Bilingvizmo situacijos ir jų socialinė dinamika

LITHUANIAN LANGUAGE AND BILINGVISM SIMAS KARALIŪNAS SITUATIONS OF BILINGVISM AND THEIR SOCIAL DYNAMICS Bilingualism —the practice of a smaller or larger group of people to alternately use two languages —is a fairly widespread phenomenon in the world. Since a society can get along well with one language, the existence of bilingualism indicates that there are two different language-- speaking communities in the society (Karaliūnas, 1983, p. 15). Bilingualism is an everyday phenomenon in so-called multinational states, where several nations exist side by side — each with its own culture and language. But even in such cases, bilingualism includes separate groups of people who, due to the needs of communication and interaction, are forced to learn and use the language of another nation, while the majority of members of society live their own lives and use their own language. Therefore, two or more languages coexist, they are used in different social situations, each language has its own sphere of service, and in such cases it is better to speak of diglossia, although some researchers also consider diglossia to be a form of bilingualism (New Horizons in Linguistics, 1975, p. 319). A typical diglossic situation, for example, is the coexistence of a common spoken language and dialects, as both variants of the national language are used for different purposes and in different social situations. The situations of bilingualism that occur in such cases are, of course, stable, do not create difficulties or obstacles for the communication of the society and its life itself, and therefore they can exist for a long time. In many countries (e.g. Switzerland, Canada, Yugoslavia, India, etc.) the current situation of bilingualism shows no signs of change*. Bilingual situations can also arise for other reasons, not necessarily due to the presence of two or more ethnic communities. A society may be monolingual by tradition, but for some area of its activity it adopts and uses another language that is more suitable for that purpose than its own language. For example, in Finland, in addition to Finnish, Swedish performs the functions of the literary language. In Lithuania, the Latin language has been used in the church until today (and is still used in part today). In India, the language of administration, education and literature is English. The language used in the chancery of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania was a Slavic written language based on the tradition of Church Slavonic. The role of a second language in society is very often played by the prestige and high cultural value of having a language. The pressure of English on national minority languages in the United States of America is of an economic, political and social nature, but, for example, * the works of Soviet sociolinguists emphasize the equality of the languages of the Soviet nations and the stability of their use (Karaliūnas, 1983). 4 For the Scandinavian languages, this pressure comes from the prevailing international importance of English, from the fact that it is disseminated through schools, radio and television, films and magazines, as well as through commercial channels (Haugen, 1972, pp. 66-68). In its functional and valuable importance, this second language is equivalent to a standardised common language and in fact plays the same role as the common language. Such a prestigious and valuable second language serves several linguistic communities at the same time, thus it plays the role of interlanguage, the function of lingua franca (see below). In Western Europe, the interlingua was Latin for a long time, functioning in the spheres of science, education and religion. In some Eastern European countries (e.g., Bulgaria, Romania, Russia, etc.) the role of interlanguage in religion has been played for several centuries by the church Slavic language. The national language and the second language, which most often performs the functions of interlanguage, form a diglossic situation in society, since they are used in different spheres. Bet ~ some members of society —educated, trained people—are bilingual because they alternately use both languages. Such bilingual situations, being stable, cannot have a greater influence on the fate of the languages spoken in society. Interlingua ir Interdialect (Zr. below), occupying an important place in the social values of society, differ only in their spheres of consumption ir ‘But, on the other hand, under certain historical socio-cultural conditions, bilingual situations can change. ir The use of two languages requires a person much iš greater mental intellectual effort than communicating ir in one language, so there is a natural tendency to minimize that effort as much ir as possible, thus limiting the use of one, usually mother tongue. In public communication, there is a tendency to eliminate bilingual situations by using one language. ir Bilingual situations can be eliminated in two ways: a mixed language consisting of 1) features of both languages is formed, the language of iš the social group, society or dialect is ir changed. ir 2) 1. The formation of mixed languages of two languages alternately Iš spoken by the same tų individuals under certain historical socio-cultural conditions over a longer period of time may lead to the emergence of a third language. Because its structure contains elements of both languages, it is called a mixed or hybrid language. (mixed language, Mischsprache, langue mixte). It should also be noted that heterogeneous, foreign-origin elements, especially in t. y. the vocabulary, exist in every language. Because the collisions of languages, interaction, mutual penetration are inevitable, as are inevitable the communication of people of different ethnicity, interaction and cultural exchange, which are reflected in languages: the ir exchange of cultural values, in exchange for language comes ir jų su į ir jų names. Thus, in the language of the lower strata of society, debts are, it may be said, a necessity of life. Be cultural exchanges, interaction of languages mixing is ir caused by many other ir events of historical processes: mixing of ir ethnically linguistically ir different people living in the same territory, ar their geographical neighborhood, migration, 5 colonization, occupation, socio-economic and political relations between different countries, ethnic symbiosis and assimilation of people of different origin, etc. Bilingual individuals are the agents and conductors of language interaction, mixing and mutual influence. Using two (or more) languages on a daily basis, they automatically identify them and gradually bring them closer to each other, i.e., change them. Elements of one language are also used when another language is spoken. In some cases, the transformations that occur in the speech of bilingual individuals can also enter the language of members of a monolingual society or social group. Some languages may have less such foreign borrowing elements in their vocabulary, while others may have more, depending on the energy, mobility and interaction capabilities of their users. | There are many heterogeneous elements, especially in the vocabulary, for example, in Jewish language or Yiddish, which is the language of communication between Jews of Eastern Europe, and therefore of Lithuania, and Jews from all continents who have come from there — both oral and literary. The grammatical structure of Yiddish is Germanic, since Hebrew originated from the late (12th–14th century) Middle High German (Spatmittelhochdeutsch). In addition to the Germanic element, it has about a quarter of Hebrew-- Aramaic words in its lexicon, between one sixth and one tenth of Slavic words, mostly from Old Polish (Birnbaum, 1923; Karaliūnas, 1977), and a considerable number of Romance words. Hebrew cannot be called a mixed language, because its grammatical system, apart from one other Hebrew-- Aramaic element, is Germanic. The nature of the language and its belonging to the genetic type is determined by the grammatical structure, which is almost untouched by other languages and is not borrowed. Yiddish is therefore a Germanic language. Meanwhile, when a mixed language is formed, the language systems used by bilingual individuals, and thus in contact with each other, are greatly modified. The grammar of mixed languages is in most cases rudimentary, and the vocabulary is rather limited and primitive. But it cannot be said that mixed languages are sets of heterogeneous facts. However, they have a peculiar, specific structure. ; A mixed language is, for example, Ladino (a name derived from the Spanish Latin name), or otherwise called Judeo-Spanish. It is a language derived from the Spanish of the 15th century, with a wealth of Turkish, Greek and Hebrew borrowings, spoken by Jewish people (Sephardim) in the Pyrenees and the Balkan Peninsula and in Western Europe. In Africa. Italian, a mixture of French, Spanish, Arabic, Greek and Turkish, is the lingua franca of the Mediterranean, especially in the eastern part of the Mediterranean (the Levant). The formation of the term and concept itself dates back to the times of the Crusades (XI, XII and XIII centuries). The participants of these marchs came from various European countries. Priests, monks and soldiers, merchants and blacksmiths, porters and servant boys each spoke different languages, which were the ancestors of modern English, French, Italian, and German. Latin, though the language of religion and education, was not spoken by all crusaders. Not all of them knew each other's languages. Therefore, the multilingual crusaders had to have one language that everyone could understand. This language was best 6 suited to them in the Provençal language, the lingua franca (literally “French language- ”) spoken by merchants and sailors from various countries along the southern Mediterranean coasts from Marseilles to Genoa (Samarin, 1968, p. 661). The term lingua franca has now become a term used in linguistics to describe a language commonly used for communication purposes by people who speak different languages (Pei, 1966, p. 148). Such a character as a lingua franca was russenorsk, as well as a mixed language. Before World War I, it was used in northern Norway by Russian merchants and Norwegian fishermen. It was formed in the 18th century by Russian and Norwegian merchants. Its grammar was rudimentary, made up of Russian and Norwegian elements. In addition to Norwegian and Russian, it also contained German Samogitian and English words. For the fishermen of northern Norway maintained close ties with Bergen, where the German Samogitians had a great linguistic influence (Sommerfelt, 1971, p. 33). Therefore, mixed languages do not occur in every bilingual situation. Mixed languages are formed in very specific historical-- social conditions, in regions of intense ethnic, cultural and commercial contacts and exchanges. Where a mixed language has been formed and exists, there has been or exists a dual sociocultural tradition. The language of one social group is adapted to the language of another social group. In the process of this adaptation, the language system is greatly modified and reduced: what is not in the native language is not in the learned language. In this regard, it is interesting to note the psychological fact that the users of the mixed language themselves do not feel the modification and reduction of the linguistic system. Olav Broch (1927) observed that russenorsk users were convinced that the language was the language of their interlocutors: Russians thought the language was Norwegian, and Norwegians thought it was Russian. On the other hand, not all mixed languages have drastically modified, rudimentary grammatical structures. Some of them may have an entire grammatical system inherent in natural language and may be used for written and literary purposes. This is the case, for example, with the literary language of Norway, Riksmål (literally, "state language- "). Its phonetics is Norwegian, but the distribution of phonemes is Danish; Morphologically, it has elements of both Norwegian and Danish, and the vocabulary consists of Danish and Norwegian words. Riksmaal originated in the 19th century, when the dialects of the middle classes of the Norwegian cities merged with the provincial Danish, the so-called hoytidssproget, the "high language" (Sommerfelt, 1971, pp. 26–27). A distinct type of mixed language is pidgin (the term itself derives from the distorted English word business, meaning "business, business, business- "). In Africa, Oceania, and Asia, the indigenous languages of Africa, Oceania, and Asia have drastically modified English, French, and Portuguese, resulting in Pidgin English, Pidgin French, and Pidgin Portuguese. They have emerged as a matter of communication in the field of trade and exchange, and are used between intergroups. It is therefore a lingua franca. For example, Pidgin English, or more accurately, Pidgin English, is used in Cameroon, China, Hawaii, Jamaica, Korea, Melanesia, and Sierra Leone. Pidgin languages are dead because they do not have a language community that uses them, to which they are native. They are purely contact languages. But sometimes pidgin can grow into į natural languages. For example, the Melanesian Pidgin developed as a means of communication in trade. Later, it was used by the ruling caste of planters for ir their relations with their subordinates, performing the function of mandatory orders. Within su fifty years of its spread, the language, called the New nė Melanesian, became the national to language of New Guinea, used in administration, education, mass media, religion and spiritual culture. Iš parents who use pidgin in the field of trade ir exchange, children can ją learn to use it when communicatiir ng with each other. This can lead to a community whose native language becomes Pidgin. Such languages are then called Creole languages (Spanish criollo, Portuguese criulo "Western Indian of European origin" is the conjugation of the verb criar iš “to nourish, to raise”, iš derived from the Latin créare “to create; giving birth’’). Very often, Creoles are considered mixed languages (e.g., Rosetti, 1972, p. 112—118). But the view that in Creole languages African grammar harmonized with ta su Romance (Portuguese, French, Spanish) dictionary, is not sufficiently measured. Recent years of research (Taylor, 1972, p. 453—477) show that the main feature of Creole languages is a greatly simplified grammar, especially morphology, which lacks word-change inflection. — L. Hjelmslev (1938, p. 373—4) has expressed the opinion that "the grammatical system of Creole languages (inventory configuration ir of basic morphemes) is an optimal grammatical system". From the point of view of communication, such an interpretation is quite understandable, because in general, in contact situations, language changes in the direction of optimization: only those elements remain models that are ir necessary for communication. The Pidgin ir Creoles, as mentioned, emerged in very specific historical and cultural conditions. They are usually located somewhere near the major jury roads, in regions of intensive trade exchange contacts. ir So they are somehow ar related to sea travel and su apparently cannot be older than In the 16th century, when regular sea voyages began, trade began to communicate with the ir natives. su Thus, firstly, in certain cases (though very rarely) a functioning interlanguage, or lingua franca, which has emerged through various contacts, can grow into a ir true, natural language, which is usually the mother tongue, į t. y. a language that is passed down from generation iš to generation, į without the help be of another language. Secondly, in the specific historical socio-cultural conditions of two iš (or more) languages, a third language may emerge, combining elements of both (or more) languages. But most often one language or dialect can be replaced by another or another. 2. By ar observing the evolution of the relationships between the forms of language existence (common spoken language, literary language, dialects, etc.) in various societies and the specific situations of bilingualism and their dynamics (e.g., the linguistic behaviour of immigrants in the United States of America, Brazil, etc.), it is easy to see that one form of language or language can replace another, take its place. Common, standardized languages have displaced traditional dialects in England, France, etc., dialects are now being displaced in Germany 8 In ir Lithuania, etc. Native language of the Irish population XVIII was a. Gaelic, belonging to the branch of Celtic languages, but In the a. 19th century, almost all Irish began to use English. The substitution of one form of language or language for another is a purely extralinguistic phenomenon: which of the forms of existence of the language or contacting languages transfers its functions to another or vice versa, does not depend on its structural characteristics. It would be incorrect to think that Latin, for example, displaced Gaelic because of its peculiar vocalism or rich verb system. “The structures of Latin, Arabic, Spanish and English did not in any way predispose the spread of those languages far beyond their original boundaries. What in their structures at least contributed to this process reflected those traits of the character and culture of the nation, which in one way or another determined the further course of events,” — notes the French linguist A. Martinet (Maprame, 1972, c. 81—82). Dialects are often richer than the common language that replaces them. But in the process of dialect or language change there is one psycholinguistic law, namely: changing language or form of language (usually common language), in the eyes of the users of the language very often is prestigious and occupies a high place on the scale of social values. The dynamics of general language and dialect relations and bilingual situations in society can vary greatly and depend directly on the linguistic behavior of the social group. Although, as mentioned, the prestige of a common, standard language is high, the gravity of different social groups towards it is not equal. Urban residents are beginning to use a common language faster than rural residents. In the lower urban strata, the process of changing one language to another is also faster, and it is especially intense where there are multi-ethnic and multilingual populations, where there are large multinational work collectives and English and Portuguese are the means of communication. Meanwhile, the rural population, being more conservative and reluctant to give in to urban innovations, keep their native language for the longest. The ancient Gaelic language in Ireland, where English already dominates everywhere, still survives in the countryside today and is a symptom of rural opposition to the anglicized cities (Zawadowski, 1961, p. 22). The Lithuanian language was also brought to the light of national revival and national culture by the Lithuanian Baudininkai during the centuries of Baudininkai and denationalized manors. The Lithuanian aristocrats, although considering themselves Lithuanians, spoke Polish. Thus, in Lithuanian history we find a rather rare case where the upper class uses one language and the lower strata of society — another. This is the case in societies where caste relations have existed for centuries. In southern India, for example, there are the Toda, Kota and Badaga tribes. The Toda tribe is at the top of the social hierarchy and uses a language different from the Kotta and Badaga, the servile tribes. Common standardized languages have a better chance of survival than those that are only spoken and do not have a literary form. Especially those languages that are spoken by peoples with an old and rich culture are full of vitality: the more rich and colourful the culture that serves the language, the greater the prestige of the language. In the western provinces of the Roman Empire, Latin displaced the Celtic languages, but it could do nothing to Greek. The prestige of Greek civilizati9 on was so great that Greek survived not only as a spoken language, but also as the language of administration in the eastern part of the Roman Empire and the Byzantine Empire. The fate of a language, its survival or change, is also influenced by the administration’s relationship with it. In almost all European countries, common, standardized languages have displaced or are about to displace dialects, and in some cases also national minority languages, especially where minority language speakers are not subjected to force. “Force in such cases usually leads to resistance. In fact, the best way to awaken a dying language is to try to suppress it,” notes the Norwegian linguist Alf Sommerfeld (1971, p. 69). One of the reasons for the Lithuanian national revival in the second half of the 19th century may have been the cruel repression of the Tsarism and the ban on the Lithuanian press (Karaliūnas, 1983, p. p. 6). One of the most important — if not the most important — factors in the future fate of language is social control. Its presence gives the language the power to survive. Before the First World War, in the villages of Klaipėda region and Prussian Lithuania, the father would determine the language for himself, his family and his neighbors, but his subjective decision had to coincide with the opinion of the neighbors, because if someone called himself a German and was known in the village as a Lithuanian, the whole village would laugh at him. Such a psychological barrier was not known to the strata of rural workers and craftsmen, so their behaviour was no longer the object of social control, and therefore Germanization overcame them earlier (Gerullis, 2000, p. 111). In the event of changes in social conditions or for certain reasons of a political nature (ethnic or political separatist tendencies), the object of social control can change, and this control can disappear altogether. This, in turn, can lead to the replacement of one language by another. A 1932). case of drastic language change and tragic language fate is described by Jurgis Gerullis (Gerullis, 1932). His native village Jogaudai 50-609, the inhabitants were Lithuanians. There could be no question of suppression of the Lithuanian language by the local authorities, because the Lithuanian farmers were very favored by the authorities at the time. Therefore, the prospects of Lithuanian language being displaced in 1914 were very small. But in 1925 only three Lithuanians remained in the village. How could it happen that in a decade the Lithuanian language was almost completely replaced by German? Many Lithuanians did not return from the war. Some of the inhabitants of Jogauda were deported to Russia, and there the old Lithuanians died. After Klaipėda became part of Lithuania, the same language and the same blood could no longer overcome the alienation caused by long-term dependence on two completely different cultural areas — Prussian-German and Polish-Russian. The process of Germanization was particularly accelerated by the fact that, due to their significantly higher agricultural culture and material well-being, the Lithuanians of Lesser Lithuania felt superior to the Lithuanians of Lithuania: they did not want to be identified with the bound People from beyond the border, they began to be ashamed of their native language, their nationality. They had already looked down on the polak (from the Polish word polak, meaning “Polish”), as they ridiculously called the Lithuanians from across the Nemunas. As a result, after the annexation of the Klaipėda region to Lithuania, they identified themselves as equal Germans in terms of material culture. su There were no longer any social forces tų that would ridicule a Lithuanian who called himself a German, and the way for the process of Germanization was open. ir 10 This example clearly shows that before language changes, the sense of national understanding disappears. This conclusion is confirmed by the process of glorification of Lithuanians in Vilnius region (see below). The second, new, language does not displace the native language immediately, but gradually. This process must not interfere with the communication of members of the public. First, the new language takes the place of the old only in certain spheres of use. For example, the adult members of a society or social group may use the new language in relations with the government or the army, the younger generation — in school. And the mother tongue continues to be used in the family and in informal communication. Weinreich (1968, p. 107) also considers this occupation of some spheres of use as a change of one language to another and calls it partial. The gradual transition of society to another language in families is reflected in the fact that grandparents speak one language and the younger generation, usually grandchildren, use another language. Thus, the native language group coincides with the age group, which is the synchronous manifestation of the change of one language to another (Weinreich, 1968, p. 94). Parents are usually bilingual or polylingual, speaking two or more languages at home. Such linguistic development has been experienced, for example, by most of the Lithuanian ancestors in Latvia: when studying their linguistic situation, it became clear that grandparents often spoke Lithuanian, parents — two or five languages, children — one non-native language (Garšva, 1985, p. 124). It should be emphasized that bilingualism or polylingualism in the family is most often caused by mixed marriages. For example, in 1925, 1930 and 1932 only 209 Lithuanians living in Latvia married among themselves, most of them married Latvians, others — Poles, Russians, Germans (Garšva, 1984, p. 85). This means that, under favourable social, psychological and linguistic conditions, the period of language change is relatively short — the third generation is already monolingual and considers the new language as its native language. 64 In 1851, 300-400 Lithuanians lived in the farms around Ciskodas (the farthest Lithuanian-- speaking island in Latgale, 90 km from the Lithuanian border). In 1977, K. Garšva visited the village and found about ten old people who understood Lithuanian and could still speak it. According to the Lithuanian speakers themselves, most of them stopped speaking Lithuanian to each other around 1930, when, after the death of the elders, Latvian became the dominant language in mixed families (Garšva, 1984, p. 87). The same period is also shown by the change of Lithuanian into Polish (see below). The retreating language, having lost its communicative function, is forced to acquire special connotations and special functions, such as esoteric (parents speak in the old language to hide something from their children), comic (humour sections in newspapers and magazines). American immigrant children laugh at an old word in their parents' language. The new language used by children is seen by the elderly as a fashion item. Therefore, many words and phrases are taken from it to make the speech look youthful, modern and elegant. ir : These statements are well supported by the unique dynamics of socio-linguistic situations in Vilnius region. It has been established that the Polish language has been spoken in ethnographic Lithuania since the second half of the 19th century in three compact areas: Vilnius, Kaunas and Smalvos (Turska, 1982, p. 21). The first area, in addition to the surroundings of Vilnius itself, includes the former. It includes the villages of Pabrade, Paberze, Nemencine, Maisiagala and part of 11 the villages of Jeniskis, Giedraiciai, Širvintos and Musninkai. Kaunas area extends north from Kaunas about Vandžiogala, between Nemunas, Neris and Nevėžis, and Smalvų area is located in the north-eastern corner, near Zarasai (Tūrmantas, Smalvos, Bernotiškės, Lupėnka, Santupiai, Gaidė and other villages), These areas are geographically not connected with each other and are far from ethnographic Poland, These Polish language islands in the Lithuanian language territory are formed relatively late (Turska, 1982, p. 21; Vidugiris, 1971). H. Turska, who studied local Polish dialects before the Second World War, says that she met local peasants aged 80-90 who knew the Lithuanian language even better or worse (Turska, 1982, p. 44). It must be said that such native people were found not one and much later. In 1956—1969, when collecting dialectological material for the “Atlas of Lithuanian Language”, in the Vilnius area of Polish language, many representatives of the older generation, aged 70—100 years, were found to remember well how most of the inhabitants of the region spoke only Lithuanian to each other. Many of the younger ones claimed that their parents spoke Lithuanian only with each other or with their peer neighbors, but they tried not to speak Lithuanian with their children in the family. They knew the meaning of many local names, animal names and other words, could say one sentence after another, count, remembered various curses used by the old people, but they could no longer speak. Interestingly, the more they thought about it and the more they tried to remember it, the better they were able to speak it. Based on these representatives of the dialect who spoke Lithuanian better or worse, in 1956—1969 the dialects of Nemenčinė, Ažūlauke, Sužioniai, Pabėržė, Maišiagalė and other neighbourhoods were studied and described according to the “Program for the Collection of Material for the Lithuanian Language Atlas” (Vidugiris, 1971, pp. 242—243). 70-80-year-old grandparents remembering and speaking Lithuanian were also found in the area of Kernavė (Vidugiris, 1972, p. 271). Thus, from these data it is clear that the polonization of Lithuanian peasants is not an old phenomenon. Until about the middle of the 19th century, Lithuanian was the dominant language in almost all of Vilnius County (Vidugiris, 1971, p. 236). This is clearly confirmed by the historians M. Balinskis and T. Lipinskis, who knew the region well: “Vilnius County is inhabited by Lithuanians themselves. However, the Lithuanian language is predominant only on the northern side, or on the right bank of the Neris; on the southern side, near Vilnius itself, it gave way to Polish; further Lithuanian-speaking villages mix with villages where the Polish-Russian [i.e. Belarusian. —S. K.] language is used. Nevertheless, among the rural people of this county, the Lithuanian language outweighs the latter two languages,” they wrote in their book “Starożytna Polska pod względem historycznym, geograficznym i statystycznym- ®” (vol. 3, p. 122) in 1846. Thus, in the first half of the 19th century, the left bank of the Neris, or the southeastern part of Vilnius County, up to Vilnius was still entirely Lithuanian. The ethnographic map of the European part of Russia, which was drawn up on the basis of Kepen’s 1st half a. of the 19th (1834 century.) census data. Iš 1857 m. P. Liver through the ethnographic material collected by Catholic clergy shows that mixed, t. y. Lithuanian ir Polish was spoken Vérkiy, Riešės, Kaivio ir iš Part 1 Maišiagalos, Kernavės ir In the surroundings of Dubingi. In the Nemenčinė area, Poles lived only in ir the town parish (Vilnius ir Vilnius region, Lithuania p. 75—76). 12 3aMeleHAe OBJECT WIA A3bIKA Ipe/jCTABISET COOOH IIRTEJISRbINŪ COLHOJIAHTBHCTHYUECKHĖ npouecc. 3aMembers OOpMA CymecrsoBanus S3bIKA (IJIABHLIM OGpa3OM, JIETEpaTypHBIA pa3TOBODHb A35IK) H BTOpOH A3bIK, KAK IIDaBHJIO, B CHCTEME 18th of June 3aHAMMAIOT BEICOKO€ ITOJIOKEHHE H Y HOCHTENeH NHa/IeKTa HJIH HX3bIKA ITOJIb3YIOTCHA GOJILINHM npecTHxeM. 3aMemamas GopmMa sA3bika H BTODOH A3bIK B HAUAJILHbIX CTAJIKAX OHJIHHTBH3MA BO MHOTHX CITYYasx ORGANIZATION KAK ANNEX H HHTepbA3bIK (JiuHTBA ¢pamka). B mocnemyrommx Oa3ax Pa3BHTHA OHH CTAHOBATCH COOTBETCTBEHHO JTHHTBOI'eOrpadHYeCKAM JHAIEKTOM H HALIKHOHAaJILHLIM S3bIKOM. MHTepamaiekT H WHTEPHA3bIK, C OOHOH CTODOHSI, nowArsoreorpadHYecquit NHANEKT H HALHOHA/IBHBIA H3bIK, C OPYroMH, SBIIAIOTCA IBYMS COLHKHOJIHHTBHCTHYECKHMH dopmamu omHoOro He's a killer. TeopeTHieckue OOJIOKEHRHA HIUTIOCTPHPYIOTCSA MPHMEPAMHA DA3BHTHA Pa3HbIX AILIKOB MHDpa H npexe Beero GakTaMu H3 HCTODHH JIHTOBCKOTO S3BIKA H ETO JIMAJIEKTOB B MepHGEPHH — B 30HE JIHTOBCKO-0€e/10pyccKoro morpanudss, JlaTeun B u Gusmem KriashrejickoM kpae, rae Jrosiroe BpeMs HMEeJIH MECTO HHTEHCHBHbLIC JIHTOBCKO-HEMEIKHE S3bIKOBLIE KOHTAKTHI. S. KARALIONAS BILINGUAL SITUATIONS AND THEIR SOCIAL DYNAMIC Summary When two (or more) languages are used in a society in different domains (e. g., everyday life vs. administration) and for different purposes, bilingual situations are stable and they may endure for long time. a In certain social and cultural circumstances, however, bilingual situations tend to be eliminated. Mixed languages (e. g., pidgin, lingua francas and creole languages) develop under specific historical-social circumstances, the areas sea-trade and voyage routes and intense in ethnic and cultural of contacts. „ Replacement of a dialect or a language is a long sociolinguistic process. The existing form of a language (usually a standard language) and the second language, which replace native a dialect or a language, enjoy high value and prestige in a society. At the initial stages bilingualism of existent an form of a language and the second language quite often function interdialect as an or an interlanguage (lingua francas). In the subsequent stages of development they become linguogeograa phic dialect and national language, respectively. a An interdialect and interlanguage, an the one hand, on linguogeographic dialect and national a language, the other hand, represent two a sociolinguistic forms the same on phenomenon. of Theoretical propositions in the article are illustrated examples by taken from many languages the world and mainly of the facts from the history the by of Lithuanian language and its dialects periphery in — in the Lithuanian — Byelorussian ethnographic borderland, in Latvia well as as in the former Klaipéda region, where there were intense Lithuanian — German linguistic contacts LITTERACY - Balinski M. Statistical description of the city Vilnius. Wilno, 1835. Balinski M., Lipinski T. Starozytna Poland from a historical, geographical and statistical point of view. i Warsaw, Poland 1843—1846. T. 1—3, Pear tree S. The Yiddish Language // Germanic-Romance languages Monthly magazine. 1923. 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