„[P] + [s] + V + s“ tipo sangrąžiniai veiksmažodžiai rytinėse žemaičių šnektose

GRAMMATICS CATEGORIES IR JŲ RAIDA LITHUANIAN LANGUAGE QUESTIONS XVIII (1978) V. VITKAUSKAS ‘[P] + [s] + V + s¢ TYPE CONJUNCTIVE VERBS IN EASTERN JEMAITIAN SCHNETTS It has long been known in linguistics that Lithuanian (and Latvian) the position of the conjugation particle in conjugative verbs varies so much that sometimes a word has even several conjugation particles. After several years of exploring such conjugated verbs in the Žemaičių dialect, a number of new facts have been found. They are tried to be classified here according to meanings, to identify the presence of several particles in cases of one ar lifting the middle end of iš the word. The aim is to show fluctuations, į subtleties of usage, a certain fading of the more frequent saying. mų ar I. In the eastern Samogitian dialects, a type of regressive verbs has been formed, which is characteristic only for them and which usually denotes a generalized action (SIkynene). 1968 : 10). Papilę, Akméne, Vegeriūs, Klykolius, Tryškius, Eigirdžiūs, Raudénus, Kaunativa, Ubiškė, Viešvėnus, Jandpolg etc., ir southern Samogitians (dūnininkai) about Kuršėnus, Šaukėnus, Ūžventį, Vidsodį, Varputėnus, Vaiguvą, Pavandenę, Varniūs, Karklėnus, ir etc., in order to emphasize a generalized ar description of a thing, use ‘[P]-+ V +s verbs. (1) a not found | a tap miFsé's | kuo ce alitieti nerii-kus (Krš, Rūdėnų k.); ka'p (2) važgujė“s pri.mietiij- | os tūo ščina (Rdn); kad (3) d.udé's lé.nc tioke | itaisa nérei.k (Uzv, Sunikiy k.); kin (4) žėnūos žėnūos | pas@-kios | (Pvn, Slapgirés k.); (5) jauné'sne bėvūos | genūjūos (Viek3naliai, Zaduvény village); (6) daba: bapéges | | véskg'n galé's Zeniiote (Zr); (T) kuddiél ta-p siedd's be dd-rba | uo dataset (Krš); I'm (8) just a bit of a | gd-user. (Krš); I'm (9) gonna go to the i rd-ugiejé's (Krš); He's (10) got to go to the boat. "new hostess meals" | tri-sés (Krš); (11) toré-s daba-r pi-na (Pvn); 100 mg (12) twice a day e (Warn); (13) rastu's cake pama-nooms nurnūks | bought (Krš); (14) ka torietomé's | | Sloutomé's field is like a lama: (Rdn, Girininkų k.); (15) negriobd's darba“ tap lg'ngvé: | nemanik (Screaming) (16) je toriesé's | dousé's (Pp) t.t. ir Many such examples, heard in eastern Samogitian $nektos, recent mention in jų linguistics (51kyIene 1968 : 10; LKT 95, 97 ir etc.), makes us look more closely at the usage of such į recursive verbs, their working meaning. ir Quite clear impersonal usage of these recursive verbs (plg. LKG II 211—212). Impersonally used only by the third person (all-time hits). ir Be therefore, these verbs have a generalizing meaning. For example, the third-person form of the verb in the first sentence is miFsés! here means the inevitability of death best mą ir matches the second person form of the Highlander saying (or yes, yes) you'll ar die. Here you feel like a generalized ir character, like vaZdujé's... (2) — You're driving... || — primes, (3) d.uda's lė.nc dudi || ling; I'm sorry... (4) — pass- ! For the endings of sangraZiniy verbs in these conversations, see. Z. Zinkevičius 1966: 335-344, 361 —362; apie tariamosios nuosakos 3 asm. Zr. Vitkauskas 1976a: 6; about the origin of the declination Jan Srainiy verb conjugation Zr. V. Vitkauskas 1960: 67— 68: V. Grinaveckis 1972: 171 kūos || you know... —says; (5) bovios —ženuojiūos || buvai —žinėjai; (6) will || can; (14) torietomé- 's —... Sloutomés || turėtumei —shluotumei and so on Representatives of dialects Altaičiai, in order to show the action distracted from the actor, here also insert some addressing (rhetorical- ), usually the Word žmogus: Vargsti vargsti žmogus, ir galo nėr (LKG III 743 — Ds); dierbi dierbi md gus and niėku neusidierbi (Jd, Mišiūnų k.), cf. Žemaičių „equivalent“ dė.rbū“s dé.rba's and osedė.rbū's sé Ses lė'ntas (Trš). In terms of meaning, such conjugative verbs seem to have certain similarities with the corresponding forms of the passive tense of the conjugative (e.g., duda's lėne —smoked linen). However, the Žemaitija forms are more characterized by generalization, firm statement, somewhat removed from the actor. The lack of understanding of the shade of this meaning sometimes leads researchers (and the authors of this article) to believe that there is a passive here (P. Jonikas 1939: 66; LKT 1970: 95), similar to the passive of the Russian language; expressed in the conjugated forms of verbs. Russian regressive verbs are closer in their meaning to Lithuanian regressive verbs of proper noun meaning, which are used probably in the whole Lithuanian language area, e.g., sentences of these speakers: dvilifi.kes,,pataly apmautai“ suii.ke* pld'und's (Krš), skañ's Ougas so žėivė (Rdn), i. tin pli"ta gérapčilis galg.ndis (Kaunatava) and so on. The absence of generalization of action usually distinguishes them from those previously considered. It can only be assumed that self-defining conjugated verbs have even been the basis for the use of and for the formation of generalizing conjugated verbs. In the case of the verbs "P + +s + V" the particle -s of the recursive form of the generalizing meaning must necessarily be at the end of the word. a) Non-conjugated verbs used in the general sense get one conjugation particle at the end (model P + V +5) (1) paiiesė's | pasiediesé's and nuvai.sé- 's (Krš); (2) pasīedū- 's i prén tas dūsuli“s (Varn); (3) iSei.sé's by li-tu | suslapsé- 's (Krš); (4) sė'nc dake "bag" | jou pavé-rksta's (Ub); (5) parrsta- 's er acesiedd- 's (Pp); (6) palė'ngvė ra‘kta pasokeniejé's | pasokenicjé-s er adarūos (Trš); (T) or.stu paiveZies | pageriejuos (Kr$); (8) prisiesé- 's pu.pu | esvé.rsé- .s kūošęs (Kaunatava); (9) e pa‘tis pavd'Igies | e rublieli pa-iiemies (Eig); (10) jauni*stuo prisuni.tda's | tud pruéta niér (Krš); (11) jirka pri-kreta's puo svieta (Pvn); (12) renk¢ ni ta soiiedas kiioke 6uga | ta soiiedd's (Rdn); (13) par é.lga čiesa pime-rsta's (Pp); (14) ngist leižū.vis | e pakld-usas néreiké.- ni (Rdn); (15) ka'(p) pasénctas | nãotmend's (Vidsodis- ); (16) par téik la-ika pame r$ios (Zr); (17) suvi-phytosé's | uZdiesés un upper deic and zarizēs (Kr3); (18) uZmiii.gd- 's and perkirnijes nejufi.td's (Krš, Dirvénénai); (19) ka padari-tomés tap | to the south of the estate: (Viv); (20) jė: oZli'niiotii's | vésé šūoktū" eš d?auksma (Vieksniliai, Zaduvény k.) and so on. This type of writing is known from the ir 13th į century, but is also used in older jų writings. E.g.: many people have worked hard (M. Valanč ZW 103); uo dėivė kéik tin mė“tu parrle'dūos (Jdr); pava-rksti's sė'nc grė:tū" (Jar); nu'ša"vūos kūoki pa-uksti | ti"k tūos [hunting] gerūovęs bė.va (Shv); by three weeks, Ms. je tėdylė“ nuories | atė*sęs Ms; will make you a black man; plg. but M. Untulio Šatėse 1943 m. a sentence written: Our work is kicked underfoot, untired; to, LKŽ be IV 158 is another sentence of Shati's snippet: After driving the iš herd all (= day), hungry. In the above mentioned western Samogitian dialects ir such conjugated verbs are very rare, cf. the already mentioned examples of the Pagramantis dialect. ir 1965 m. 2005-2006 Girdiškės (The Shire) heard saying: passénst- | as what iš that Skra-bala bié (P.K.) This phenomenon of sweeping be out isoglosses may indicate a larger former area, but for various reasons, the use of such recombinant verbs in the western dialects of the south-northern Žemaites is outdated. o ir * Except for derivatives su with re-, be-, ne-, where the particle s(i) is usually pronounced at the end, see Z. Zinkevičius 1966 : 334, 172 b) The verb gets two particles (model ,,P+s+V when +5“), the generalizing meaning is given to the origin returning verb. iš For example: (1) susiveršė's Įspragilgalvė) nebikakilsés i (Krš); (2) prasistumsé's ži'ma $&p tap tum sū palette (Krš);, (3) ri'tmeti kad acékelds | tap viesė graži | ta-p kvép | (Eig); (4) eight-finger- -long er (Tr3); (5) so Change your mouthpiece. (Woeful); kudké (6) health ce pasival.kuojė's | puo trioba | į géra (Krš; LKŽ III 67); (7) vaivuori'nirsi nu gai.lu apsigerd-s (Krš); You're (8) not gonna be able to do anything else. i (Sauk); (9) birtu didele‘ gėra’ | ka susimal.tu's (Crash) ir t. t. in these examples there is clearly felt generalization, withdrawal from the actor, the correspondance of forms to the high-Italic construction of verbs in the second person su singular. Plg. : (1) confident... — nebikakilsé's || you'll fall and — never rise again; (2) prasistumsé's || prasistumsi |human) (3) ri'tmeti acėkelė's || ritmet| atsikeliir t., t. ir t. t. The words here have a clear impersonal meaning. of such use occurs west of the snippets under ir į consideration. For example: : kare paseslivreniejes | kū'p kdrula nagél (Sv); sosė.sokas er esenesiiojes (Jdr) kt. ir Sometimes jų heard in ir adjacent western Highland dialects*: tdm kūrtui prasistumes | ir goods (SK); I'm us going to buy it (Jg. II. 1998-1999 However, the eastern Samogitian schnekts use many consonants ,,P+s+V +s" operative verbs that do not have a generalizing meaning. a) A large group of recursive verbs have two recursive particles when you want to emphasize an action, e.g. isijiemies dns ton plū.nksna | | jūrr | Zier (Warn); flock*t $ns sosémeties dé.rpte (Pp); nu'sėvedies i“ sklė*pa bū.lbu pérkte (Middle); pasėriemies rynku on nasosėdaužies ę (Pvn); nu briolu aciski“ries ir isista-ties (Varputėnai); whose isiZadd's it | ne *mudgus (Krš) kt. ir In these cases, the recursive forms no longer have an impersonal meaning. Therefore, the two particles of the conjugation may ir have the forms of other persons and communicate, e.g. : Yesterday's fight was a mess. | | (Sauk); Puū.čekums vilnu prasiverpu's | uo tap otra niėka (Krš); ar injected pac esevé'rdi's | a eating glue thinking (Rdn); mioru ugu prasivirti's (KS); a Fuck off | ka usikabinieji's all the time.ka (Krish). Plg. but Zemaičių vakarinių šnektų sakinį: sosemdIsi-s esevé.rsi's | (Vn) kt. ir This phenomenon is even more (35-50 common in the language of younger (y-year) speakers than in the older (y-year) ar speakers. Here are the du characteristic a) a conversations: tas būva viéle'k usivil.kis metų (75 moteris) jé'm usivelkd's || ir | uo tap back I don't know. (25 m. girl) (Varputėnai); b) šnekinijemuos | ka daū.k su ma sinums usimuš (70 m. woman) || gets fucked by daii.g | uo ar Beware, | get out su of here. (35 m. wife, daughter) ( Krš). More common The use at this time may indicate the spread of the spoken phenomenon. Anyway, ar here the particle of return only slightly highlights, emphasizes the action. b) Quite often, the two particulates of return have the proper meaning of returning verbs. Example: esētara's kas nūors | pasēsk (Rdn); turpi tarukus prisiriikies | trudba (Dirvonėnai); You're gonna get a fuckin' truck. (Vgr); on doje.nes vé'rd / ne pic esepdifios | ne pac nusepdisios (Pvn); can't get around--yo- | u're what's on the rise (Medium sentence); Osé.nesies jūomū'rks „All the jomarkininkai® were very angry vésé | passé.ta doute (Ub); osé.plakies We'll be | wandering around like lilies (Middle ir court) etc. In this case, I don't feel ma any special pabréZimo. This sangraZ particle is probably formally added by the model „P +s + V +s*, which had a motivated meaning for generalizing descriptive verbs, here it is hard to see any distinctive function. The younger members of the dialect also o use two fractions of sangranza more often than the older ones. It can indicate the subsequent spread of the phenomenon ar even the formation according to a certain pattern. In general, when some linguistic phenomenon occurs, even a single one sometimes ar tries to penetrate other similar language objects. As į they grow ar smaller and closer to the western highland schnekts, losing some of their specific characteristics, the eastern žemaitian schnekts sometimes begin to expand their one phenomenon ir be motivated values, as if activating their vitality, cf. analogous to the disappearing to- * A. Jonny's Information. 173 se also in conversations the i stem of nouns moving into the ė stem (Vitkauskas 1976b:: 80—2)*, there also the newly and widely used suffix -ikė to form girls' names®. Probably all of our present-day schnekts have such phenomena, and it is very important to study them. Therefore, here we have discussed in more detail the widespread and seemingly unmotivated or little motivated appearance of two conjugation particles in conjugated verbs of possessive meaning. The phenomenon described here is generally related to the variation of the place of the consonant particle in the Baltic languages." When some dialects of Baltic languages began to make conjugated prepositional verbs according to the model,,P + V +5s“ (Latvian middle schnets and current common language, formerly central Lithuanian schnets, as M. Daukša’s writings show, or perhaps also Žemaičiai), the conditions were created for different interpretations of the schnets and new use of the existing (or acquired) conjugation tendency. This is why the structure of the returning verbs has begun to vary and the conditions for differentiating meanings have arisen." The western Samogitian schnekts have become transitive verbs here (see the difference between pasemé ste „to fall, to disappear“ and pamėstėis [pini.ngus] (Krtn), pasenė'rtę i“ vO.ndeni and panė'rtėis vaka i" $.pe (Krt) and so on). The model of conjugative verbs,,P+V +s“ (as well as the non-prepositional,,V +s“) in the East of Žemaitija was naturally adapted specifically to the meaning of verbs — generalization, although here too there are sometimes forms of the “P + V +s” model characteristic of western dialects that do not have the meaning of generalization: pamė'skis va"ka on &Zes e žinarni"k (Pvn), tévi ešmėsės ež da'rba oš ti.ngiejema (Všv), and the particularly common form pasu.skis (Pvn, Varn, Všv, Lk, Ub, Kaunatava), paSuskis (Krš), which is used to say a conclusion or to negotiate: paSi.skis | liek dudega oZvé'rtes (Janapolé —VirZuvénai), pasSuskés | ri-$kés | tava valė (Krš) and others. The aforementioned models,,P + V +s“ and,,P+s+V +s“ were also adapted to emphasize the performed action and, apparently, later to form the verbs that self-determine the action. The tendency of the dialects of the Baltic languages to have the same pattern of prepositional and non-prepositional conjugative verbs (MH Kasnayckac 1966: 145), as the facts presented here show, is used to assign meaning to words. Now, under the influence of various analogies or even social factors, the dialectal pattern of prepositional recursive verbs is spreading even without any clearer motivation. LITERATURE Aleksandravičius J. Kretingos dialect verb. —,,The Journal of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences”, 1959, vol. Endzelins J. Grammar of the Latvian language. Riga, 1951. The History of the Greenwich Village. V., 1972. Ionian P. Pagramantis dialect. K., 1939. J. G. Harper's Dictionary. V., 1975. Rudzite M. Latvian dialectology. Riga, 1964. V. V. Vitkauskas Kuršėnų dialekto kirtis ir priegaidė. —“The Language of the World”, 1960, III. t. "V. Siaurés ryty dūnininkų šnektų žodynas" (in Lithuanian). V., 1976 a. Vitkauskas V. in the trunk pushing into the trunk. —,,Kalbotyra®, 1976 b, vol. XXVII(1). Zinkevičius Z. Lithuanian dialectology. V., 1966. Kasuayckac MH. The mecre Bo3BparTHoli Mop hems! H ee yJlapeHHs B JHTOBCKOM si3bike. —‘Baltistica’, 1966, t. I. Sikynene A. Hcropusi BO3BpaTHBIX TJIATOJIOB B JIHTOBCKOM H JAPYrHX GajJITHIŪCKHX S3bIKAX (aBTopedepar kana. aucceprauuu). B., 1968. * For an analogous phenomenon in Latvian dialects, see M. Rudzite 1964: 337-9. * Almost until 1940, the derivatives of this suffix had a derogatory meaning, but this is no longer perceived. * For the history of conjugation of conjugative verbs, see J. Endzelins 1951: 908–16; Ka3nayckKac H. 1966: 143–9. ? For more detailed information on the creation of recursive verbs in dialects, see here. 1966: 333–4; see also J. Kardelytė 1975: 78–80. The West Samogitian conjugative verbs are examined by J. Aleksandravičius (J. Aleksandravičius 1959: 108—118). 174 B. BUTKAYCKAC BO3BPATHBIE TJIATOJIBI THITA,,[P]- +[s]+V +s““ B BOCTO4HO-)XKEMAKHTCKHX TOBOPAX Peaio me B nuasektax 6a/iTHIICKHX A3bIKOB y BO3BPATHOi 4aCTHUbI HET IIOCTOAHHOTO MecTA. B BOCTOUHO-KEMalTCKHX TOBOpaX HMEIOTCA MOJIEJIH BO3BpaTHbIX raaroJos _,,V+s“ pas BhIpaXeHusi OGOGILEHHOTO, HeCKOJIBKO OT/IaJIeHHOro OT CcyOEbeKTA JAeiiCTBHS: kuddiél tū'p sieda's be da'rba (Kypuenait) „noueMy Tak Xouetcst cHjgeTb 6es pa6oTh“; tgré's now pi na (TlaBanjsue) "HMEeTCSHS Tenepb MOJOKO". B sroM cayuae Bo3BpaTHas UaCTHILA MPHCTABOYHBIX TJIATOJIOB HE NMEPEHOCHTCHA B CepeHHy (monens,P- +V +s"): jauni'stuo priSųji.td- 's | tuo prudta niér (Kypiuenaii) "B MonojnocTH nepeGeCHTCS, yMa-TO Her"; prisesé's pu.pu | esvé.rsé's kiioses (Kaynarasa, Taapwsfickuii p-oH) ‘06lBas10, Haceelb 6060B, HaBapHilb Kall’. 1999. pp. 13. "MoJeb,,P- +s+V+s", Hanp. : passé.dedd's karta's er Ožmėršitas (Tpaugai) "nojnoxuTr(cs) HHOTAA H 3abwmiBaetcs": vi'ne kita pasildukd's and nesusipi'ksta's (Illaykenait) "ojuH Apyroro A0KAyTCs H He ccopsiTes- ". I'm not sure. I'm not sure. Whores Ase Bo3BpaTHbIe YaCTHIL yNOTPeOAAIOTCS H AAS APYTHX ueefi: (a) Aas MOAYEPKHBaHuS H GoJjiee SpKOTO BHIPAXKEHHs COBEPUICHHOrO JeiicTBus: pasériemies On rg nku ¢ nasosédauZies ([1aBanjsine) „Ha pyKH vIepcs H He yjJapHJICS“; B) AJS BbIDpaxXeHHS IIpOH3BOJIbHOTO ĮĮeliCTBHA: Šeimė't tū'p gė'rs pasd'rs sosėvežies (Bsrapsii) "B 3TOM rojįy Takue XOpoOnIHe KOpMA ŠbljiH CBe3EHbI". B sTHx cayuasix KOJIHMUeCTBO OGpa30BaHHH C AByMS BO3BpaTHLIMH YaCTHILAMH BO3pacTaeT B peuH MJIaJŪLIKX NpejicTaBHTeJIeli TOBOpa —3TO siBJeHHe Jake pacumpsercsa. Ero HCTOKH CJIejtyeT HCKATb B CKJIOHHOCTH GajiTHĖCKHX ĮĮMAJIEKTOB OGOGiInHTb VrIiOTpeGjieHHe UAaCTHIbI -S5i BO3BPATHBIX TJIOTOJIOB B KOHIE CJIOBA, T.e. CO3JaTh OHH CJIOBOOGpa3OBATEJIbHbIH THTI JJIsi BCEX BO3BpATHbIX code B BocrouHo-- xeMaHTCKHX TOBOpaX aTa TEHAEHIHS HCNOJIb3YeTCHA AJs pas HYeHHs 3HaueHnilt. V. VITKAUSKAS REFLEXIVE VERBS OF THE “[P]+[s]+V +s“ TYPE IN EASTERN DIALECTS OF ZEMAICIAI Summary In the dialects of Baltic languages the place of the reflexive particle often varies. Eastern dialects of Žemaičiai have formed the '*V +s' model to express the action which is generalized and slightly abstract: kuddiel tap sieda's be da'rba (Kuršėnai) (why does one feel like sitting), tOrė*s daba'r pi*na (Pavandenė) (there is much milk now). In that case the reflexive particle of verbs with a prefix is not drawn into the middle of the word (the P+ V+s" model): jauni‘stuo priSuii.td's | tuo prudta niér (Kuršėnai) (one sows one's wild oats when young, no common sense at all), prisiesé's pti.pu | esvé.rsé's kūošęs (Kaunatava) (he who sows beans cooks porridge), etc. The prefix is used to indicate the preposition of the verb. Here there can be two reflexive particles (the "P+s+ V+s" model), e.g. pas¢.dedd's ka'rid's er osemé'ritd- 's (Tryškiai) (one puts something somewhere and forgets), vi‘ne kita pasila'ukd's ir nesusipi'ksta's (Šaukėnai) (one waits for the other and doesn't get angry). Here the usage is definitely impersonal. Sometimes two reflexive particles are used for other purposes: a) to emphasize an accomplished action: pas@riemies on rO'nku er nasosėdaužies (Pavandenė) (one leans upon one’s hand and doesn’t hurt oneself), kas sava isižada's | tas ne žmuogus (Kuršėnai) (he who renounces ones own blood is not a man); b) to express a spontaneous action which goes on by itself: §¢imé't tap gé'rs pasars sosévezies (Vegériai) (this year such a good forage was brought together). In these cases the number of combinations with two reflexive participles increases in the speech of representatives of the younger generation —the fact tends to spread. The roots of this phenomenon lie in the tendency of Baltic dialects to generalize the reflexive particle -si in the end, to form one type of building for all reflexive verbs. Eastern dialects of Zemaičiai have used this tendency for specific ends—to distinguish the meanings of words.