Lietuviškos kilmės leksika Aũkštdvario lenkų šnektoje

LIETUVIŲ AREALINĖS LINGVISTIKOS KLAUSIMAI LIETUVOS TSR MOKSLŲ AKADEMIJA E. GRINAVECKIENĖ LITHUANIAN-ORIGIN LEXICON IN THE POLISH DIALECT OF AUKŠTDVARIS Research into the spoken language of people in the environs of Aukštadvaris, Trakai district, established that some of the long-established local residents in the area speak Polish, and that most of them have known little or no Lithuanian since long ago. The use of Polish in these places has a fairly long history1. Polish-origin nobles have owned estates in these environs since ancient times, through which, without doubt, Polish culture spread and, over time, the Polish language also took hold. Polish here, too, is neither uniform nor pure. First of all, it is characterized by local dialectal coloring2. In addition, a certain layer of Belarusian and, especially, Lithuanian lexicon is alive in it3. The Lithuanian lexicon is closely connected with both the past and present social and cultural life of Lithuania’s rural people and consists chiefly of various terms used in everyday life. Here is a small collection of such Lithuanian vocabulary4, which we recorded in Aukšt-dvaris in 1972. apilinka ‘local district office’: apilinka postawiona tutaj; nauczyciel mieszka gdzie apilinka, cf. Lith. apýlinkė. bàndimas ‘attempt’: ja zrobię bàndimas, cf. Lith. bañdymas. barszkùli ‘small bells hung around a horse’s neck’: z barszkułami swaty przyjechali, cf. dialectal Lith. barškūliai. 1 Žr. Mažoji lietuviškoji tarybinė enciklopedija, I, Vilnius, 1966, p. 188–189; plg. Halina Turska, O powstaniu polskich obszarów językowych na Wileńszczyźnie (toliau — H. Turska), Wilno, 1939, p. 1 tt. 2 Particularly noteworthy here is the short pronunciation of final a, ę (similar to Lithuanian short o, e) and its lack of nasal coloring, e.g.: majo = mają, żyje = żyją (in the illustrative examples of the words under discussion, these endings are written as they are pronounced). Similar pronunciations are also characteristic of the Polish dialects of Bialystok (People’s Republic of Poland); cf. Teksty gwarowe z Białostocczyzny z komentarzem językowym, pod red. A. Obrębskiej-Jabłońskiej, Warszawa, 1972, pp. 18–25, 27 ff. The reflexive particle się is pronounced here as sia (brążąc sia); ł in masculine singular past-tense verb forms is not pronounced after a consonant (zjad ‘źjadł’); first-person plural present-tense forms take the ending -mo (nazywamo ‘nażywamy’). Other minor dialectal differences also occur here. 3 Cf. H. Turska, p. 63 ff. 4 The meanings of the Lithuanianisms used in the local Polish dialect are best brought out by the illustrative sentences provided. In all cases, the Lithuanianisms are compared with their Lithuanian equivalents; where necessary (when a Lithuanian example is insufficient or when Polish uses a different word), they are also compared with the corresponding words in literary Polish, Belarusian, and Russian. In many cases, the word borrowed from Lithuanian has retained its original position of stress. To highlight this stress pattern, the stressed syllable of words considered Lithuanianisms is marked with a grave accent. 136 baladāč sia ‘to wobble, move’: one must check that the horseshoe does not baladala sia on the hoof. zabalaďe sia ‘to become turbid’: the water zabalaďala sia. In both cases the word’s meaning has changed; cf. Lithuanian baladōtis ‘to knock, bang about’. blinda ‘goat willow’: blinda — a softwood tree, cf. Lithuanian blinda, bliñdē, blendis. boltùsnik ‘furrier’: I asked the furrier not to pull out the wool, cf. Lithuanian baltùšnikas, baltùšnykas ‘furrier’, but: Polish białoskórnik5. bònda 1. ‘loaf’: they baked a large loaf; 2. ‘bun’: he ate a bun; she tended the oven and baked buns; 3. ‘potato kugel’: they baked a grated bônda, cf. Lithuanian bandā, bandelē. branktùk ‘a small stick for tying the warp’: the branktùki must be attached to the loom and woven, cf. Lithuanian branktùkas ‘a rattle for tying the warp’. brāzgāč sia ‘to make a clattering noise’: he began brāzgāč sia, but did not go into the hut, cf. Lithuanian brązgintis; pabrāzgāč sia ‘to rattle’: as soon as the keys pabrāzgali sia (rattled), she pulls out a tooth, cf. Lithuanian pasibrązginti. bròdnik ‘wading net’: they caught fish with a brodnik, cf. Lithuanian bradìņys. This borrowing is also used in Polish dialects. It most likely entered the dialect under study from there; cf. also bradzinỹs (Onuškis, Pivašiūnai). brukòwač ‘to coo’: the plump pigeon is cooing, cf. Lithuanian brukúoti < burkúoti. bùksa 1. ‘hornless, legless, armless’: a hornless cow; he is armless — he has no hand; 2. ‘prosthesis’: he wears a leg prosthesis, cf. Lithuanian buksà ‘a hornless cow, a person without fingers’. bucz ‘fish trap’: they set fish traps, cf. Lithuanian bučius6. bùmbul ‘bulb, ear of grain’: the goat has such a bùmbul, cf. Lithuanian bùmbulas. burbulíč ‘to grumble, complain’: the old woman keeps grumbling and grumbling, cf. Lithuanian burbuliuoti. burbùlka 1. ‘little bubble’: if the bubbles rise in puffs, there will be prolonged rain; 2. ‘someone who grumbles, complains’: the old woman is such a great grumbler, cf. Lithuanian burbuliùkas, burbulas. burlùga ‘porridge’: milk is like burlùga, cf. Lithuanian burlagà ‘quagmire, porridge’. cyr wir wir pawàšaris: the lark says: cyr wir wir pawàšaris. džegieć ‘tar’: clean tar from birch bark, cf. Polish dialect džegieć (< Lithuanian degùtas). dyrwān ‘fallow land, uncultivated soil’: na dyrwān trzeba słać len; wyorać na zima dyrwān; czomberek na dyrwànach rośnie, cf. Polish dialectal dyrwan (< Lithuanian dirvōnas). The word’s stress placement in the dialect indicates that it was borrowed directly from Lithuanian. dudùk ‘hoopoe (Upupa epops)’: dudùk na deszcz krzyczy, cf. Lithuanian dialectal dudùkas, but: Polish dudek, Belarusian, Russian yòdō. dùji ‘gas’: przygotowila na dùji, cf. Lithuanian dùjos. dùlka ‘chaff’: dužo dùlki w lmie. The meaning has changed; cf. Lithuanian dùlkės. elektryñia ‘power station’: jak zrobili elektryñia, zrobilo sia jezioreczko, cf. Lithuanian elektrinė. gil ‘deep’: gili kąsajo krowy, cf. Lithuanian gylỹs. 5 Cf. Słownik języka polskiego ułożony pod redakcją Jana K a r ł o w i c z a, A d a m a K r y ń s- kiego, Władysława Niedźwiedzkiego, I, Warszawa, 1900, p. 189: 1 (Boltùsznik) garbasz < perhaps from Lithuanian báltas = white, hence białoskórnik >. Lietuvių terminologija, V., 1975, p. 166. 6 Plg. K. Mūlenbacha Latviešu valodas vārdnīca, Rediģējis, papildinājis, turpinājis J. Endzelīns, I, Rīga, 1923–1925, p. 334; V. Urbutis, Dabartinės baltarusių kalbos lituanizmai, „Baltistica“, V(1), 1969, p. 51–52. 137 gilować ‘to wallow’: giliūjo krowy i teluki, cf. Lithuanian gyliuoti. giminazija ‘gymnasium’: on w gimnazji uczył sia, cf. Lithuanian dialect gimināzija (personal name), but Polish standard gimnazjum. girmik ‘forest ranger’: girmiki zbierajo smarkaczy brzozowe, cf. Lithuanian dialect girininkas. The form of the word indicates that it came from neighboring Lithuanian dialects; cf. also girinykas (Onuškis, Stakliškės, Pivašiūnai, etc.). girnikija ‘forestry district’: do girnikiji wiozo te szyszki, cf. Lithuanian dialect girmykiją, standard Lithuanian girininkiją. giwis ‘lapwing’: giwis przylecial, cf. Lithuanian gyvis gyvis (the lapwing’s call), gyvė, gyvūtė ‘lapwing’. grābel ‘rake’: tutaj grābel i kosa, cf. Lithuanian grėblỹs, grėblis, but Polish standard grabie (a plural form), as well as Belarusian граблі, and: граблю. grabiast ‘rake handle’: grabiasty pilowane; sloma przywiãzujo do grabiasta; grabiast nowy, cf. Lithuanian grebėstas. grabiastowāć ‘to rake’: trzeba grabiastować chata, cf. Lithuanian grebestuoti. gùmbas ‘womb; labor pains’: moja kobieta gùmbas męczy, cf. Lithuanian gùmbas. jākny ‘liver’: on tylko zjad lietki, jākny i serce; jākny bywajo przy bebeku; trzeba pokosztować miętuza jākny, cf. Lithuanian jėknos. jinkszczyr ‘gadfly larva’: jinkszczyr ten wyciśni, i robak wylezi, jak jemu trzeba; w skórze znak jest, gdzie jinkszczyr był, cf. Lithuanian inkštiras. kaciuk ‘kitten’: w tym rojstu kaciuk taki kniau kniau, cf. Dzūkian (Onuškis, Pivašiūnai) kaciukas, Lithuanian kačiukas, but Polish kotka ‘cat’, kociak, kociątko. kambariuk ‘little room’: ona ma jeden kambariuk, cf. Lithuanian kambariukas. karczūki ‘karčiukės’: karczūkami drzewa rzucili do wody, cf. Lithuanian karčiūkė. kasztaniuk ‘chestnut-colored horse’: kasztaniuk u jego byl taki dobry, cf. Lithuanian kaštaniukas (<Polish kasztanek). kiernož ‘boar’: do kiernoža trzeba pędzić świnia; dziki kiernož. керно́з, кірно́з are widely attested in Belarusian dialects (BTSR⁷). Russian кирнос, кирноз is regarded by M. Fasmer as a Polonism⁸, while F. Sławski doubts this and considers earlier etymologies of the word doubtful⁹. Since the word has no reliable etymology, we attempt to propose a new one based on Lithuanian linguistic evidence. In our view, in meaning and derivation the word could readily be connected with Lithuanian kernėžas, kernāžas ‘a short, broad-shouldered, strong person who likes to fight’¹⁰ (for the derivation, cf. vaikėzas, bambėzas, nar nėžas), which in turn is closely related to kerną ‘one who remains stunted and does not grow’, kerniukas ‘a short, sturdy fellow’, as well as kerōti, kėras. klak ‘a chewed-up morsel, lump’: koń klāki robie; żuje żuje i wyżuca ten klak, cf. Lithuanian klākas, klėkas ‘a clump, plug’. Lithuanian klākas may quite reasonably be considered a cognate of Russian клок ‘a tuft (of hair, wool)’ and Polish kłaki ‘linen or hemp hackling waste, tow’¹¹. Semantically, in our view, it is also quite close to Russian 7 For example: ён прыёхаў вылгаць кернога Zhiliai, Varanava District; цы кнур, цы керноз S. Smilginiai, Varanava District; see also T. Ф. Сцяшковіч, Матэрыялы да слоўніка Гродзенскай вобласці, Мінск, 1972, p. 229. 8 See М. Фасмер, Этимологический словарь русского языка, II, Москва, 1967 (hereafter М. Фасмер), p. 238. 9 See Fr. Sławski, Słownik etymologiczny języka polskiego, II, Kraków, 1958–1965 (hereafter Fr. Sławski), pp. 155–156. 10 Žr. Lietuvių kalbos gramatika, I, Vilnius, 1965, p. 334; Lietuvių terminologija, p. 178. 11 See LKŽ V 952. 138 klėk ‘roe that has set; something hardened’12. In Lithuanian, its legitimate cognates undoubtedly include klekėtas, klėkena ‘curdled mass’, klėkenas ‘cow dung’, klekāše ‘thick mire’, klakóti ‘to stuff’, paklàkti ‘to choke’, užklàkti ‘to choke’, klakúoti ‘to make a klak’, suklekėti ‘to coagulate, thicken’, klėkti ‘to thicken, coagulate’. Thus, perhaps the part of M. Fasmer’s and F. Sławski’s etymology of this word that comes closest to the truth is the one in which Slavic клок, клаки are linked to Lithuanian klekti13. With this in mind, the view that Lithuanian klākas is a borrowing from Russian14 is probably debatable. This is undoubtedly a word of onomatopoeic origin. klūmpi ‘clogs’: klūmpi nosili kiedýś; skaptukiem klūmpi wybierali, cf. Lithuanian klūmpė. kòmblą ‘trunk, tree butt’: kòmblą drzewa twardziejsza; kobieta len czesała: kòmblì tut, wierchowiny tut rzuciła, cf. Lithuanian kamblys, but compare Russian комель, Belarusian каме́ль. krējga ‘ridge’: bocian na krējdzie gniazdo zrobil, cf. Lithuanian kraigas, krėigas. krent ‘bank’: dalej dyrwāń, a pod krēntem jeziora my zasneli, cf. Lithuanian krańtas. krušnia 1. ‘a pile of stones in a field’: w kruśniach ptaki żyli; 2. ‘a kiln in a drying barn’: w kruśnie jamka zrobiona i potem kamieni nakładzioné, cf. Lithuanian krúśnė ‘a pile of stones in a field’. kubilūk ‘small tub’: kubilūk dla baćwiń, cf. Lithuanian kubiliūkas, but compare Polish kubelek, kubelko ‘small bucket’; Belarusian кубенók, кубе́лак ‘small barrel’15. kumpiàk 1. ‘ham’: kumpiàki wiąży na tej żerdeczki; 2. ‘thigh’; kumpiàk boli; koguta kumpiàk, cf. Lithuanian kùmpis: kùmpti. kolūk ‘awn’: nie będziesz pejsać jęczmień, to z kolūkami będzie, cf. Lithuanian kuoliukas16, see also kuolinė adata, kuõlis ‘nail’. kupràty ‘hunchbacked’: człowiek kupràty, cf. Lithuanian kuprótas. liszcza ‘lentils’: z tej liszczi bliny pieć dobrze, cf. the Dzūkian dialect forms lišiai < lėšiai. lūrba ‘a large splinter of a log’: trzeba lūrby zbić z płaszczaków, cf. Lithuanian liūrba. labūnić sia ‘to enjoy oneself’: on labūnil sia, labūnil sia i tutaj pojechał, cf. Lithuanian lābin-tis ‘to enjoy oneself’. lek ‘bow’: a bow made of wood for a fish trap; a bow made on a scythe; little wooden bows, cf. Lithuanian lañkas. lūpy ‘lips’: i lūpy, i usty nazywamo, cf. Lithuanian lūpos. mokikła ‘school’: droga do mokikły idzie, cf. Lithuanian mokykla. motūla ‘mother’: the father is healthy, but what about the mother? It was like that at my mother’s; my mother baked bad bread, cf. Lithuanian dialect forms motùlė, motùlė, but Polish matula. 12 See M. Фасмер, p. 246. 13 See M. Фасмер, p. 252; Fr. Sławski, pp. 247–248. 14 See E. Fraenkel, Litauisches etymologisches Wörterbuch, Heidelberg – Göttingen, 1955–1962 (hereafter – E. Fraenkel), p. 263. 15 On the origin of kūbilas, cf. S. Karaliūnas, Dėl keleto lietuvių kalbos skolinių, – Iš lietuvių leksikologijos ir leksikografijos, Vilnius, 1970, p. 183. B. Vanagienė and V. Vitkauskas’s comment (see Dr. dėl kūbelo, – Leksikos tyrinėjimai, Vilnius, 1972, p. 222, footnote 6), that “although S. Karaliūnas’s proposed etymology of this word is very interesting, it is nevertheless difficult to abandon the connection with the Slavic … къбълъ…”, is unsupported by evidence and, in our view, therefore to be rejected out of hand; it does not alter the situation. See also S. Karaliūnas, Iš baltų kalbų puodininkystės terminijos istorijos, – Lietuvių terminologija, p. 132, footnote 14. 16 On the origin of kuõlas, cf. E. Fraenkel, p. 312. 139 odlurbòwać ‘to chip off a clumsy fellow from the writing’: odlurbūji kolunem i czeszy sklutem; plaszczak odlurbowali, cf. Lithuanian liùrba. oksciùki ‘shoe lasts, shoe trees’: oksciùki rosno kurom, cf. Lithuanian akščiùkai: akštinai, but Polish ość means ‘thorn’. osklutòwać ‘to chip with a skliutas’: osklutowali plaszczak, cf. Lithuanian nuskliùuoti ‘to chip off’, see sklut. oszàki ‘chaff’: oszàki zostajo sia od żyta; w chlebie dużo oszàków, cf. Lithuanian ašakos. pàkulnica ‘fabric made from tow’: pàkulnica dla spodniczki; pàkulnica z pakuly, spodniczka robio, cf. dialectal Lithuanian pakulnỹs + the Slavic suffix -ica; cf. also the Polish dialect word 17pakulnica, recorded in Lithuania. pàkuly ‘tow’: pàkuly dla worków; baba obložyla sia pàkulami, cf. Lithuanian pàkulos. The stress position shows that the word was borrowed directly from Lithuanian. pamìnkl ‘monument’: wszystkie te paminkły on zakopal, cf. Lithuanian pamìklas. pàmpuch ‘doughnut; fluffy yeast pancake’: te bliny nazywamo pàmpuchi. Etymologists regard Polish pampuch as a borrowing from German Pfannkuchen (High German pfannkuoche, Low German pannekòke) ‘a pancake or flat cake fried from eggs (frixum ex oves)’, which arose through distant progressive assimilation p–k > p–p18. As the phonetics of pàmpuch indicate, it must have entered the Aukštadvaris dialect under study from Polish. Lithuanian has a familiar variant, pampuškà, likewise acquired through Polish19. However, are pàmpuch and its variants really indisputable Germanisms? Drawing on forms of individual words that arose through contact among the neighboring languages (Lithuanian, Belarusian, Russian, Polish, German) and their dialects, as well as on certain Lithuanian phonetic and semantic data, we shall attempt to propose and substantiate a new etymology for the word pàmpuch. Agreeing that borrowings in general undergo a certain distortion of form and adapt to the rules of the language (or dialect) into which they are borrowed (cf. German Korridor > Lithuanian dialectal kolidorius, Russian dialectal коридор; Latin marmor > Lithuanian dialectal mármulas, Russian мрамор; Lithuanian nėrimastis > Belarusian dialectal не́марасць; German Planke > Lithuanian dialectal blánka; Lithuanian pirtis > East Prussian German dialectal Birt, German Feldscher, Russian dialectal фершал, etc.), it is nevertheless rather difficult to believe that Polish pampuch (and from it Polish pampuszka, Lithuanian pampuškà, Russian пампушка) could have developed phonetically from the German compound Pfann-kuchen through distant progressive assimilation, whereby the velar k, under the assimilatory influence of the preceding labial p, turned into p. Sounds usually become more alike when they have the same or similar articulation (cf. the cases cited above), whereas the consonant assimilation in question is unusual and scarcely phonetically possible. Polish-language sources do not record comparable instances of sound assimilation20. Nor, to our knowledge, is it known in Lithuanian. 17 Žr. Słownik gwar polskich, ułożył Jan Karłowicz (toliau — SGP), IV, Kraków, 1906, p. 12. 18 Žr. Aleksander Brückner, Słownik etymologiczny języka polskiego, Warszawa, 1970, p. 393; М. Фасмер, Этимологический словарь русского языка, III, Москва, 1971, p. 194. 19 Cf. E. Fraenkel, 536. 20 Cf. Z. Klemensiewicz, T. Lehr-Spławiński, S. Urbańczyk, Gramatyka historyczna języka polskiego, Warszawa, 1955, p. 154–156. 140 The transformation of the unambiguous German Pfannkuchen, borrowed into Polish, into a polysemous word is also unlikely. The presence, alongside pampuch, of the words pepuch, pepuszka, pepuszek, which have all the meanings of pampuch and several more analogous ones²¹, gives rise to some doubts. Thus, the semantics of the words in these two groups are entirely identical; the first group, however, is represented by just one pampuch, whereas the second comprises a large family of derivatives. The commonality in the semantics of these words and a comparison of their forms make it fairly easy to discern a direct cognate relationship between them. After all, the roots pep- and pamp- are entirely plausible phonetically. This is undoubtedly another ablaut grade of the root. But this is certainly not a Polish creation (cf. Polish: zębaty: ząb; dębina: dąb and pepuch: pampuch instead of the expected *papuch). With the help of Lithuanian, one can quite regularly recognize a phenomenon characteristic of that language (cf. rimti: remti: ramstis; linkti: lenkti: lankas; semti: samtis. Thus, also pemp-: pamp-). Moreover, neither the semantics nor the form of these words contradicts this. This is partly supported by the many Lithuanian examples exhibiting both ablaut grades of the root (cf. pimpis ‘a small sore, pimple; penis’, pimpukas ‘a small child; a short person’, pimputys ‘bud’, pimpiras ‘a tangle, lock of tangled hair’, pimpolas ‘mole, excrescence’, pimpkus ‘a chubby person’: pempūs ‘plump, fat’, as well as pėmpė22 ‘a small marsh bird of the snipe family; a worthless girl’; pėmpėti ‘to wither, dry up, shrink’²³: pampti ‘to expand, swell; to become pot-bellied, grow fat; to swell, puff up; to become bloated, swell, increase’, pámpa ‘a small swelling, lump’, pámpė ‘a fat, swollen person’, pámpla ‘a short, pot-bellied person; an animal with a sagging, large belly’, pamplė ‘a good-for-nothing, bungler’, pamplýs ‘fat person, potbelly, short-statured person’, pamputys ‘lump; clod; puffed-up bun, doughnut; a fat, short child or boy’, and many others; compare also the East Prussian German dialect words, probably borrowed from Lithuanian, Pampe, Pampel, Pams ‘porridge, thick mush, thick soup, anything mushy’²⁴). Thus, one might suppose that pampuch, with its entire range of meanings, could also have come into Polish from Lithuanian. This would be particularly confirmed by the Lithuanian dialect word pampūkas ‘a pancake made from wheat flour’, a direct and regular phonetic counterpart of Polish pampuch 21 See Słownik języka polskiego ułożony pod redakcją Adama Kryńskiego i Władysława Niedźwiedzkiego, IV, Warszawa, 1908, p. 29, 31; SGP, IV, p. 22, 81. 22 The association of Lithuanian pėmpė with Latvian pempe ‘a short whip; the short tail of pigs, a docked tail of horses’, as proposed by E. Fraenkel (p. 569), is entirely well-founded. Indeed, J. Endzelīns (see K. Mühlenbachs, Latviešu valodas vārdnīca, rediģējis, papildinājis, turpinājis J. Endzelīns, III, Rīgā, 1927—1929, p. 199) also associates Latvian pempe with pėmpt, pámp’t ‘to swell’; in our view, however, the cited meanings of pempe are more closely related to the notion of plumpness than to that of shortening. Compare also Latvian pēmpis ‘the belly, a painful belly’, pempel is ‘a rather fat, stocky person’, pempelēties ‘to dress very warmly and thickly, wrap oneself up’, and so forth. Thus, Lithuanian pėmpė probably got its name not from a short tail (its tail, incidentally, is not short at all!), but from its projecting crest. If this etymology of pėmpės were considered acceptable, E. Fraenkel’s association of it with kėmpė ‘Baumschwamm’ would be ruled out. 23 Pėmpėti is also probably inseparable from pámpti ‘to swell’, despite the fact that LKŽ, IX, p. 778 gives its meanings as ‘to wither, dry up, shrink’. These meanings are somewhat clarified by the dictionary examples illustrating them: even if a cow has become pėmpėjusi, it is still a cow, not a goat. A hen or goose has become pėmpėjusi; As pėmpėjusi as a sponge. The examples seem to suggest that, semantically, pėmpėti is nevertheless closer to the notion of ‘expanding, swelling, becoming bloated’ than to ‘drying up, shrinking’. 24 Prussian Dictionary. East and West Prussian Provincialisms in Alphabetical Order by H. Frischbier, II, Berlin, 1883, p. 119. 141 a phonetic counterpart25. Thus, recognizing the cognacy of Polish pampuch and Lithuanian pampūkas, and considering them the originators of that relationship, we should in this case also dispense with the role of German Pfannkuchen. The Lithuanian word, having entered Polish linguistic territory, retained its original root vocalism and semantics down to our time, acquired the Slavic suffix -uška, and in this form was subsequently borrowed into other Slavic languages and returned to Lithuanian. pardawiej̇as ‘seller’: I went into the butcher’s, and the pardawiej̇as gave me lard, cf. Lithuanian pardavėjas. The word entered the Polish dialect quite recently, since it is also relatively recent in Lithuanian dialects generally; compare the somewhat older kráutuvininkas or the loanword krómininkas. parsiūk ‘piglet’: I gave the piglets food and drove them into the pen; a trough for piglets; twelve piglets came running, cf. Lithuanian paršiukas. pėjsać ‘to have awns’: barley must have awns, cf. Lithuanian paisyti, paisas ‘an awn from de-awned barley; barley grains with awns’. pėjsany ‘de-awned’: de-awned barley, cf. Lithuanian paisyti, paisytas. pienkietūkas ‘a grade of “five”’: the teacher gave a pienkietūkas, cf. Lithuanian penketūkas. piesta ‘pestle’: we pound with a pestle, cf. Lithuanian piestà. pirmininkas ‘chairman’: he was the chairman of the kolkhoz, cf. Lithuanian dialectal pirminykas, standard Lithuanian pirmininkas. Thus, the word was borrowed from neighboring Lithuanian dialects. plàszczyć ‘to bang, batter’: who is banging the little door, cf. Lithuanian plėškinti ‘to bang, pound’, but Polish on płaska ‘he is banging’. pliewa ‘pleura, lung membrane’: he fell ill with pleurisy, cf. Polish plewa ‘chaff’, Belarusian плёва ‘membrane’, Lithuanian plėvė. The word’s phonetics show that it was borrowed from Lithuanian. ploksz ‘splash’: splash and floated away, cf. Lithuanian pliókšt. pòs­zor ‘fodder’: on pòszoru przywioz do konia, cf. Lithuanian pašaras. pradzienik ‘a person who takes turns herding the flock for as many days as they own cattle in the flock’: skierdzia nie można wytrzymać, to pradzieniki siedli, cf. dialectal Lithuanian pradzienýkas, Polish pradienińkas ‘a laborer hired for a day’26. pramūga ‘the space between the stove and the wall’: pramūga — żeby ściana nie zapaliła się, cf. Lithuanian pramūgà ‘space between the wall and the stove; space between a forest and a lake; a clearing; a hollow; a pothole in the road’, cf. also prasimūginti ‘to force one’s way through’27. przyświron ‘porch’: na przyświron podloga stawio, i deszcz nie zaleje, cf. Lithuanian priesvirnis. 25 LKŽ IX 315 pampūkas, in our view, is considered without foundation to be a borrowing from Polish. It is also worth noting that alongside pampuch, Polish also records pampuk, used with the same meaning (see Słownik języka polskiego przez M. Samuela Bogumiła Linde, II, część II, w Warszawie, 1811, p. 620). This could be the direct and original equivalent of Lithuanian pampūkas, which later developed into pampuch on Polish soil. That Polish pampuszka came from Lithuania or was first recorded in its documents is confirmed, among other things, by SGP IV 22. 26 Cf. also Е. Й. Грынаевецкене, И. П. Ковальчук, Ю. Ф. Мацкевич, Е. М. Романович, Северозападные белорусские говоры литовского пограничья, — Балто-славянский сборник, Москва, 1972, p. 383. 27 Regarding the relationship between pramūgos and Polish framuga, cf. also А. У. Арашонкава, Е. І. Грынаевцкене, І. П. Кавальчук, Ю. Ф. Мацкевич, Я. М. Рамановіч, Л. Ф. Шаталава, З лек-сікі беларускіх гаворак заходняй зоны, „Весці Акадэміі навук Беларускай ССР, № 4, 1969, Серия грамадскіх навук“, p. 126. 142 pulkować sia ‘to gather into a flock, to congregate’: ryby pulkuojo sia do narestu, cf. Lithuanian pulkúotis28. pumpéryca ‘bud’: pumpéryca — že trzyma spodni kamień. Pumpyrca is probably < *pumpuryca <Lithuanian pumpurė + Slavic suffix -yca. pundėczek ‘large-headed’: pundėczki wychodzo: głowy wielkie, z ogonami, cf. Lithuanian pundagalvis, pundagalvis; pundōkas, pundžius, pūngalvis, pūngzla, puntūkas, puntagalvis ‘same’, pundza ‘a chubby, sturdy person’. pùsla ‘bladder’: moczowa pusta, cf. Lithuanian pùslė. radikis ‘radishes’: dokładali kruczki, bulby i radikis, cf. Lithuanian ridikai. raudonik ‘red bolete’: i raudoniki rosno: czerwona główka, cf. Lithuanian raudoni-kis, Dzūkian raudonikas. rėžgini ‘rėzgìnės’: i mierosz (=a kind of net) robio jak rėzgini; kiedyś stomy nosili w rėzginiac̄h, cf. Lithuanian rėžginės. rojst ‘bog’: z ròjstu mech wiezli; jest rojst jakie trzy aktary; jest jego przy ròjstach, on poszed do ròjstu, cf. Lithuanian raistas. rojstèczek ‘small bog’: w tym rojsteczku wody mnie do kolan; do rojsteczku ja jej zaprowadzil, cf. Lithuanian raistas. scimbir ‘stag’: the leaves have fallen off, one scimbir remains, cf. the Dzūkian scimbiras, Lithuanian stimbiras, stimbas, stimbirys ‘stag’, stim bti ‘to become hard, to grow into a stem’. siesielė ‘nurse’: that siesielė came to us and says, cf. the Dzūkian sesėlė, Lithuanian sesėlė. skaptūk ‘small carving knife’: they carved spoons with skaptūkiem; skaptūk is like a small axe, cf. Lithuanian skaptūkas. skaptować ‘to carve’: a skaptūk carves well, cf. Lithuanian skaptuoti. skierstūwi ‘pig slaughter’: they carry skierstūwi to one another, cf. Lithuanian skerstù-vės. skierdž ‘(s)herdsman’: skierdž and seven shepherds; they had to hire skierdž where the village was small, and one could not manage without a skierdž, cf. Lithuanian (s)kerdžius. skierdžiowy ‘of a (s)kerdžius’: skierdžiowa barley omelet (= jajęcznica), cf. skierdž. skilāndzia ‘skilandis’: they hang the skilāndzi on this little pole, cf. Lithuanian skilandis. sklut ‘an axe for hewing patterns’: there were skluts; one combs with a skłut, cf. Lithuanian skliutas. sōla ‘island’: there is such an sōla in the lake; trees and mushrooms grow on the sōlas; on the sōly in the lake, cf. Lithuanian sala. stembula ‘stalk, stem’: stembula of beets, cf. Lithuanian stámbas, stem̄bas, stam̄baras, stemberys, stembris ‘plant stalk, stem’, stembti ‘to become stiff’. strōzda ‘thrush’: the strōzda feeds the cuckoo's young; the strōzda is larger than a starling, cf. Lithuanian strāzdas, Polish drozd. swiron ‘granary’: they went to lie down in the swirna; they build the swiron on tall legs; in the swirna, little poles for meat are made, cf. Lithuanian svīrnas. 28 See also E. Fraenkel, pp. 665–666; P. Skardžius, Die slavischen Lehnwörter im Alt-lita uischen, Kaunas, 1931, p. 183. In Polish, pulkować is known only in the sense ‘to form army regiments’ and is characteristic solely of old writings (Słownik języka polskiego Jana Karłowicza, Adama Kryńskiego i Władysława Niedźwiedzkiego, V, Warszawa, 1912, p. 433). It is not included at all in the new Polish dictionary (Słownik języka polskiego, redaktor naczelny Witold Doroszewski, VII, Warszawa, 1965). Moreover, Polish pulk itself lacks the meaning characteristic of Lithuanian pulkui, ‘group, company’, from which, undoubtedly, the meaning of the dialectal pulkować sia under investigation was also derived. 143 szakàlik ‘little branch’: szakàlik taki krótkį zrobiony, cf. Lithuanian šakaliùkas. szėszka ‘badger’: szėszka stary (also said of a cunning person), cf. Lithuanian šeškas. szlin ‘silty soil’: szlin — gray soil, poor; nothing grows there, cf. Lithuanian šlẏnas. szẏpul ‘onion’: narobil szypuli na rozpałka, cf. Lithuanian šipulys. szùly ‘doorposts’: szùly w drzwiach, cf. Lithuanian šulai. teletnikàjtis ‘calf pen, pasture enclosed for calves’: teletnikàjtis tam dobry, cf. Lithuanian dialectal telėtnykdítis < Belarusian цярлнник + Lithuanian suffix -aitis. trėjna ‘splittable pine pole for kindling’: zrobili takie trėjny z klodek; moj człowiek narobil trėjnów, naszczepal bląków, cf. Lithuanian dialectal treinas. tript ‘to crack’: tript, i stawal, cf. Lithuanian tript. trùkziel ‘ribwort, a medicinal herb for hernias (Plantago lanceolata)’: suchiego trukźielu niema; trùkziel jak kwitnie, to bialo, jak morkownik < from Lithuanian trùkis + Polish ziele ‘herb’ (thus the word under study is a hybrid), cf. Lithuanian trùkžolė (< trùkis + žolė). ùdra ‘otter’: ùdra — a beautiful animal, cf. Lithuanian ūdra, Polish wydra. ùkia mokikla ‘agricultural school’: gdzie ten parkam, tu ùkia mokikla, cf. Lithuanian ūkio mokykla. The compound must have entered the Aukštadvaris Polish dialect during the years of bourgeois rule, when schools of this kind were being established. walgikla ‘canteen’: teraz tam dom stoi, i tam walgikla, cf. Lithuanian valgykla. The word may also have entered the dialect in more recent times, even after the war, when canteens began to be used more widely in the countryside. wàrža ‘basket for keeping live fish in water’: wàrža — żeby ryba żywa była; jeziorze on wàrży trzymal, cf. Lithuanian vàrža, Polish wiersza. węcierż ‘ventral’: węcierż ma dwie garly, cf. Lithuanian vénteris. wiercina ‘ring-shaped loaf’: wiercina obarzanek kosztuje rubel; bywalo i pięć i sześć wiercinów obarzanek wygram, cf. Lithuanian virtinė. wirsžajtis ‘a former elected or appointed head of a rural district administrative office’: on byl wirsžajtis, cf. Lith. arch. viršáitis. The word probably entered the dialect under bourgeois rule. żàblą ‘to bleat’: żàblal ten jagniuczek, cf. Lith. užbliovė, but: Bel. забляяў, Polish dialect bečzeć ‘to bleat’; cf. also Old Polish blwać, bluć ‘to vomit’ (of blood). zaputnėj ‘to become swollen’: noga zaputnęła mocno, cf. Lith. supùto. żilwica ‘willow’: żilwicami wiązali plot, ćwieków nie bylo; rozgi z żilwicy, cf. Lith. žilvitis. żlugta ‘a slough’: do tej żlugty wody dużo trzeba; moknie bielizna w żlugcie, cf. Lith. žlugtas. The Lithuanian lexical borrowings presented show that the Polish dialect of Aukšt-dvaris, under the intensive influence of the surrounding Lithuanian dialects as well as the Lithuanian literary language, is changing its vocabulary considerably, readily borrowing Lithuanian words and terms (especially cultural and domestic terminology). Most Lithuanianisms in this dialect have preserved the stress patterns characteristic of Lithuanian (barszkùli, baladàč sia, apilinka, kubilik, etc.) and, in many cases, Lithuanian phonetics characteristic of local Lithuanian dialects (liszcza ‘lentils (> lęšiai)’, girnikija ‘forestry administration’, gimìnàzia ‘gymnasium’). Lithuanianisms that have only recently entered the dialect have remained unadapted and retained their original Lithuanian form (pienkietùkas, siesietė, pardawėjas, walgikla). 144 All this shows that the Polish dialect of Aukštadvaris, under the constant and direct influence of Lithuanian and its dialects, has changed considerably and substantially expanded the boundaries of the Polish language system. Э. ГРИНАВЕЦКЕНЕ LITHUANIAN-ORIGIN VOCABULARY IN THE POLISH DIALECT OF THE AUKŠTADVARIS AREA (Trakai District) Abstract During a dialectological expedition in 1972, we recorded a number of words (about 120 lexemes) of Lithuanian origin in the Polish dialect of Aukštadvaris (Trakai District). These borrowings are closely connected with the social and cultural life of the village, both today and in the past. They consist mainly of various terms used in everyday life, e.g.: apilinka “the location of the village council,” branktūk “a stick for tying heddles,” būmbul “ear of grain, head,” jākny “liver,” jinkszczy “eel, pimple,” pūsła “urinary bladder,” raudonik “red-capped scaber stalk,” skaptik “small chisel,” žilwica “willow” and others. Most words of Lithuanian origin have retained the accentuation characteristic of Lithuanian (e.g., jinkszczy, raudonik, skaptik), while some have retained phonetic features characteristic of the local Lithuanian dialect (e.g., liszcza, cf. Lithuanian dialectal [š́iai, literary Lithuanian lėšiai “lentils”). Recent Lithuanian borrowings in the Polish dialect have not yet had time to become adapted; they have not shed endings foreign to Polish and are used in the same form as in Lithuanian (e.g., rienkietākas “a five,” pardawiejas “seller”). All this indicates that the Lithuanian and Polish dialects in the area under study have long been characterized by intensive language contact and that, at present, in their contact, the Polish dialect is more a “borrowing” than a “giving” party. Lithuanian equivalents are provided for all the borrowings, and new etymologies are proposed for some lexemes. 10. Užs. Nr. 1026