic of only one of these language groups or even of a single language. Without dwelling on Slavic names of this kind, we shall survey in greater detail the animal names characteristic of the Baltic languages. In standard Lithuanian and in a considerable number of dialects, a castrated boar is called meitėlis (nominative meitėlis, meitėlys). The forms maitelis, meičiukas ‘a small piglet’ and meičokas, meičkus are also found in dialects (LKŽd., VII, 760, 1009). This name is related to the words misti, maitinti, maistas, maitas ‘food, feed, provisions, foo- 37 J. Kalima, Itämerensuomalaisten kielten balttilaiset lainasanat, p. 145. 38 О. Н. Трубачев, Происхождение..., p. 66; M. Vasmer, Et. Wb., I, p. 183. 39 Register of the Names of Lithuania’s Rivers and Lakes, p. 190. 40 G. Gerullis, Die altpreussischen Ortsnamen, p. 199. 41 K. Būga, Selected Writings, II, p. 648–649. 42 M. Vasmer, Et. Wb., I, p. 183; V. Machek, Et. sl., p. 561; F. Kluge, Et. Wb., p. 150; EM, IV, p. 538; О. Н. Трубачев, Происхождение..., p. 66; R. Trautmann, B-sl. Wb., p. 351; Сравнительная грамматика германских языков, I, Москва, 1962, p. 57. 174 “šaras” and others43. An exact semantic parallel to Lithuanian meitėlis is found in the Slavic languages; compare Serbian-Croatian кѝмад “pigs,” кѝмак “young boar,” кѝмач “breeding sow,” kѝme “half-grown pig,” Russian dialectal коромак “young boar,” Bulgarian кърмак: Serbian-Croatian кърмити “to feed,” Russian кормить “to feed, give fodder, nourish, suckle,” корм “fodder, feed, forage, food”44. Lithuanian meitėlis has a cognate in Old Prussian, nomaytis (Nomaytis Burg, word 684 in the Elbing Vocabulary)45. Its relationship to Lithuanian meitėlis is beyond doubt. However, R. Trautmann connected both these Baltic words not with Lithuanian maitinti, Old Prussian maitātunsin “to nourish oneself,” Old Prussian maitā “he/she feeds,” but with Old Prussian ismaitint “to lose, forfeit.” Thus, in R. Trautmann’s view, Old Prussian nomaytis acquired this name because of castration. Nevertheless, it is more convincing to connect Old Prussian nomaytis and Lithuanian meitėlis with the Lithuanian maitinti, mesti word group, as J. Endzelins and E. Fraenkel do46. Latvian has no name for a pig from this root, but there we find another good semantic parallel that confirms the correctness of Lithuanian meitėlis, Old Prussian nomaytis: Lithuanian maitinti; compare Latvian baruoklis “fattening livestock, especially a fattening pig,” baruoklis, baruoksnis, barūoksnis, baruotnis, baruoknis, baruklis, baruokle “a (female) fattening pig,” barukle (EM, I, 265; EH, I, 206): Latvian baruot “to feed, nourish, fatten,” barība “food, fodder.” Another semantic parallel for these pig names is also found in Lithuanian; compare penimis “a fattened pig, piglet,” peniūkšlas, peniūkšlis, pešlas < *penslas: penėti47. The word Lithuanian kiaũlė is of entirely obscure origin; it is used in all Lithuanian dialects and in the literary language as the general name for this animal. Lithuanian also uses various derivatives of the word kiaulė with suffixes, whose meanings sometimes diverge somewhat from the basic meaning: kiaulaitė “a small young pig,” kiaulaitė, kiaulėlė “a small, young pig; a young sow,” kiaulėlis “piglet,” kiaulėnas “small pig,” kiaulienas “young boar,” kiaulykštė “puny pig,” kiaulykštis “small pig,” kiauliokas “medium-sized piglet,” kiauliotė “young sow,” kiaūlis “young boar, piglet,” kiaulys, kiauliščia “puny pig,” kiauliūkas “piglet,” kiauliūkšė “a small pig,” kiauliūkštė, kiauliūkštis “a small piglet,” kiaūlius “young boar, piglet,” kiauliva “pig (derog.),” kiaulūtė “a small pig, young sow” (LKŽd., V, 687, 689–90, 691, 696, 698, 699, 701). No other Baltic or Slavic language has such a name for a pig. The word kiaũlė is peculiar to Lithuanian alone. It is true that an attempt has been made to connect it with Greek σωλούς ὗς48, but such a connection is highly doubtful. Lithuanian kiaũlė is phonetically very similar to the name for a male pig—a boar—found in all three Baltic languages; compare Lithuanian kuilỹs, kuilius (LKŽd., VI, 780–1), Latvian kui- E. Fraenkel, Et. Wb, p. 459–460; K. Būga, Rinktiniai raštai, II, p. 411.43 44 И. И. Толстой, Сербо-хорватско-русский словарь, Москва, 1957, p. 357; О. Н. Трубачев, Происхождение…, p. 66; C. D. Buck, Dict., p. 162. R. Trautmann, Die altpreussischen Sprachdenkmäler, p. 92, 386; Prūsų kalbos paminklai, p. 73.45 J. Endzelins, Senprūšu valoda, p. 216; E. Fraenkel, Et. Wb., p. 459–460.46 E. Fraenkel, Et. Wb., p. 569.47 E. Fraenkel, Et. Wb., p. 249; O. Haas, Lingua Posnaniensis, 3, p. 77.48 175 lis, Prussian cuylis. Many researchers regard this name for a boar as a Slavic borrowing⁴⁹. There would be no reason to doubt this assumption if an exact source from which Lithuanian kuilỹs, Latvian kuìlis, Prussian cuylis might have originated could be found. Unfortunately, no such source exists. Researchers reconstruct the form kylb. They reconstruct it on the basis of Russian dialectal КИЛЯК ‘boar, young boar’, which they in turn connect with Russian КИЛА ‘hernia, rupture; swelling (a plant disease)’. In O. Trubačov’s⁵⁰ view, the form kylb meant ‘tusk’. A name for a boar does sometimes derive from a word for ‘tusk’; cf. Russian КЛЫКАЧ ‘boar’: КЛЫК ‘tusk’, Bulgarian ГЛИГАН ‘boar, wild boar’, ГЛИГ: Bulgarian ГЛИГ ‘boar’s, wild boar’s tusk’, German Hauer ‘boar, wild boar’: Hauer ‘tusk’. Semantically, O. Trubačov’s interpretation of Russian КИЛУН, КИЛЯК is quite convincing, but the phonetic relationship between Russian КЛЫК ‘tusk’ and *kylb remains unclear. In Latvian dialects, alongside the forms for the name of a boar kuilis, kuilēns, kuilins, diminutive kuijuks, kuilenītis (EM, II, 300; EH, I, 667, 668), we also find the forms ķilis, ķilins, diminutive ķilēks, ķiluks (EM, II, 388; EH, I, 706). J. Endzelīnas explains the forms with -i- in the root as deriving from the same source as those with -ui-, but as having been borrowed at a later period. Something similar happened in Lithuanian with the words kūila ‘hernia, rupture’ and kỳla, the former deriving from the Slavic form *kyla, while kỳla entered Lithuanian after Slavic ky > ki. In fact, one can observe that Lithuanian also has a direct counterpart of the Slavic words, kūlas ‘swelling; hernia’ (LKŽd., VI, 819). The repeated borrowing of Latvian kīlis again gives reason to doubt the authenticity of the Slavic source. Can it really be that the word from which the Baltic name for this animal originated at different times has not survived in any neighboring Slavic language? The name for a boar is attested once in the Prussian-language records: in the Elbing Vocabulary (word 683), Tuylis Beer (Middle High German ber ‘breeding boar’)⁵¹. On the basis of the corresponding forms for ‘boar’ in the other Baltic languages, this form seems justifiably emended to kauils. This form may perhaps also be partly corroborated by East Prussian German dialectal Kuijel ‘boar’, Kujel, kuijeln ‘to run about’⁵², which may still be directly related to the Prussian name for a boar. K. Būga attempted to explain the Baltic name for a boar as an indigenous word, connecting it with Lithuanian kiaũlė, kūkis ‘young boar’, kūkė ‘pig’, and Latvian cūka⁵³. Later, however, K. Būga too accepted the explanation that the Balts had received this word from the Slavs. Nevertheless, it seems to us that there is some basis for connecting the Baltic name for a boar with Lithuanian kiaũlė. The root vocalism may sometimes have changed under the influence of the Slavic borrowing kūila ‘hernia, rupture’; ui may also have arisen as a kind of expressive result of a pejorative meaning. Compare Lithuanian kūinas, kūikė, kūinas ‘hornless’, muitā ‘carcass’, būilis ‘bull’, etc. Another Baltic name for a pig has also been tentatively connected with Lithuanian kiaũlė, namely Prussian skewre, skawra. This Prussian name for a pig is one of the most authentic animal names in the Prussian language, since it is attested in both Prussian vocabularies. In the Elbing Vocabulary we find: Skewre Suwe (word 685), while in S. Grunau’s: 49 K. Būga, Rinktiniai raštai, II, p. 92; R. Trautmann, Die altpreussischen Sprachdenkmäler, p. 451; E M, II, p. 300; E. Fraenkel, Et. Wb., p. 305; J. Endzelin, IF, 33, p. 117. 50 О. Н. Трубачев, Происхождение..., p. 67. 51 R. Trautmann, Die altpreussischen Sprachdenkmäler, p. 92; Prūsų kalbos paminklai, p. 73. 52 H. Frischbier, Preussisches Wörterbuch, I, p. 442. 53 K. Būga, Rinktiniai raštai, I, p. 296–297. 176 sau skawra (19th word)54. R. Trautmann, reconstructing the proto-form *skiau-rē, associated this Prussian word very cautiously (with a?) with Lithuanian kiaulė ‘pig’55. K. Būga56 and J. Endzelīns57 took a similar approach. This would mean that the Prussian word had a different suffix and an added s-. However, it is very difficult to prove the genetic identity of Prussian skewre and Lithuanian kiaulė: the phonetics of these words differ too much. The Prussian name for ‘pig’ has also survived in toponymy; compare Skeurekaym < Prussian skewre + Prussian caymis ‘village’58. The explanation of the origin of the Lithuanian name for the wild boar, šernas, šėrnas, šerna, is also highly uncertain. In Latvian, no word from this root is used to mean ‘wild boar’. The Prussian river name Serenappe < seren + ape ‘river’ would suggest that Lithuanian šėrnas had a cognate in Prussian; perhaps the place name Sernaw59 does as well. E. Fraenkel, rejecting E. Berneker’s explanation, according to which Lithuanian šėrnas—on the basis of semantic parallels with Slavic veprь ‘wild boar’: Sanskrit vāpati ‘emits (seed)’, Gothic auhsa ‘bull’: Sanskrit ukṣāti ‘sprinkles’, etc.—was associated with Sanskrit kṣárati ‘runs, flows, melts’60, was inclined to connect Lithuanian šėrnas with Lithuanian šerkšnas, šārmas and other words with the Indo-European root *ker-61. Phonetically, such a connection is entirely possible; however, words with the Indo-European root *ker- generally denote light colors or things of light colors in both Baltic and Slavic languages. Compare Lithuanian širmas ‘white with mixed dark hair’, širvas, Latvian širins, Old Russian серень ‘white’, etc., whereas the wild boar is a dark-colored animal. It is worth drawing attention to an etymology of Lithuanian šėrnas that is not mentioned in E. Fraenkel’s dictionary but was published by A. Fick a century ago. Without offering any extended rationale, A. Fick connected Lithuanian šėrnas with Lithuanian šer̃š, šėrtis, reconstructing the root *šar- ‘rough’62. Perhaps, finding no more suitable semantic parallels, later researchers viewed this etymology skeptically, and, as we have seen, it was not even included in the etymological dictionary of the Lithuanian language. Nevertheless, A. Fick’s etymology is quite convincing: it can be supported by semantic parallels in other languages; compare Hungarian serte ‘bristles’, Slovak ošipiná ‘pig’: Slovak šip ‘spine’63. As is well known, coarse bristles are even more characteristic of a wild boar than of a domestic pig. There are likewise no phonetic obstacles to connecting Lithuanian šėrnas with Lithuanian šer̃š; as for word formation, compare Lithuanian kernà ‘thicket’, Prussian kirno ‘bush’: Lithuanian kėras ‘bush; stump’, etc.64 In the Baltic languages, of course—with the exception of Prussian, owing to the paucity of its written records—we find many other, more narrowly used names for the pig. There are especially many such names of sound-symbolic origin. 54 R. Trautmann, Die altpreussischen Sprachdenkmäler, p. 92, 94; Monuments of the Prussian Language, p. 73, 78. 55 R. Trautmann, ibid., p. 429. 56 K. Būga, Selected Writings, I, p. 296–297. 57 J. Endzelīns, Old Prussian Language, p. 249. 58 G. Gerullis, The Old Prussian Place Names, p. 161, 233. 59 G. Gerullis, ibid., p. 155, 156. 60 E. Berneker, IF, 8, p. 284. 61 E. Fraenkel, Et. Wb., p. 974. 62 A. Fick, Vergleichendes Wörterbuch der indogermanischen Sprachen, II, Göttingen, 1876 p. 695. 63 О. Н. Трубачев, Происхождение…, p. 67. 64 A. Sabaliauskas, Baltistica, I(2), pp. 162–163. 12. Baltų ir slavų kalbų ryšiai 177 Lith. ciucė “pig (term of endearment and nickname),” čiukė “čiukė, pig,” čiukukas “piglet, čiūkutis,” ciukūtis (LKŽd., II, 29); compare the sound-imitative words used to call and drive pigs: ciūga, ciūgā, ciuk, čiūkš. Lith. čiūga “pig,” čiūgā, čiūgalis “piglet (in children's speech),” čiūgālis “boar, pig (term of endearment),” čiūgana “pig, čiukė,” čiūgalis “čiukūtis, piglet” (LKŽd., II, 94); compare Lith. čiūg “čiuk, čiuku (a call used for pigs),” čiūgā, čiūgā, čiūglė, čiūgnōti “to call pigs.” Lith. čiūkā “pig,” čiūkas “pig, boar,” čiukė “pig (in children's speech),” čiūkė, čiūkis “young boar,” čiūkis, čiūklė “pig (in children's speech),” čiūklis “piglet,” čiukūtis “boar (term of endearment),” čiūkūtis, čiūlė “old pig,” čiūnis “boar (term of endearment)” (LKŽd., II, 95, 96, 99, 101); compare the calls used for pigs: čiūk, čiūk, čiūk, čiūka, čiūkā, čiūka, čiūki, čiūku, čiūkut, čiūkuōti “to call a pig by saying ‘čiuk čiuk,’” čiūkōti. Lith. čiūotė “pig, čiukė,” čiūotis “young boar (term of endearment)” (LKŽd., II, 108, 109); compare the sound-imitative calls čiūo, čiūō, čiūot. Lith. jūkšė “pig,” jūkšius “pig, boar” (LKŽd., IV, 375, 376); compare the sound-imitative call used to drive pigs jūkš. Lith. kiūkšė “pig” (LKŽd., V, 913); compare kiukšėti “to grunt (of a pig).” Lith. kriukā “pig,” kriūkė, kriuksė, kriūkšė (LKŽd., VI, 641, 644, 645, 647, 648); compare kriū “interj. used to represent a pig's grunting,” kriūkt. Lith. krūksis “piglet” (LKŽd., VI, 695, 696); compare krūk “interj. used to represent a pig's grunting.” Lith. kuciūtė “pig,” kuciūkas “boar, pig (usually so called when calling it)” (LKŽd., VI, 755, 756, 757); compare the call used for pigs kuc. Lith. kūkas “pig, boar,” kūkā “pig (in children's speech),” kūkā, kuksa, kūksis “boar, piglet,” kūkšis, kūktė “pig,” kūkūlė, kūkūtas “piglet,” kūkūtė “young pig,” kūkūtis, kūkūtis “piglet, young pig,” kūkūtis, kūkūtīs (LKŽd., VI, 791, 792, 795, 801, 802, 803, 807, 810, 817, 818); compare calls used for pigs: kūkal, kūkat, kūks, kūkt, kūkut. Lith. kvykulys “boar,” kvykūtis “piglet” (LKŽd., VI, 1094); compare Lith. kvýkti. Pig names of analogous origin are also found in Latvian. First of all, it seems that the name for ‘pig’ in the Latvian literary language, cūka, should be explained in this way. J. Endzelīns⁶⁵ was inclined to explain Latv. cūka as deriving from *sūka (cf. Pers. xūk, Old Eng. sugu, Lat. sucula, Cymr. hucc, Lat. sukis) via the diminutive form cūcina, whose c- is regarded as having arisen from s- through assimilation. However, the numerous examples of pig names of sound-imitative origin in both Baltic and Indo-European languages in general, as well as in non-Indo-European languages, lead us to consider Latv. cūka a sound-imitative word. For example, besides the Lithuanian pig names of sound-imitative origin already mentioned, cf. also Russ. чуха, чухна, чухня, чушка, чучка, Slov. čuna, čunka, čunja, čunjoga, Russ. юс ‘piglet’, юсочка ‘young pig’, Russ. дюшка ‘pig’, дюк, дзюк, дюхман, Kashubian buxla, Ger. Zuckel ‘young pig’, Suckel, Swiss French couce, coutche, coutsi, couci ‘familiar names for a pig and calls used to summon it’, Avar cuka ‘pig’⁶⁶. 65 EM, I, p. 398. 66 K. Būga, Rinktiniai raštai, II, p. 294; M. Niedermann, Tauta ir žodis, II, p. 443; E. Fraenkel, Et. Wb., pp. 75–76; O. H. Трубачев, Происхождение…, p. 68; K. Müller, ZfSl, 2, 1966, p. 225. 178 Alongside cūka, Latvian dialects also have the forms cūcene “a young pig, the sow,” cūcēns “a small pig,” cūcis “a young pig,” cūcietis “the pig,” cūčka “the sow,” diminutive cūciņa, pejorative cūkele, cūža “a lean pig,” cugītis “a small (fat) piglet,” diminutive cūcele, cūciņa (EM, I, 397, 398; EH, I, 279, 280), cūčka “sow,” cūcis “a young pig, a piglet,” diminutive cūčaks, cūča, diminutive cūčele, cūčelite, cūga “an affectionate name for a pig,” cūgiņa (EM, I, 418, 424; EH, I, 294, 298), cigiņa “the pig (in child language)” (EH, I, 269). The following are also of onomatopoeic origin: Latvian kvīnka “a squealing pig,” kvīnīta “a lean, constantly squealing pig,” kvīka “a squealing pig,” kveksis “a kind of pig” (EM, II, 355; EH, I, 689); compare Latvian kvīnkt “to squeal faintly (of piglets),” kvīkt “to squeal.” Latvian rekšis “the boar,” reksis “a pig, a half-pig” (EM, III, 508); compare Latvian rekstēt “to grunt.” Latvian rukšis “an epithet for a pig,” rucis, rukšēns, rukšans, rukainīte, rūkai-nīte, rukaiņa, rukselīte, rūkulis, rukulīte, ruķelīte, rūkašiņa, rukažiņa, rūcītis, rūks-tultīte, rūksis “a (young) pig,” rukse “a piglet (as an affectionate name),” rukšu-lītis “a small (white and clean) piglet,” rūcis “the piglet,” ruisis (EM, III, 553, 556, 557, 568, 569, 588; EH, II, 382, 383, 387); compare Latvian rūkt “to roar, growl,” rukstēt. Latvian ūce “an affectionate name for a pig” (EM, IV, 296) is a word of rather uncertain origin; perhaps it should be connected with Latvian ūicēt “to crawl on hands and feet (of children).” Latvian uršēklis “a grunting piglet,” urgucā “a (pregnant) sow” (EM, IV, 305, 308; EH, II, 715); compare Latvian urr “an interjection used to call pigs (home).” As we have mentioned, there have been interpretations that the original meaning of Indo-European *porkos was “one who roots.” Semantic parallels for this interpretation are also found in the Baltic languages: Lithuanian knistikis “pig (a riddle word),” kniūsas, kniūstas, kniūstė (LKŽd., VI, 258, 269, 270); compare Lithuanian knisti. Latvian rakuliņa “the digger — an epithet for a pig,” rakulīte, rakušiņa, ruocenīte, ruokuliņa, ruokulīte (EM, III, 475–6, 576, 581; EH, II, 353); compare Latvian rakt “to dig, root about.” Latvian rukša “a rooting pig,” rušainīte, rušulīte, rušulīna (EM, III, 564, 565; EH, II, 383); compare Latvian rušināt “to root about, scratch, claw, dig somewhat.” In both Lithuanian and Latvian, we find pig names derived from color terms: Lithuanian bálcikas “a white young pig,” bálčkīs, baltrīns, bálčkē “a white pig” (LKŽd., I, 481, 505); compare Lithuanian báltas. Lith. blisė (M. Katkus⁶⁷, 67), cf. Lith. blisas “a white spot (of an animal),” blėsis < Ger. Blässe. Lithuanian dėglis “a red-hot pig,” dėglė, deglė, dėglis, deglýs, dėglius, deglóji, dāglis, daglē (LKŽd., II, 141, 249); compare Lithuanian dėglas “variegated (of a pig),” dāglas. Latvian dāgle “a fire-colored sow,” daglis “a boar with fire-colored spots,” diminutive daglītis “a white-and-black mottled pig” (EM, I, 430; EH, I, 302); compare. ⁶⁷ M. Katkus, Raštai, Vilnius, 1965. 12* 179 Latv. dagls “white-and-black-patched, bay-colored with black spots, usually said only of pigs.” Lith. juõčkė (M. Katkus, 67), cf. Lith. juõdas. Latv. juõzis “a piglet with a crosswise stripe across its back” (EM, II, 128), cf. Latv. juõsta “the belt,” juõzt “to gird.” Lith. kéršė (M. Katkus, 67), cf. Lith. kéršas. Lith. žilė (M. Katkus, 67), cf. Lith. žilas. There are also pig names of different origin, associated with some other characteristics of this animal: Latv. kõra “a large, lean pig” (EM, II, 255), cf. Latv. kõrāt “to walk slowly, to drag oneself along.” Latv. žnargle “a (lean) pig that does not really want to eat,” žnėrgle, žnėrba, žnėrga “a piglet or child that does not really want to eat” (EM, IV, 823, 825; EH, II, 821), cf. Latv. žnėrgāt “to be fussy about food, to eat without much appetite.” Besides the previously mentioned name for a boar (Lith. kuilỹs), regarded by many linguists as a borrowing from the Slavic languages, the Baltic languages have a few less commonly used pig names of foreign origin: Lith. kabõnas “young boar, bacon pig,” diminutives kabonaitis, kaboniõkas (LKŽd., V, 25) probably derives from Belarusian, cf. Belar. kabān, Russian кабан, Polish kaban. The source of the Slavic words is Turkic, cf. Kyrgyz kaban, etc.68 Lith. knūras “young boar,” knūrus “boar, wild boar” (LKŽd., VI, 266, 279) is likewise probably a borrowing from Slavic, cf. Belar. кнур “boar, wild boar,” Ukr. кнур “young boar,” Polish knur. This Slavic word, in turn, is of very obscure origin; its fuller form is Old Russian кънопоз, whose first component is linked with Russian корный (cf. корпоухий “with the ears cut off”), while the second has been tentatively associated with Greek ὄρχις “testicle,” with which the Lithuanian word erżilas69 is also thought to be related. Lith. antrius “stallion, boar,” antris, intrius (LKŽd., I, 139; IV, 126), a Slavicism, cf. Polish wnęt(e)r “male animal with undescended testicles.” Latv. māška “a sow with piglets” (EM, II, 546–7; EH, I, 784) probably derives, as J. Endzelīns thought, from mačka, which in turn comes from Russian мачка “little mother.” Latv. švinka “a pig” (EH, II, 661) apparently derives from Russian свинка “pig”; for š- compare Latv. švakstēt: svakstēt, švampāties: svampāties, švepstis: svepstis, švips-tēt: svipstēt, etc. Lith. švinė “pig” (Žagarė, Šakyna, Gruzdžiai) may also be a word of Slavic origin, cf. Polish świnia70. As we can see, pig names in the Baltic languages vary extraordinarily. They have no common generic name for this animal. Individual Baltic languages have well preserved some old Indo-European names for the pig. These languages have many pig names of onomatopoeic origin. The origin of some names has not yet been sufficiently clarified. Pig names in the Baltic and Slavic languages differ considerably, although there are also certain features in common. 68 M. Vasmer, Et. Wb., I, p. 495; O. H. Трубачев, Происхождение..., p. 69. 69 M. Vasmer, Et. Wb., I, 580; O. H. Трубачев, Происхождение..., p. 65–66. 70 A. Senn, Journal of Central European Affairs, 1956, Juli, p. 190, plg. E. Fraenkel, Et. Wb., p. 1045. 180 THE CAT If there is sufficient reason to regard the dog as humanity’s first four-legged friend, then the cat must undoubtedly be considered the very last domesticated animal. The ancient Egyptians were the first to tame the cat. It begins to appear in ancient Egyptian paintings during the reign of the Twelfth Dynasty of Pharaohs, that is, at the beginning of the second millennium BCE1. The ancient Egyptians kept many cats, regarded them as sacred animals, and even embalmed them after death. The Greek historian Herodotus speaks at length about the importance of the cat in ancient Egypt, while Diodorus of Sicily (the second half of the first century BCE—the beginning of the first century CE) described an incident he had apparently witnessed himself, in which a Roman who had accidentally killed a cat was himself killed by an enraged Egyptian mob. Domestic cats appeared in Europe much later. The domestic cat is first mentioned in written sources in the middle of the first millennium CE. Although one may dispute whether the word cattus (catta) in some Latin sources of this period refers to a wild or a domestic cat, the biography of Pope Gregory the Great, dated to around 600 CE, states that he “had nothing in the world except one cat, which he often caressed and warmed in his lap as though it were a companion in shared life.” V. Hehn conjectures that domestic cats spread most actively in the Roman Empire in the fourth or fifth century CE, in connection with an influx of Asian rats or Spanish rabbits. At that time, too, Latin cattus, catta, which had previously denoted various small wild animals (the weasel, the marten), acquired a new meaning—that of ‘domestic cat’2. From Rome, domestic cats, together with the name of this animal, spread to other European countries. It was probably in the second half of the first millennium that the cat gradually began to spread among the Slavic and Baltic peoples as well. For example, archaeological excavations in the territory of Poland have yielded some remains of domestic cats dating from the eighth to twelfth centuries. Remains of the same kind have been found in excavations from approximately the same period in the territories of the Lithuanian and Latvian SSRs3 (in England, too, the domestic cat was still a rare animal in the tenth century4). The origin of Latin cattus, catta is very unclear. Some linguists were inclined to think that the Romans may have obtained this name for the still-wild little animal from the Germanic peoples. In Germanic lands, wild cats were, after all, much-admired animals. The form *kat(t) ‘bend, curve’ occurs very frequently in Germanic toponymy, so the original meaning of ‘cat’ may have been ‘animal with a curved back’. The same name for this animal was also widespread in Celtic lands; compare Welsh cath, Cornish cath, Breton caz, Irish cat. This gave grounds for regarding the name ‘cat’ as a shared Germanic-Celtic or Celtic-Germanic word5. The Germanic origin of Latin cattus, catta would be supported in part by 1 V. Hehn, Kulturpflanzen und Hausthiere in ihrem Übergang aus Asien nach Griechenland und Italien sowie in das übrige Europa, Berlin, 1902, pp. 456—457; C. Keller, Die Abstammung der ältesten Haustiere, pp. 81—83; M. Hilzheimer, Haustier,—M. Ebert, Reallexikon der Vorgeschichte, V, p. 220; H. Ranke, ibid., p. 220; Е. А. Богданов, Происхождение домашних животных, pp. 294—301. 2 V. Hehn, ten pat, p. 462; O. Schrader, Reallexikon der indogermanischen Altertumskunde, I, p. 565. 3 W. Hensel, Die Slaven im frühen Mittelalter, p. 79, 94; K. Паавер, Формирование териофауны и изменчивость млекопитающих Прибалтики в голоцене, p. 370—371. 4 Е. А. Богданов, ten pat, p. 295. 5 O. Schrader, ten pat, I, p. 566; F. Kluge, Et. Wb., p. 357. 181 The fact that Latin does indeed contain quite a number of names for wild animals borrowed from Germanic languages, cf. Lat. alcēs ‘elk’ < Germanic álxis, Lat. ūrus ‘bear’ < Germanic *ur, Lat. bīsōn ‘bison’ < Germanic wisund, etc. Thus Roman soldiers may also have encountered the name for the wildcat in Germanic lands. However, this assumption is undermined above all by the fact that the evidence from Germanic languages cannot convincingly explain the origin of this animal’s name. Moreover, the history of the animal itself also argues against such a claim. Nor has the hypothesis that the source of Lat. cattus and the cat names in other European languages with this root is Nubian kadi won much support. The latter hypothesis is based mainly on the fact that Egypt was a center of cat domestication, but there is little evidence to confirm it so far. Therefore, many scholars, taking a skeptical view of both hypotheses just mentioned, regard Lat. cattus as a word of uncertain origin that spread from place to place6. There is no consensus as to how this name for the cat entered the Slavic languages. Attempts have been made to locate the source of Slavic kotъ in several places. A. Stender-Petersen7 considered Gothic *katts to be its source, while K. Knutson8 proposed Low German katt. M. Vasmer had attempted to derive Slavic kotъ from Middle Greek χάττα (he later abandoned this explanation himself)9. Nevertheless, the hypothesis that the source of Slavic kotъ is Lat. cattus10 has won the most adherents. The history of the animal itself would probably provide the strongest support for this hypothesis. In the Slavic languages, the word kotъ was apparently first used as a generic name for the animal, meaning either a male or a female, and only later did new variants of the name arise within the Slavic languages themselves, according to the animal’s sex and age. The various forms of this name for the cat are quite widespread in the Slavic languages; cf. Old Russian котъка, Russian кот, кошка, котёнок, Ukrainian кіт, кішка, Belarusian кот, кошка, Bulgarian котка, котак, котарак, кот, коте, Serbo-Croatian кот (only in 16th-century texts), Czech kocka, kocour, kote, kot (dialectal), Slovak kot (dialectal), kocúr, koča, kočiatko, Polish kot, kotka, Kashubian koet, koetka, Upper Sorbian kóćka, kocor, kacor, Lower Sorbian kót, koca, kocka, kocor11. As we can see, this name for the cat is most widespread in the northern group of Slavic languages—it is scarcely used in Serbo-Croatian and Slovenian (cf. Serbo-Croatian мас̌ка, мачак, Slovenian mačka, mačák, máček). In this way, it forms a kind of bridge between the North Slavic and, as we shall see, Baltic linguistic areas. Such a name for the cat is found in all three Baltic languages; cf. Lithuanian katė, Latvian kaķis, Old Prussian catto. The entry of this name into the Baltic languages is also rather uncertain. J. Endzelīns was inclined to regard the Baltic name for the cat as a borrowing from Low German or the Slavic languages (...initially either from Middle Low German katte or from Slavic kotъ)12. R. Trautmann regarded the Slavic and Baltic names for this animal as a common borrowing13. 6 M. Vasmer, Et. Wb., I, p. 643—644; F. Slawski, Sl. et., II, p. 559; O. H. Трубачев, Происхождение..., p. 96; E. Fraenkel, Et. Wb., p. 96. 7 A. Stender-Petersen, Slavisch-germanische Lehnwortkunde, Göteborg, 1927, p. 354—356. 8 K. Knutsson, Die germanischen Lehnwörter im Slavischen von Typus buky, Lund, 1929, p. 63—64. 9 M. Vasmer, Et. Wb., I, p. 643. 10 O. H. Трубачев, Происхождение..., p. 96; F. Slawski, Sl. et., II, p. 559; M. Vasmer, Et. Wb., I, p. 643. 11 O. H. Трубачев, Происхождение..., p. 95; F. Slawski, Sl. et., II, p. 559; M. Vasmer, Et. Wb., I, p. 643. 12 EM, II, p. 171. 13 R. Trautmann, B-sl. Wb., p. 120. 182 Perhaps none of these claims can be categorically rejected or confirmed. Nevertheless, it would seem more correct to consider the question of the Baltic and Slavic names for the cat together; naturally, however, this should not be taken to mean that the name is a borrowing common to the Baltic-Slavic period. The chronology would contradict such a claim, since the word entered both the Baltic and Slavic languages already with the meaning ‘domestic cat’, and, as we have seen, this concept arose only in the middle of the first millennium. For that reason, this name for the cat is not considered a Common Slavic borrowing either. We should suppose that the Slavs and Balts became acquainted with it around the end of the first millennium somewhere near the boundary between the northern Slavs and southern Balts, and that from there the name spread north and south, reaching neither the southernmost Slavic languages in the south nor Latvian in the north except by way of the Curonians. Numerous variants of this name for the cat are found in Lithuanian; cf. katė, katìs, kãtinas ‘male cat’, kãtas, katiniòkas, kačiùkas ‘kitten’, kačiùkė, kačiùkštis, kačiùtė, kačiùtė, kačiùtis, kačiòkas, kačiùtis, katėnas, katėlis, katýnas, katinùkas, katýtis, katùkas, katùtis, katùtis (LKŽd., V, 32–3, 406, 407, 410, 411, 415). In Lithuanian, as in some Slavic languages, cf. Russian кошка, Ukrainian кішка, etc., the name for the female was generalized as the species name for this animal. The cat name of this root is also quite common in Lithuanian hydronymy; cf. Kãtupis, Kãtino upelis, Katinėlis (lake), Katinravis, Katišius (lake).¹⁴ Many variants of this name for the cat are also used in Latvian; cf. Latvian kaķis, kaķe, kaķenīce, kaķene ‘das Weibchen der Katze’, kaķīte, kaķine, kaķiene, katene, katana, katins ‘ein Kater’, katans, kaķēns, kaķēns ‘eine junge Katze, ein Kätzchen’, kaķulēns, kaķulītis, kaķēlēns, kaķenītis (EM, II, 139–40, 171; EH, I, 576, 592). J. Endzelīns explains that Latvian kaķis with k in place of the expected t arose from Curonian, where the nominative form was *katis, while the genitive was already kata, which developed into Latvian kaka; on the basis of this form and other cases with k, the latter consonant was generalized throughout the paradigm.¹⁵ Various Latvian variants of the name for the cat are also found in Latvian toponymy; cf. Kaķupe, Kaķupīte, Kaķeņezers, Kaķītes-strauts, Kaķēni, Kaķinkalns, etc.¹⁶ Latvian kaķis, that is, the masculine form of the name, is also the species name for the animal. A similar process took place in Polish, where the form kot serves as the species name for the animal. In Old Prussian records, the word catto is attested once, in the compound Paustocatto ‘wild cat’ (Paustocatto Wildekatze, word 665 of the Elbing glossary).¹⁷ Its authenticity, however, is beyond doubt, since the name for the cat is also very common in Old Prussian toponymy; cf. Kath, Katelauke (<Kath+Old Prussian laucks ‘field, arable land’), Kathenmedien (<Kath+Old Prussian median ‘forest’), Katpanye (<Kath+Old Prussian pannean ‘swamp, marsh’), Kattenplick, Cattiten.¹⁸ Even Old Prussian Paustocatto may be a calque ¹⁴ Gazetteer of the Rivers and Lakes of the Lithuanian SSR, pp. 70–71. ¹⁵ EM, II, p. 140. ¹⁶ J. Endzelīns, Latvijas PSR vietvārdi, I, 2, pp. 8–11, 58. ¹⁷ R. Trautmann, Die altpreussischen Sprachdenkmäler, p. 91; Monuments of the Prussian Language, p. 72. ¹⁸ G. Gerullis, Die altpreussischen Ortsnamen, pp. 57–58, 233; J. Endzelīns, Senprūšu valoda, p. 190. 183 from German wilde Katze, cf. Prussian pausto ‘wild’: Old Church Slavonic pustъ, cf. also Prussian paustocaičan ‘wild horse (wildes Pferd)’ (word 654 in the Elbing Vocabulary). Lithuanian and Latvian have a considerable number of cat names of sound-symbolic origin, generally used in children’s speech or otherwise bearing a certain endearing nuance. Lith. kăcas, kăče, kăcius, kaciukas, kăckis (LKŽd., V, 29–30), cf. Lith. kăc ‘interj. used to call a cat’, kacėnti ‘to call a cat’. Lith. kicà, kicaras, kičė, kicius, kickà, kickis, kickė, kicūkas, kičiulis, kičūtė (LKŽd., V, 740–1), cf. Lith. kic ‘interj. used to call a cat’, kicénti ‘to call a cat’. Latv. kicitis ‘the cat (in children’s speech)’ (EH, I, 607), cf. Latv. kic, kic, kic ‘interj. used to drive away cats, sheep, and goats’, kicinât ‘to drive a cat out of a room’. It should be noted that cat names derived from similar sound-symbolic forms are also found in Slavic languages, cf. Russian киска, Upper Sorbian hica, Czech čiča, cicka, Slovak cica, cicka. O. Trubachov19 seems, quite reasonably, to assume that such sound-symbolic forms may be older than the word for cat itself (here referring to Slavic kotъ, etc.), since they are widely used in many languages to call not only cats but other animals as well20. In Latvian, cat names of sound-symbolic origin of the kic, kac type did not become widespread, because these sound-symbolic forms did not acquire there the specific meaning of calling a cat, as, for example, they did in Lithuanian. In Latvian, the sound-symbolic forms most commonly used to call a cat are īņi, īņci, mīņc, mīņci, piņc and their other phonetic variants21. Alongside these forms, Latvian also has cat names: īņcis, ince (EM, I, 707; EH, I, 430), mīņcis (EM, II, 629), piņcis, piņče (EM, III, 218; EH, II, 234). In certain cases, these cat names may be words of sound-symbolic origin, formed from the sound-symbolic forms just mentioned, īņci, mīņci, piņc, but this would be a later development. In fact, the sound-symbolic forms īņci, mīņci arose from cat names whose source, in turn, was German. Latv. īņcis, ince derives from German Hinz, Hinze ‘name of the tomcat in animal fables’22, while German Hinz is an affectionate form of the personal name Heinrich, cf. Fritz – Friedrich, Götz – Gottfried, etc.23. Latv. mīņcis arose from Low German minze, mintse ‘cat’24. The Latvian sound-symbolic form piņc and the cat names piņcis, piņče may have arisen as rhyme forms alongside Latv. īņci, mīņci and the cat names derived from them. Another cat name very widely used in Latvian, probably also of sound-symbolic origin, is ruņcis, ruņčiņš, ruņčelis, ruņčuks, ruņčukēns, ruņcēns, ruņcins, ruņciene, ruņka, ruņkis, ruņķis (EM, III, 561, 570; EH, II, 384, 385). This cat name should perhaps be connected with the verb rūkt ‘to roar, rush, bellow, rumble, coo, growl, grumble’, cf. lācīs, lauva, vilks, cūka, dundurs, rubenis, kakis rüc (EM, III, 569; EH, II, 388), cf. also Lith. rūkti ‘to bellow’, Russian рычать, Old Icelandic rymja ‘to bellow, grumble’, etc.25 19 O. H. Трубачев, Происхождение…, p. 99. 20 O. H. Трубачев, ten pat; F. Kluge, Et. Wb., p. 371. 21 K. Draviņš, V. Rūķe, Interjektionen und Onomatopöie in der Mundart von Stenden, Lund, 1962, p. 58. 22 J. Sehwers, Sprachlich-kulturhistorische Untersuchungen, p. 41. 23 F. Kluge, Et. Wb., p. 309. 24 J. Sehwers, ten pat, p. 80; EH, I, p. 815. 25 EM, III, p. 561; J. Pokorny, Et. Wb., p. 867–868. 184 From Latvian, the latter name for a cat also entered some Lithuanian dialects spoken in the eastern part of the region, cf. rūcis ‘tomcat’ (Papilė, Viešniai, Kairiai). Lithuanian and Latvian also have a few cat names of other origins, usually used only in restricted areas and carrying a particular nuance of meaning: Lith. čiurūkas ‘tomcat (in a riddle)’ (LKŽd., II, 122), cf. Lith. čiūr ‘onomatopoeic word used with various meanings’, čiurūkas ‘gosling’, čiūra ‘bitch’, čiurinėti ‘to move about, walk around’, čiurą ‘one who wets the bed’. Lith. knerpė ‘cat (a folkloric word)’ (LKŽd., VI, 219), cf. Lith. kner̃pti, knir̃pti. Lith. kniaukà ‘cat (in a riddle)’ (LKŽd., VI, 224), cf. Lith. kniaũkti. Lith. ráinis, -ė, raĩnis, -ė ‘tomcat’, cf. Lith. ráinas, raĩnas. Latv. svīpuris ‘a large, grey, black-striped cat’ (EM, III, 1163), cf. Latv. svīpurains ‘checkered’, svīpelēta pele ‘a brown field mouse with a black stripe along its back’. Latv. tīsele ‘a female cat’, tīsītis (EM, IV, 204), a word of uncertain origin, perhaps it should be linked to the onomatopoeic word tisu ‘interjection used when teasing’ (EM, IV, 198). In concluding the survey of names for the cat, it should also be noted that Lithuanian has preserved an old name for the wildcat, vilpišys. This word occurs in Lithuanian dictionaries from East Prussia; cf.: wilde Katze, WilpiBys, Bio, m. Medinnė Kattė (Ph. Ruhig, Lex., II, 402). WilpiBys, Bio, m. eine wilde Katze (Chr. G. Mielcke, Wb., I, 330). wilde Katze, WilpiBys, io, m. Medinnė Kattė (Chr. G. Mielcke, Wb., II, 541). From these sources, this name for the wildcat also found its way into other dictionaries and various writings published in East Prussia and Lithuania. Thus, the earliest source for this word is P. Ruhig’s dictionary. In his dictionary, G. H. F. Nesselmann notes that the word is unknown in the vicinity of Ragainė. F. Kurschat had not heard the word either. However, there can be no doubt about its authenticity, since it occurs in Lithuanian toponymy and anthroponymy. Both F. Kurschat and G. H. F. Nesselmann record the place name Vilpišiai (… Wilpischen ist der Name eines Dorfes im Kirchspiel Gerwischkehmen in einer ehemals waldigen Gegend bei Gumbinnen… G. H. F. Nesselmann, Wb., 80). A place name of this kind is also found near Tauragėnai (Vilpišiai), while the name of a village in Molėtai District is Vilpiškiai. The surnames Vilpišauskas, Vilpiševskis, Wilpiszy (a polonized form) are known. Lith. vilpišys is an old Indo-European word. Other Baltic languages, as well as the Slavic languages, do not know it. It is cognate with Lith. lãpė, Lat. volpēs, and other words from the Indo-European root *ulp, *lup-, denoting various predatory animals (fox, jackal, wolf). In meaning, Lith. vilpišys is closest to Middle Persian gurpak ‘domestic cat’, Persian gurba, where Iranian *urpa corresponds to Indo-European ulpos26. Among the Slavic languages, the name for the wildcat has been preserved in Old Church Slavonic and Polish; cf. OCS stbblb, stbplb, Old Polish zdeb, step, Polish żbik, żbik. The etymology of this word is quite unclear. Some researchers (G. Ilinsky, A. Brückner) connect it with Lithuanian stiprūs ‘strong’, others (O. Trubachev) with Russian стебель, Lithuanian stiebas ‘stem’, so that the original meaning of Slavic *stbjb would have been either ‘strong cat’ or ‘one living among reeds’; the latter etymology is supported by one of the modern Russian names for the wildcat, камышовый кот27. 26 J. Pokorny, Et. Wb., p. 1179; E. Fraenkel, Et. Wb., p. 340, 1254. 27 O. H. Трубачев, Происхождение…, p. 92–94; A. Brückner, Sl. et., p. 649–650. 185 Thus, as we can see, Baltic and many Slavic languages use a common name for the cat, probably borrowed at the same time from one and the same source. Baltic and Slavic languages also have a considerable number of more narrowly used names of later origin, most often onomatopoeic. In addition, Lithuanian and Slavic languages used names for the wildcat of different origins. GENERAL CONCLUSIONS Having surveyed the names of domestic animals in the Baltic languages, we can draw some more general conclusions. The Baltic languages have preserved the old Indo-European names for domestic animals relatively well (Lith. šuo, Latv. suns, Pruss. sumis; Lith. avis, āvinas, Latv. avs, auns, Pruss. awins; Lith. ėras, jėras, vēras, Latv. jērs, Pruss. eristian; Lith. ožys, ožka, Latv. āzis, Pruss. wosee, wosux; Lith. gīovs; Lith. veršis, Latv. vērsis, Pruss. werstian; Lith. pėkus, Prussian East Galindan pecku; Lith. ašvā, ašva, ašvėnis, Pruss. aswinan ‘mare’s milk’; Latv. svēns, suvėns, Pruss. swintian; Lith. paršas, Pruss. parstian, etc.). None of the Baltic languages can be singled out as having especially archaic vocabulary in this domain. For example, Latvian has not preserved the old Indo-European name for ‘horse’ (PIE *ēk̑uo-s), whereas Lithuanian has lost the old Indo-European name for ‘cattle’ (PIE *gʷou), which survives in Latvian. Lithuanian has no trace of the old Indo-European name for ‘pig’ (PIE *sūs/*su̯u), which is well preserved in Latvian; however, in Latvian the Slavic loanword kaza displaced the old Indo-European name for ‘goat’, which survives in Lithuanian and Prussian (Lith. ožka, Pruss. wosee), and so on. Among this vocabulary, the Latvian name for ‘cattle’, luōps, stands out in a distinctive way; it has an exact counterpart only in Albanian—Alb. lopë. Comparing the Baltic names for domestic animals with the names for those animals in other Indo-European branches, it is clear that the greatest number of shared forms is found with the Slavic languages (Lith. kárvė, Pruss. curwis ‘bull’; Russian корова, Polish krowa, etc.; Lith. tėlias, teliūkas, Latv. telš, telēns: Polish ciele, Russian теленок, etc.; Latv. vepris (Lith. Vėpriai, Vepriškiai, Veprinis): Russian вепрь, Polish wieprz, etc.). None of the Baltic languages can be singled out for the closeness of its older vocabulary in this domain to the corresponding Slavic vocabulary. All the Baltic languages have quite a large number of Slavic names for domestic animals, most of them loans from more recent times. Slavicisms constitute by far the largest group among borrowed vocabulary in this domain. Some Slavicisms entered all three Baltic languages; others are characteristic of two (most often Lithuanian and Latvian) or just one of the languages (Lith. kūrtas, Latv. kūrts, Pruss. curtis; Lith. kuilys, Latv. kuilis, Pruss. cuy lis (the Slavic origin of the latter words is debatable); Lith. telyčia, Latv. telica; Lith. barõnas, Latv. baranina; Lith. drigantas, Latv. driganis; Lith. rumõkas, Latv. rumāks; Lith. sābalas ‘a dog’s name of this kind’, Latv. sabulis; Latv. kaza, Pruss. sūdenikis, Pruss. wuysis, Lith. gončas, Lith. škapā, Lith. bulānas, Lith. kabõnas, Lith. kniūras, etc.). The sources of borrowing are generally the neighboring Belarusian, Russian, and Polish languages. Some Slavicisms may also have entered Latvian from Lithuanian. Slavicisms in Prussian are most often of Polish origin. Very little Baltic vocabulary from this domain entered the Slavic languages (Polish parsiuk, Belarusian парсюк, Russian паршук). 186 A common Baltic layer of domestic-animal names can also be distinguished (Lith. žirgas, Latv. žirgs, Pruss. sirgis; Lith. ežilas, Latv. ērzelis; Lith. kumelỹs, kumelė̃, Latv. kumelš). There are quite a few names, sometimes of very ancient origin, that are characteristic of only one of the Baltic languages (Lith. kalė (: Lith. kalývas, kalýbas), Lith. kėltava, kėltuva (: Lith. kėlti), Lith. galvijas (: Lith. galvà), Lith. arklys (: Lith. árti), Lith. šérnas (: Lith. šerỹs), Lith. vilpšỹs (: Lith. lãpė), Lith. jáutis (: Lith. júngas; the hydronym Jautin indicates that Prussian may also have had such a name), Lith. meitėlis (: Lith. mįsti; cf. also Pruss. nomaytis), Lith. penìmis (: Lith. penėti), Lith. kiaũlė, Pruss. skēwre, Latv. baruõksnis (: Latv. baruot), Pruss. klente, clynth, Pruss. camstian, etc.). German has had a certain influence on the Baltic vocabulary in this domain; this influence is somewhat more pronounced in Latvian (