Dėl „*-ān“ atitikmenų liet. „*ā“ kam. vardažodžių ir įvardžių galūnėse kilmės

GRAMMATICS CATEGORIES IR JŲ RAIDA LITHUANIAN KALBOTYROS QUESTIONS XVIII (1978) Discussions V. GRINAVECKIS ON *-iūn Corresponding LIET. *i KAM. PRONOUNS OF IR PRONOUNS IN THE EXTREMITIES ORIGIN 1. -a, (RYT. -a -u, -ė) Correspondence Almost all liet. k. area old acute word end *-dn is a perverted shortį pa -a (: I'm going. vns. in. 7a rdiba višta, dgs. gln. That rude chicken? ), which in different dialects, depending on the phonetic system, is correspondijų ngly altered?. Northwest Highlands Southwest Highlands Southwest ir Highlands -a < *-dn as a relic occurs long (although near for jo I'm going. influence on them now no longer foreign and said normative equivalent short a). ir — The Mituva river in the conversation unlike I'm going. long such a -a pronounced pronoun and, she, ji *joji', katra, ši, šita, šiojė 'this', 'that', 'that' "that" ir ivardZiuotiniy adjectives, numerals, participles vns. in. ir dgs. gln. in the endings, e.g.: aną, ją, su jąją, katrą, tą, tąją, tą, tąją; anąs, jąs, jąsiąs, katrąs, šiąs, šiąsiąs, šitąs, tds, tąsiąs; the white, the first, the weaver; baltdsigs, pirmąsias, weaving (Grinaveckienė 1957 : 152—153; Zinkevičius 1966 : 278, 310). Long a< <*-dn in the same cases pronounced in the ir adjacent Smaliniūkų — "Viešvilės apylinkės (Jūrbarkas raj.)" (in Lithuanian). in (: su conversation good, drinking, tds, other "other*). Long of this origin pronounced -d adjective ir pronoun jdji in the substantive 11 about Višakio Ore (: su jėję) ir ir kt. In the long-pronounced su pronouns she, -a vns. ta inn., dgs. gln. forms (: su td, jd, tas, jas you, Senkus || 1962 : 213), palace in western Highland dialect -ana, she, katra, she, dgs. ta gin. (: and's, jas, $ds, katrd's, td's, and's, jas, $ds, katrd's, td's 1969 : 201, 203, 204; LKT : 156.) A. In this case, the phrase is long and -a the pronoun is this dgs. gln. : Site's “Sitas’. In some cases, the pronoun form «a» is also pronounced in some dialects of the middle Altay people, e.g. td's "tas’ (LKT: 226). Fr. Kuršaitis familiar with td, Sid; tds, šias, J. Jablonskiui —with her, this; jąs, Sigs, tąs forms (Kuršaitis 1876: 236—237; Kriaušaitis 1901 : 23, 25; Jablonskis 1957 : 227). Z. Zinkevičius (1966: 310—311) forms t4 'ta', tds 'tas" refers to the area of southwestern Altay dialects, ti", tu. ~ ta (< *tdn) —in Eastern Highland dialects (also cf. Valeckienė 1965: 1 That the eye-like *-dn has been only one, common to the entire area of Lithuanian language *4š-kam. nouns (and pronouns) dgs. gln. limb, has been proved reasonably and convincingly by J. Kazlauskas (1968: 162, 163, 189). This is fully confirmed by the data of other researchers (Šukys 1959: 159; Jašinskaitė 1959: 191; Vidugiris 1969: 167). * The short end -a of the open word of this origin in the area of the Žemaites dialects northwest of Klykoliai, Akménés, Alsėdžiai, Gargždū (Grinaveckis 1973: 214) corresponds to the reduced -0 (: mūžė ~ maZa, kūojo ~ kėja, gerOjo ~ gerąja), in the eastern Highlands and Dzūkijos dialects —trumpa (somewhere reduced or completely lost) -u (: mažū, maž?, maž ~ maža, kėju, kėji, k6j ~ koja). In the closed end of these dialects, it, as well as each closed and open word end in the remaining area of Lithuanian dialects of this origin, is pronounced briefly, and after j it is also preaccented. 125 : 655). There is one case in Zietela's speech where the long -a has *4-kam. noun vns. in. ending, e.g.: xm2ra' ~ chmora "'clouds' (Arumaa 1931: 51)?. Acute nominative forms of the I suffix *-dn 1k. and in the dialects of the southern and north-western Highlands it has been deformed into the long -a (notation according to the origin -4ą); unpronounced *-dn of their II accent, turned into -4, Cia also abbreviated (: baltdja, baltgsias, geriausiąja, geridusiąsias). In the area of Eastern Highlands dialects about Medeikiūs, Užūšiliai, Biržai, Virškupėnai, Geidzifinus, Papilis, Antazava, Vabalniūkas, Panemunė, Lukštūs, Svobiskj, Antašavas, Subačiai, Zarasai, Rukiškė, Seimati the acute I-dn of the noun endings *-dn is regularly echoed by the dialectal -ū (: baltiju* ~ baltąja, baltūs'as ~ baltąsias, cf. jų kūsnis ~ kdsnis)®. Between Suvainiškis, Rokiškis, Kūpiškis, Svėdasas, Rubikiai, Leliūnai, Balnininkai, Moléty, Bijūtiškis, Nemenčinė, Kūktiškiai, Daūgailiai, Degūčiai, Sūviekas dialect -2 is only in nominative forms. "I'm in a good place" (feat. However, on the borders of the Snekty and smaller Snekteliy, due to close mutual contacts, in addition to these forms, there are often used parallel forms with different reflexes of the old acute *-dn. in Parėvėje it is said and baltioj ~ baltdja, baltios’s ~ baltdsias, about Imbrada —and baltés’as ~ baltgsias, about KatsakiSki® —and baltėju ~ baltąja, baltés’as ~ baltdsias, about Raguvéle and Biržus" —and baltuos’s’ ~ baltdsias, about Kazitiškį —and gerioju ~ gerdja, gerds'as ~ gerdsias, about Spitrėnus —and geré ~ gerąja. Apparently, because of this, Z. Zinkevičius (1957: 75) considers the forms of the eastern Highlands baltūjo ~ baltąja, baltiises ~ baldsias as endangered. How does the old acute *-dn in the northern and southern western Altay dialects and lk. in the noun forms of the I-end endings (as in the word root) there is daves long -a, and in the specified eastern Altay dialect area in the cases mentioned long -ūš, in all other cases —short a, u? Judging from the fact that the long and short -d from *-dn in the North and South-West Highland dialects and Ik. is broad and has no nasalization, there is good reason to believe that -n in the acute endings (as in the root) will have disappeared here without leaving the vowel nasalization and therefore did not form a nasal vowel. This means that the process of decay of -n here will have been so short that the I of this diphthong, the vowel -4, inherited only the length from -1. For that *4 to whom. nouns by nature long stem -a here will only be even more elongated. J. Kazlauskas (1972: 83—84) reasonably claims that before the change of acute endings in Lithuanian language, “at the end of the word and in the middle of the word, before the blowing consonants, nasal vowels were formed from the diphthongs having the nasal consonant as the second component”. In our opinion, this assertion is realistic, because in later times the decay of n in acute diphthongs in the same Lithuanian dialects is not repeated. Thus, it is possible that the -n consonant of the acute *-dn may have disappeared in these dialects at that time. His descendant long -a at the end of the word has been shortened (: gera < *gerdn, geras < *gerdns, pirmąja < *pirmdnjdn, pirmąsias < *pirmdnsjūns), while in the I-word of noun forms (as in the root) it has remained long (: gerąja < *gerdnjdn, gerąsias < *gerdnsjdns- ). However, as we have seen, somewhere else in the West Highland dialects the -a of this origin remains long and in the ending. In the endings of pronouns the long -a here could probably have survived because of the final pronunciation (cf. aną, aną, katrą, katri..., ją, ji, tą, ti... and aną 'ana', ands "anas", tą ta’, tds 'that', katrą 'katra', katrąs 'katras' 8 It seems to us doubtful the opinion of E. Fraenkelis (1936: 47) that the long -a in the ending of Zietelas xmora" could have come from -ai(<-ąja) because of the apocope, since the apocope usually occurs only in unpronounced syllables and is characterized by purely mechanical sound dropping. Rather, the long -a, being solitary in this case, is to be treated as a relic, present in the speech from old and, possibly, a noun, which has arisen simply from *-dn (> -a). 4 In the area of the strongest reduction of the limbs (in the river of Mūša and nearby dialects) the limbs of the II dot of the named forms are reduced or completely dropped. In the examples given here (and elsewhere), where the exact location is not indicated, the spoken phonetic changes are not indicated. 5 See also eastern Highlands seni-ji ~ senąja (Drotvinas —Grinaveckis 1970: 97; see also Zinkevičius 1957: 95; Jašinskaitė 1959: 191; Zinkevičius 1966: 291). 6 Vns. in. The form baltdja from Karsakiškis is also given by Z. Zinkevičius (1966: 290). 7 Z. Zinkevičius (1957: 95) from Biržai gives only the forms baltiijo and baltuosos. 126 and so on), in the endings of the pronoun forms of the II element —probably analogy of forms affected by the final pronunciation of pronouns (by tds, 14, ją, jąs pan. ir — ir jąją, jąsiąs, tąją, tąsiąs and gerąją, gerdsiąs... ir Mr. ). In the above mentioned Eastern Highland dialects, the acute diphthong *-dn will -n also be nykes Mr Kazlauskas indicated, but here the process will be different. If we consider that the *-dn reflex here in the I substantive form is a narrow long -ū (in the II substantive form it is pronounced -u), it is reasonable to assume that -n has disappeared slowly in those dialects. In addition, to the length su of the voice will have -4 been nasalized. ir -n O, Under the influence of the latter, 4 rapidly narrowed, was narrowed the most (Kazlauskas 1972: 84; Zinkevičius 1972: 227 —228) and, turning into a narrow long -ū (in the II accent short -u), reached our times. The arguments against such *-dr development in spoken speech is not visible at least in the meantime, since it stems directly from the phonetic system of those speeches, which in essence helped to reveal and highlight this development. 2. -ai CORRESPONDENCY In the South-West and Central Highland dialects between Kudirka Naūmiestis, Griškabūdis, Garliava, Jiėzna, Nemajūnai, Navinifiky, the reflex -ai is now present in place of the old acute *-dn (in addition to the newer normative forms that have arisen as a result of the influence of the 1st century). Here it occurs in the root (trunk) of the word, in the endings of pronouns and adjectives, and in the endings of noun forms, e.g.: kdisnis, sdispara, pageldisk; su tdi gerdi merga; Andean woman; with gerdija, gerdisias and others, see also Senkus 1955: 64, 126-127; 1960: 146-147; 1962: 213, Zinkevičius 1966: 137; LKT: 193-213, 232, 234-235). The case of such a pronounced -ai <*-dn is presented by Fr. Kuršaitis, 1883: Adino fai, 419, Sąnopai, 366, Sdnafos, 365; laipis, 218, lefukas, 228; also LKZ, I: dižuolas ~ ąžuolas, 48; LKZ, III: graižas'returned, connection', 504, grąžtis 't. p.', 544, grdižyti (rankas) "break, twist', 504, return (hands) 't. p.’, 541 et seq. In addition to the Žemaičių forms with -an ~ -ą, there are rarely forms with -ai (: geransias || gerdisias ~ gerąsias) due to the influence of the neighboring western Vysočiniai dialects. Cases of the old *-dn reply -ai were presented by J. Gerullis and Chr. Stang'as (1933: 11,41, 42, 44), e.g.: geresnė'ises ~ better, saldžė'ises ~ sweet; d'ižuols ~ oak, kd'isti ~ bite, etc. In the Zietelos dialect, instead of the old *-dn, the strong initial diphthong ai occurs in the root and in the open ending of nouns (especially nouns), e.g.: kdisnis ~ kąsnis; sa savdi pac’di su sava pačia' and others (Arumaa 1931: 42, 43, 44, 45, 47, 50, 51, 70; Stang 1958: 184—190; Vidugiris 1959: 198, 201, 204, 206, 207, 209; 1960: 119, 121, 122, 125, 130; 1969: 166; 1974: 283, 286). In Snæfellsjökull, the diphthong ei occurs instead of *-én in *é-kam. nouns at the open end of the word, e.g.: kultuvéi 'with a culture', bitėi 'with a bite'. ai diphthong instead of *-dn about Palémeng and Žasliūs is found only in the open consonant ending of adjectives and pronouns, e.g.: su tdi, gražiai, Sitokidi baltai, tokidi jaundi, etc. (Valeckiené 1965: 483, 655); with tdi, with it is also said about GeguZing, Vandžiegalas and others (LKT: 222). In open pronouns, the diphthong ai is also present in Sakyna, Aūksučiai, e.g.: andi || anai “with ana’, §éi Sia’, ta'i‘ta’, katrd'i “katra’ (Jonaitytė 1964: 169; 1969: 201, 203,204; LKT: 155)8, as well as in Saukénai, e.g.: tdi ‘with ta’ (Grinaveckis 1973: 215; Rosinas 1975: 77). About Pabaiska, Veprius, Zeimj, Bagaslaviski *4-kam. nouns vns. in. the reduced ending -aį (kirCiuota —tvirtagal€) has become established, e.g.: su lazdai, bobaj, savai, gerai, runkaj 'with a stick, bob, own, good, hand'. These forms are probably not simply derived from the old *lazddn, *gerdn..., but, apparently, are later derivatives, arising from 8 The form danai 'with ana' (later established by A. Jonaitytė), being in this schnekt system, it can be said, not yet very usual (next to katrdi, andi 'with katra, with and), is probably considered a new andi variant, caused by the declination of the accent, cf. analogous examples of still neighboring schnekts: dna'“ ~ aną, anie aniė ~ already (LKT: 151, 152, 155). 127 from the dialectal lazdū ~ lazda, gerū ~ gerd..., adding, possible object, epentetic -į, similarly as Dzūkų and their closest neighbors schnekts add -i(-j) at the open end of the word (usually long name) probably because in the paradigm of open ending forms (as in the system of conjugation in general) less, and therefore they are,,approached,, to most conjugated forms with closed ending. This is probably the reason why the -i(-j) is added to the singular noun of the consonant root in the South-West Dzukian dialects. ward. in the ending (: piemudj ~ shepherd, akmuėoj ~ stone, sasudj —sister, cf. Fraenkel 1936: 47; Zinkevičius 1965: 256, map no. 60), and in Eastern Dzūkų dialects —dgs. viet. in the ending, e.g.: šakdsui 'in the branches' Tvr, miškiūoi 'in the woods' Ign, kuruosui 'in the trees', vaftuosui 'in the gates' Lz (also see Fraenkel 1936: 37, 47; Morkūnas 1964: 149 —150). It is also the most commonly used in the mouth, especially in the mouths of young people and adults. in. and dgs. ward. galiinése, e.g.: kiūoi 'what' (LKT: 380), šitudį 'this' (LKT: 386), 'this' (LKT: 390); kuriei *kurie', katarieį 'katrie' (LKT: 378), aniei 'anie' (LKT: 382), šicieį 'these* (LKT: : 381, 402) and others. That the form sticks... -(«)i are probably due to the laws of the present phonetic system of the ty schnekts the direct equivalent of the previous dialectic -u (< *-dn) and adjective -į, i.e., the newly formed diphthong -vį (not aj), whose pronunciation completely coincides with the older dialectic -aį (< -wi, not from -ai!), would be shown by comparing it with the other reflexes -aį from -ui and -aį from -ai. In fact, it is entirely synonymous only with the accentuated and unaccentuated -af < -ui, e.g.: yóbei 'with boba', lazdai with lazda' and vaikai m vaikui, vidui ~ vidūj "inside". Since it differs from the pronounced -aį < -ai (: vaikai, ne vaikai ~ vaikai) and coincides only with the unpronounced -ai < -ai (: virai ~ vyrai), its direct derivation from -ai falls off. This newly formed diphthong -uį is weaker reduced in the adjacent Čidbiškis dialect, for example: su lazdui "su lazda'. Thus, here it is particularly clearly distinguished from the dialectal -ai < -ai, completely coinciding with the ui of that schnekt (Morkūnas 1959: 199; 1960: 32—35; Zinkevičius 1966: 93, 208). Thus, Pabaisko, Veprių and nearby šnekų shaped sticks, well..., as well as Cidbiskio stick, good * 'with a stick, with good', are new. The Ju ending -ai (-ui) with the old acute *_dn has no direct connection (only through dialectal -4 < *-dn). And ju -į will be added here, as K. Morkūnas (1959: 201) correctly points out, after the accent has been removed in these phrases. In our opinion, the following statements by O. Broch (1960: : 28—29) are considered to be noun forms of Azierkų and Paditvio šnektų mot. g. vns. in. The forms Sitar || Šitui "this", tati || tui "that" and so on. The pronunciation of the tvirtagalé ending -ai our has been confirmed and the Lazūnų šnekta numerals and pronouns mot. g. vns. Int., e.g. : Raikia gerc three times one at a time; shifts one by one; danas po joj skucaii 'he mourned her'. Perhaps the most controversial opinions are caused by this *-dn placeholder. What exactly is the origin of the -ai reflex? Who was his predecessor? Sniffs for *4-kam. nouns vns. in. ends -ai P. Arumaa (1931: 70) suspected derived from noun forms, the latter being shortened: jąja > jai. Other linguists (Fraenkel 1936: 49; Zinkevičius 1957: 100; Vidugiris 1959: 201; 1960: 125; 1969: 167; 1974: 283), among them those who examine the non-Zietelos schnektos reflexa -ai instead of *-dn (Senkus 1962: 213; Zinkevičius 1966: 312-313; Rosinas 1968: 249), without examining this question further, reiterate P. Arūma’s opinion in general (Fraenkel 1936: 49; Zinkevičius 1957: 100; Vidugiris 1959: 201; 1960: 125; 1969: 167; 1974: 283). However, this is not the case, as the skeleton, which has been found to be of the same size as the skull, does not appear to have been completely destroyed. This, among other things, is well shown by the example given by Z. Zinkevičius (1966: 137) in td'je 'tąja' next to žemdr'ises 'žemaąsias". Thus, it is really difficult to believe (Zinkevičius 1966: 310), that about Liubavas, Vilkaviškis, Garliava, Pūnis, Zietela, Šakynas, even Kuršėnus tdi could have arisen from that (there the form is not witnessed by anyone; it is phonetically impossible in those conversations). Therefore, some linguists, when confronted with different dialects, use *4-kam. nouns and pronouns vns. in. forms with the ending -ai and, not being sure about P. Arumas' opinion, sometimes start to raise other possible reasons for the origin of the reflex -ai (as well as -aį). For example, A. Vidugiris (1969: 167) assumes that vns. in. endings -ai in the conversation of Zietela 128 (and elsewhere) may have occurred ,,dél nosinumo nepraradimo“ but after all iš -4, the very nature of these formmy -ai nosinumo shade actually has none. Z. Zinkevičius (1966 : 137) of some western Highlanders ir Zitelos šnektų kdisti 'bisti', tdis ‘tas’, gerdises "gerasias" forms su -ah instead of lk. -ą doubting guesses existing iš - One. But here Z. Zinkevičius seems to ir contradict himself. If the acute -ą was translated į -oh, that's the same -oh, I couldn't have been born iš -ain (which, by the way, has not be yet been witnessed by anyone). *-ain in this way tegalety be only a consequence, a cause of the process in question. ne K. Morkūnas, doubting the influence of noun forms on the southeastern Altay schnekts, used 1999, in the nearby ir villages of Pabaisko, Gėlvonai, *4-kam. noun ir pronouns vns, in. forms in su the extremity -of on different whims (in noun forms of this vowel, the prepositional strong beginning, in pronounced speech forms, the — interjection, iš the strong ending), assumes the tą ending to be morphologically derived from the influence of noun pronouns (Carrots 1959 : 199—201; 1969 : 111, 130). However, this ir elevation of the ending, almost identical in iš substance to the previous one, does not change the situation either: after all, the noun pronouns are vns. inn. the form, which is thought to have influenced the form of the ordinary pronouns of this vowel, also has a firm I preposition at the end of the dot. J. Kazlauskas, (1958 : 57), based on the fact that in Lithuanian there is no P. In order to support Aruma's view of parallel phenomena, Stasi ją admits ir unreliable hypotheseją s. Rejecting morphological mot. g. vns. in. limbs -ai origin, Kazlauskas J. here assumes that the ją phonetic path of the older vowel ending iš to *-ajan (plg. *rankajan, Slavic rqkojq), which may have existed in ancient Lithuanian alongside the usual ending *-dn (plg. *rankdn, Slavic hand). But in its grammar (Kazlauskas 1968 : 188) against. g. vns. J.N. limb *-dn it recognizes as a common Lithuanian -Latvian ir Slavic languageo s, Slavic ending - Oh, yeah. (rqkojq) time is shorter. In Lithuanian dialectological literature, the term has long iš been established, perhaps J. Senkau first published opinion (Cenkyc 1955 : 10; Senkus 1960 : 147), that the speaking reflex -ai in the South-West Highland dialects may have been phonetically originated iš *-dn. Ši The opinion does not actually contradict the phonetic laws of the South-West Highlanders or other Lithuanian speakers adjacent to them, and it seems to be reliable. na For to ne be the basis of our (Grinaveckis 1973 : 215) su ja is linked to ir Šaukėnai and A rare example of a skeleton- -like pronoun. inn. limb - Ai. A. Girdenis ir A. Rosine, attributing this opinion to us, qualifies the evidence be as an attempt to phonetically interpret the phenomena caused by morphological factors (Girdenis — Rosinas 1974 : 202). They claim (Girdenis — Rosinas 1974 : 203), jog "A warden is... can be only morphologically derived or noun forms iš (this is not a very likely assumption), or newly formed for vns. Beneficiary exposure (see section 4.4). Baltistica, XI(1)’. But here are quoted two mutually destructive reflexes -ai morphological origin assumptions do not seem plausible. Be The second assumption is based on inaccurate and ir incomplete phonetic data of the to Šaukėnai šnektas vowel. Here it is. 1976 m. our studies of the Šaukėnai schnets show that mot. g. pronoun ta vns. caud. This is twofold. The older Schneck representatives have a more common ir phonetically altered form tfd' tdi, e.g.: sakdu td: buoba sakau(=sakaū) ~ tdi bobai; reig dirti gé'rti tar muna kove: you have to give gérti tdi ~ muno mano) to the cow; Dirk Miu Vista: Beat the Stag Tdi Chickens ~ (= td ~ (Vincas Kasparas, m., 89 born and raised in Šaukėnai); ir kas i'ra tar mūna galva“ skaūst kas yra tai mūno mano) galvai skaiista | ~ (= — (Stanislovas Jurgilas, m., 86 born and raised in Šaukėnai); ir bludg gi-vé nti ta: girl* bad to live tdi girl; nulūžža ga'ls ta: laza" nulūžo galus ~ tdi lazai lazdai) ~ (= (Julius Raila, m., 88 living in Šaukėnai, born before ir 16 m. lived Pašilėnų k., km. 5 į west of Šaukėnai); reig dit lésti td" chicken" should be given lésti this ~ chicken; That "motherly" thing was cancer. That "motherly" thing was cancer. ~ (= (Constanţa Kvietkienė, 70 m., born, raised living ir Laikšių k., km. 4 į south of Šaukėnai- ). On the lips of ir the younger middle generation more common su I'm going. 9. Grammatical categories ir jų row 129 interchangeable form tdi. The two forms are also known from other relative mot. g. pronouns of this schnekt. caud. : and" | and'i, pačė" | pačė'i "themselves". A similar picture is seen in the neighbouring Vidsodžio and Kuršėnų šnekta (see LKT, 97; cf. Vitkauskas 1960: 65). But A. Rosinas (1975: 78), the shorter (monophonic) pronoun fd vns. caud. without mentioning the form at all, he states:,,- In Saukény- 's discourse, according to the general law, we should expect mot. g. vns. caud. *td“, plg. buoba", but for relative pronouns mot. g. vns. caud. here retained with -di, i.e. tdi (respectively andi, katrai, etc.)’. Similarly, A. Rosinas (1975: 79) deals with the vns of other relative pronouns in the Kuršėnai dialect. caud. forms, indicating here only the longer ones that are convenient to him. The theoretical justification of this assumption is also questionable. Explaining why vns. caud. -ai, which should have turned into a long -a in the Šaukėnai dialect, remained unconsonant, A. Rosinas (1975: 78) says:,,...the main function of ivardZio fa in the dialect is the function of the article (this opinion of A. Rosinas is argumentatively criticized, see Valeckienė 1974: 37; note of our —V. G.). Therefore, the pronoun form, often in an unpronunciated position, could retain the unchanged diphthong -di...". But in Lithuanian language and its dialects (including Šaukėnai) it is exactly the opposite: words that are not pronounced are usually shortened, reduced. This can be seen from the examples written by A. Rosinas himself from Šaukėnai, e.g.: p'rijein p'ri (= pry) stū'la (LKT: 100); namiri ti (= tai) namiri; two cafit births, neither (= neither, neither) generation not baptize-- c; isigélbieti nu (= from) die's; tarnduju pri (= pry) pudnu et al. (Rosinas 1960: Reg. No. 590 | 194). Thus, the assertion that the unpronounced position has helped the tdi diphthong -ai of the Šaukėnai pronoun to remain ununivocal is undoubtedly wrong. In addition, it is noted that in the language of Šaukėnai (as well as Kuršėnai) the mot. g. vns. is double. caud. Forms —with the unisoned a“ (according to the dialect representatives, it is older and more common) and with the preserved whole -ai —have also the bi-syllabic pronouns katra, visa and *a-kam. The adjectives: katrd" || katrdri, visa: || visdri, balta || || baltai, naujė" || naujai. And this, a possible thing, would indicate that the spread of the form with -ai (in speech as newer; that it is not old, A. Rosinas 1975: 78 also admits) will have been contributed by lk. and the influence of the neighboring western Altay dialects, cf. also such for Ik. influence the forms used by the younger generation of the Šaukėnai schnekts, such as žieda (not ži"da), arti'n (not near), jis (not uns), ji (not ana), ja'i (not and'i), man (not mun) etc. ir Perhaps the least justified part of A. Rosino's assumption, according to which Šaukėnai $nektos relatives of mot. g. pronouns vns. caud. ending -ai taken over from the old vns due to structural pressure. in. form (t)a functions. Here it is:,,Sutrumpéjus mot. g. dgs. Fuss and Mr. Vns. inagininkui (turn), the relationship between the forms of the noun and the pronoun became even more pronounced, which can be written in the following proportions: tums: tdi = tums: xir tam: tai = tum: x. So both proportions show that x = tdi... innag. The old ending -a of the form will be replaced by -di (the same as in the singular noun)” (Rosinas 1975: 79). However, this assumption can hardly be proved based on Lithuanian language data. After all, the data of Lithuanian language and dialects do not confirm it at all. Let’s say that a similar relationship of the forms of the noun and the pronoun not only in pronouns, but also in nouns (and of the same intensity as in the Šaukėnai dialect!) exists in other dialects of Lithuania. And the model of proportions presented by A. Rosino is quite suitable for noting this relationship. And in them, by the way, relative mot. g. pronouns vns. caud. tdi has not had (and does not have!) the slightest influence on vns. The int form td and its functions are not inherited. Moreover, the article does not explain at all why and for what purpose the pressure of the structure has given impetus here only mot. g. vns. caud. influence vns. inn. There is no reference to the 1998 release of G.I. Joe: The Rise of Cobra. inn. and even vr. g. vns. Phonetic abbreviation of inf. forms, which occurred, among other things, relatively long ago not only in the investigated dialect, but even in many other dialects of the Lithuanian language. "G.D.G.S." caud. and inf. forms even in the same Šaukėnai dialect are much closer to each other, but the effects of structure pressure on one another are not present in any of them. Furthermore, if the proportion is recognized as “the equality of two proportions” (TŽZ: 623), the unknown of the quoted proportions should be expected only as a rigid reflex (let’s say that 130 ir *that, only no longer in any way tdi, has ne received ką A. Rosinas. All this shows that A. Girdenium ir A. "Robinson's "Broken Hearted Man"". g. pronouns vns. J.N. limbs The explanation of the morphological origin of -ai did not contribute to the solution of the question, at least in the meantime. But as a phonetic way iš *-dn may have occurred - You? It is noticeable that the reflex -ai, representing the old *-dn, has no nasalization. Based on this, there is reason to believe that acute *-dn II sandas indicated je in the Lithuanian southern dialects, as ir *-dn > a case in other western Highland dialects, disappeared very long ago, also without leaving the vowel nasalization. a Po her loss of the old In the syllable formed by *-dn, an unusual acute vowel will be formed, equal to the sum of the lengths of two vowels acute length length obtained after the (: disappearan4 ce of n). + With such excessive length, this acute vowel must have been strongly distinguished (and, be doubtless, will be separated) iš other long vowel systems. O, being very tall with a strong ir start, he couldn't stay in that system for long. Phonetic conditions are formed (plg. 3unjlep 1960 : 217—222: He turns into 1960 : 213; 1961 : 39) a two-wheeler. Because to most likely he will be ir diphthongized, adapting to the diphthong ai (because of the 4 long protrusion ai, o ne any other diphthong plg. the ai reverse a" transformation process, which occurs in || the < Žemaičių dialects: < mata: mata“ matdi, va'ka@ vaikai). Having become a diphthong, this *-dn reflex in the root of the word could not change ir further remained as it is today (kd'isnis, gerd'ija, gerd'isias). However, oksitoniniy pronouns in the endings due to the accent acute endings shortening did not jo affect, it ir remained intact (su tdi, andi, katrdi; tais, andis, katrais). A healthy reflex in the endings of ordinary adjectives -di iš *-dn has probably survived because of the analogy with noun forms (gerdi, 'good', gerdis 'good'). Based on all of this, there is reason to suspect that the reflex -ai is the oldest, the very first of the old acute *-dn sando IT disappearance result, formed in the distant antiquity of all the earliest quantity and ir narrowest remained closest to its predecessor *-dn. However, ne each dialect of the old *-dn in place -ai (-ai, -ui) may have the same origin. As clearly shown by the already mentioned "The ir 4-Story of the 4-Year-Old". nouns vns. in. in the extremity tas -ai may be deeper, arising *-dn after a vowel, the final added to. į po Kad -ai here: could have appeared later due to the zoom of individual g-kam. * forms to most of the closed-esu nd verb systems, in particular best shown to have no jo dgs. gal. form. Most likely a similar path -ai has occurred ir *4-cam. (also į ji past) adjectives vns. in. in the extremity The ir Speech of the Palms. Reflex of the eye in conversation -ai instead of *-dn, being more regular than in other Southwesteir rn Highland dialects, is probably old. However, jo the absence of *4-cam. dgs. gal. in the extremity suggests that this why. vns. inn. forms he, as ir In Gėlvonų — Žaslių talks, it could be newer. ir In other words, in Zietela's talk next to -a reflex that occurred just iš *-dn, could be of newer ir origin - Ai. Be That's what I'm saying. -as appearing here could have been influenced, as the insightful claims A. Middle (1959 : 201), Slavic languages. That such a possibility is quite real, the best, in our opinion, would show the example of Lazfiny pa schnekta one whose Slavic origin (even in ir terms of syntax) unquestionable. 3. -an (an, one, one, or) 0°, Acute jvardZiuotiniy forms of demens of the I extremities *-dn dinininky $nektose about Kuršėnus, Ūžventį, Kelme, Tytuvėnus, Liolits, Kražiūs, Upyna, Žemaičių Naiimiestį, Vainūtą, Žvingiūs, Pagramantį, Skaudvilę, Nemakščiūs, Vidūklę, Taūragę, Gaūr¢, Efžvilką has survived quite well, e.g.: gerdnje gerėja, gerdnses gerdsias, laiminganje laimingąja, ~ laiminganses laimingąsias ~ etc., (see also. ~ ~ ir Jonikas 1939 : 53; Zinkevičius 1957 : 30, 78; 1965 : 136; Drotvin — "Grenadier1970 : 96), ge 131 's 100-year-old name still stands as "Grenadier- 's Place"". This -anvisai sveikas occurs also in the nominative ending of the second case of some Altai language dialects adjacent to this area, e.g.: su td-jan ~ su tąja (Pakapė),su jd'jen ~ su jąja (Kairiai, Šiaulių raj.). It remains unchanged in the ending of the I-th syllable of some of the noun forms of the old scripts (: pirmanses, schaukenczanses, BP: 17015; II: 5,3). In the case of Rietuva, Kvėdarna, Šilalė, Laūkuva, Tryškiai, Vidsodis, Varniūs, this old *-dn of the first case is regularly transformed into -on- (: gerdnje ~ gerąja, gerOonses ~ gerdsias and others: Zinkevičius 1957: 78, 92, 96; 1966: 136; Drotvinas —Grinaveckis 1970: 96, 148 —149; cf. ju regularly pronounced konsnes ~ kąsnis), although in the case of Raudénai (so baltūoje —LKT: 74), Pėžerė, sometimes Laūkuvą, the form geriloje ~ gerėja ‘geraja’ is also known (for its origin see below). On the Baltic Sea, Gitdiske, Karklénus jvardZiuotiniy forms I démens ending *-dn is converged to un (: gerunje ~ gerdja, gerunses ~ gerdsias, ju-kingunses ~ juokinggsias, cf. ju supposed kunsnis ~ kdsnis). Elsewhere in the Lithuanian Snektos, the acute *-an II sand (mn) in the ends of the jvardZiuotiniy forms of the I accent has disappeared, modifying the I sand (vowel a) in various ways. In the case of Švėkšna, Priekulė, Dėviliai, the acute *-dn is represented by a narrow monophonic -o' (: baltdje ~ baltąja, baltoses ~ baltdsias, rašito'je ~ rašytąją, although about Būdviečiai it is also said baltūoje ~ baltėja, cf. also Švėkšnos, Dovilų kėsnis ~ kasnis), in the case of Palanga, Darbénas, Lenkimūs —by a biphonic -ou (: baltouje —baltąja, baltouses ~ baltdsias, cf. also jų kdusnęs ~ kąsnis). "O-9" regularly degenerated into vns. in. The I-dn *-dn is used in the talk of the dounists about Skuodas, Židikiai, Ylakiai, Laižuvas, Sėda, Mėsėdis, Salantus, Krėtinga, Kaitena, Gargždai, Vėžaičiai (: gerdje ~ gerąja, cf. kėsnes). 4. -o CORRESPONDENT -In the eastern highland $nektos about Lygumai, Kriukai, Daglénus, Séduva, Palonūs, Pusalota, Joniškėlis, Linkuva, Pasvitinj, Lailiksodj, Vaskus, Pasvalis, Gudstagalis, Panevėžys the old *-dn has the corresponding -o' (: gerdji || gerdj ~ gerdja, gerdsis || gerds’s ~ ~ gerąsias“, cf. also their kdsnis || kosn’s’ ~ kąsnis), but the I démens ending here sometimes varies somewhere else due to the influence of neighboring dialects. Between Joniškėlis, Linkuvds, Pasvitinis, Lauksodis, Vaškai, Pasvalis dgs. gin. The -uo reflex begins to take hold, e.g.: storėji || storėj ~ stordja, but storuosis’ || storižos's' ~ stordsias (Grinaveckiené 1962: 164—165; Z. Zinkevičius 1957: 78 also refers to the form of baltojus from Wax), 0 Šeduvėj also uses the forms gerioj ~ gerėja, gerūosis ~ gerąsias. The reflex -o' (in Low German -uo) in place of the acute *-dn is also used in a very narrow section of the Žemaičių dialect in conversations about Pikeliai, Leckdva, Žemulė, Papilė, Vaiduva, Alsėdžiai, Gadindva, Šateikiūs, Laūko Sėda, Stalgėnai, Tverūs, Mėdingėnai (jaunūoje ~ jaundja, jaunūoseęs ~ jaunąsias), and only in the dgs. gln. in the endings of the first case of noun forms in Eastern Highland dialects —also about Suvainiškis, Onuškis, Jūodupė, Pandėlis, KuprėTiškis, Kazliškis, Skemūs, Salamiestis, Alizavą, Jūžintus, Rokiškį, Obeliūs, Kresčiėnis, Aleksandravéle, Sūviekas, Tuimantas, Tilžę, Kūpiškį, Skapiškį, Paléveng, Aukštupénus, Pudza, Kamajus, Kamajėliūs, Sidabravą, Svėdasus, Šimėnis, Užpaliūs, Antalieptė, Degučiūs, Dūsetas, Andrioėniškį, Debeikiūs, Vyžuonas, Sudeikiūs, Dailgailius, Rubikiūs, Tauragnus, Kazitiškį, Kirdeikiūs, Ignalina, Kačėrgiškė, Labanėra, Palūšė, Tverėčiai, Rimšė, Mielagėnus, Antiliede, Švenčionėliūs, Švenčionis, Skiemėnis, Leliūnas, Alantas, Skudūtiškis, Suginčiūs, Kūktiškes, Balninkai, "Šešuoliūs, Molétus, Pastovčlys, Kretūonis, Bijūtiškis, Pažeimenė, Nemenčinė (: geros’as ~ good, see also Zinkevičius 1957: 27–28, 78; 1966: 291. It is therefore important to note that the dgs. gln. forms of the I element -o' used and senas-? *, Some purely phonetic variations of forms are also mentioned here. Let us say that in Pagramantis ‘besides balta'n'je || ba'ltan'je because of the n:j metathesis there is also baltd'ine || bd'Itaine, in Lativus and Laūkas So- „dojė because of the same nm: j change next to baltOnjeę there is also baltiojne (< baltO'jnę < baltO'nje). 10 "The form didZidsias is used next to didžiosios and palatvés in the western Highlander dialect about: Skaistgiris due to contacts with the neighboring eastern Highlander dialect of Kriukai (Jonaitytė 1969:191). 132 in these writings), in the Žemaičių — conversations between The smaller ones of Laižuvos, Mažeikių, Salantų, Kaftenos, Gargždų, (: Kretingos, ~ Skuddo, see also. S1BHnc 1908 — 1916: 32, 115; LKT : 70; Zinkevičius 1957 : 28), in some western Dzūkian dialects (:gerdsias ~ gerdsias Vs; dzidzioses ~ majores Vng, LKT : 374; See also Zinkevičius 1957 : 79, 94, 99). But here ir often occurs forms jvairovania (also probably due to the influence of neighboring snakes). Next to the form gerds’as ~ good about Salakau ir Liūkmenis (Kardelytė 1961 : 14—15) hear gerdju ir and geriloju gerąja, in Palėvenčlė, ~ Skapiškyje, o Utenojė, Viešintosė gerdju and saldéju — ir gerėja, saldėja'sweet'; instead ~ of o *-dn vns. in. known ir UL : 15 (: mažoja *mazaja’). Speaking of reflex instead of -o *-dn in I substantive endings, Zinkevičius Z. (1957 : 27) says: ,,The decline of r the national language began in ancient times and affected different ir genders at different times,... ir Very long ago, n disappeared and the masculine plural of the verb whites... Also long ago, n lost the feminine plural of the verb whites "'whites- '". Thus, the quotation speaks of the undoubted phonetic -o origin of the reflex. Later Z. Zinkevičius (1966 : 291), supporting K. The bridge is still in its old form. A. Valeckienė (1965: 498) and J. Kazlauskas (1968: 163) will be completely right when they consider gerdsias to have arisen by phonetic path from the ordinary adjectives *gerds. Iš real form *gerds (< *gerdns, disappean red before s ir by extending be a), everything else, too, will be able to affect the disappearance of the noun forms -n and I in the element. Thus, the phonetic origin of this form and the recognition of the reflex -o as old can probably be true. In Lithuanian conversations, as J. Kazlauskas ir Z. Zinkevičius correctly claims that the true iš folklore has begun to disappear a long time ago n. However, this # decline, depending greatly, as we have seen before, on the phonetic position of the different schnecks and their developmental tendencies, did not occur everywhere and at the same time with the same intensity, and the long vowel a was narrowed equally as a result. Where it is now said improves, gerdsias, n will disappear quickly, and a", having lost it, narrowed itself not at first. That's why I'm here. *-dn ir - It's iš going. *-a had to coincide o, at the a" time of conversion į o, card su -a' iš *-@ i o will be overcooked ir -¢* iš *-dx. That it could be iš so true, it would be well shown by the coincidence of the reflexes -a* from *-d and -aiz *-dn in all cases in some places of the pantists and pontists' snakes! "The Good, the Bad, and the Ugly" "The Good, the Bad, and the Ugly" "The Good, the Bad, and the Ugly" "The Good, the Bad, and the Ugly" This parallel enabled A. Jonaitytė (1969: 191) to confirm the phonetic origin of the major loanword of the Kriukų dialect used in Skaistgirio dialect. Having all this in mind, in our opinion, it is difficult to agree su Z. It is not common for whites to have a white-and-w- ~ hite ir coloration. ~ O guess that form "whiter su o, most likely, iš other funny" (Zinkevičius 1966 : 290), is rather questionable. And indeed, which of the lingers could be guilty of the eastern highlanders baltėju ~ baltąja? Neither the ancestor with the native, because there is a difference in the prepositions (cf. vns. in. baltéju, vns. kilm. baltésia.- s, vns. vt. baltėja.- j), nor the vns of the eastern Highlanders. caud. bdlta.jai ~ bdltai 'white' and vns. gln. bdlta.ju 'white', because the different place of intersection of which as mine ir o, Z. Zinkevičius (1966 : 286, 290), again as well „most likely, from other funny“, than finally vns. vard., because the ending is different (see baltėju 'white' and baltoja 'white'). It is also not helpful for the solution of the question to state that there is a "visible tendency to adapt the forms of other verbs to the more commonly used nom. sing., the flexion of their first accent by replacing the nominative ending vowel o, which together with the iot tends to form a kind of suffix oj““ (Zinkevičius 1966: 282). If -oj Here really were a suffix, it would normally retain the same accent and the same preposition in all vowels. But, as we see, this is not the case. The situation is complicated and qualified by the suffix -oj in the senior g. vns. gin. in form bdltoji. It is hard to believe that these forms -oj could also reflect "1 The form saldėju ~ saldjja'- sweet' from Skapiškis is also presented by Z. Zinkevičius (1966: 278, Here 310). I'm going. u, ia stem adjectives atliepia Oh, I'm sorry. : sdldas, salda. 12 7. Zinksvičius (1966: 291) describes such a coincidence of the reflexes -ą < *-dn and -o < *-a (in both cases the pronunciation is called splakimas0) ). 133