Kalbotyros pastabos

LITHUANIAN LEXICON IR TERMINOLOGY PROBLEMS LITHUANIAN KALBOTYROS QUESTIONS, XXIX (1991) SIMAS THE QUEENS KALBOTYROS COMMENTS* 5. He's coming. *ghostis “a guest”; foreigner" in Baltic languages Our directory has the following surnames: Gaščiūnas Grz, Krš, Msk, SI, Gasčiūnas Pkr ir Gasciulis Mr. Iš jų village names that have emerged Gasčiūnai (Joniškio ir Kėdainių raj.) ir Gaseous (Silver Ribbon). Last names (previously personal names) Gaščiūnas, Gasčiūnas, Gasčiūlis ir *Gasčionis has suffixes of patronymic meaning -ūnas, -ulis ir - He's. Much more difficult to define the root morpheme Gasé-, Gasč-. First of all, it must be said that the ir surnames, ir village names, although some are written su -SC-, other — su -sč-, in live speech everywhere pronounced su - Shh. In terms of origin, there can be both *Gašč-< *Gasti- (plg. empty< *tuštja-, plg. empty) and * Extinguish- < *Gasti- (plg. foot [write iš origin pawns] < *pedestrian-, plg. foot). Looking for other names, nė e.g. Gaštynai, į does not clarify the situation į (Region of origin) ir Gastyniškiai (Šiaulių raj.), since, as can be seen, there are ir Gast-, ir Gast-. In this case, the last option is etymology. — A. Vanagas (LPZ, I, 630) Gašpiūnas doubts the comparison su with liet. gastūs ‘godus; smarkus; hot, zealous", thus recognizes the variant Gašč- < *Gashti-. Unfortunately, the tasty is iš only known from one place (Lnkv), probably has recently appeared next to gašlūs, gašnūs, gačnūs and gašūs (according to common adjective forms -(s)t- / -(s)I-| /-(s)nkaitą, plg. e.g. birstūs : birlūs : birnūs : birūs), so ir it is hardly ar possible iš jo wearing our archaic-looking surnames. Identifying the root morpheme Gašč-, Gasč-, interesting to remember the intuition of language users: Joniškis district village name Gasčiūnai in ir documents, ir road signs, the district ir newspaper "Soviet Voice" is written su - I know. Of course, this is not an argument, but it is interesting that intuition ta coincides with the su interpretation based on language data that is here to be presented. The root morpheme of the given surnames can be defined as Fire-- < *Try ir searching for ide. of the foreign name *ghostis, which, in the presence of the Baltic languages, K. Būga (1958, 440), P. Arumaa (1960) ir V. Toporovas (Tonopos, the 1979, 168, 173), first speaking about the name of the place of residence Gastai, the second examining the nomenclature of East Slavic languages su -gosts ir noting that the Baltic Slavic ir languages are closely related ‘also en ce concerning the le common name gost ' " (Arumaa, 1960, 175), the latter explaining pr. expense. P. Arumaa ir V. Toporov, be to, already directly mentions the name of the village Gastric. * See the beginning. Issues of Lithuanian Areal Linguistics || Lithuanian Linguistics. V., 1977. T. 17. P. 207-209. 0. Issues of Lithuanian Linguistics 29 į. 65 Name The Gates in their dictionary give F. Nesselmann ir indicates that it is churchyards In the county of Lanka (in the Niederung), at first an old village, nearby later a German village jo Heinrichswalde (N 241). Šį name refers to ir V. Kalvaitis (1910, 33)!. Bet F. Kuršaitis gives the form of this name in his Dictionary Gastos ir notes that this is a name Heinrichswald church village, one part of which is called in German Gassen, plg. F. The example given by Aš Kuršaitis į Expenditure K 115. Ši form ir provided for general Lithuanian language use (Razmukaitė, 1985, 76). Hard to say now, we have a ar foundation Gdstos or Expenditure (Voice. Gassen su -s5iš -st-) to directly compare su an ide. *ghosts ‘a guest; a foreigner" as they managed to K. Booga. It may be more likely to be a place šį name compared su to pr. expenditure ‘outside (or soil) piece, plot," as that very carefully (by putting a question mark) has done J. Endzelynas (Endzelins, 1943, 175; 1982, 217). For gasto is nom. sing. Five. form (< *gastū), o Gdstos would be nom. plur. Five. form (yes, I do) Baby. 1988, 329). The foundation of this hypothesis depends largely on the historical-comparative interpretation of the Prussian Word. me After analyzing pr. In the broad semantic-typological context of gasto, Toporov came to the conclusion that V. gasto marked a certain area of land, probably intended for public use or closely associated with the collective, that pr. su ir gasto belongs to the group of words represented by lot. Aostis ‘a foreign country; the enemy", got. gasts, isl. s. gestr, s. vok. high, s. saxon gast, slav. *like ‘svečias’ (Tonopos, 1979, 169—173). V. Mažiulio (1988, 328—331) interpretation, Mr. expenditure ‘outside (or soil) piece, plot’ esas * monthly "the extinct land" < *extinct area of burnt forest“, which arose in the times of subsistence farming substantivization of the root iš *ges- „ges(in)ti“ self-made suffixes -fbfeminine form of the adjective *gasta. Ms. expenditure V. The child still comparsu es liet. Grasslands (Skuodo raj.) < *Gesals ‘plots’. However, this Kurian placename (1253 m. Zesele [Bielenstein 1892, 253] < *[D]zėsel-) ir pr. gasto differs greatly in formal structure (root vowels, suffixes), root ir *ges- „ges(in)ti“ has no meaning in the word group ‘plots’. In the uncertainty, in the ar uncertainty, in the uncertainty. Weeds lie at the root *ges- „ges(in)ti“ some derivative (plg. let. geesule „nodegulis) ar lat. dzēse ‘black heron’ ir suffix -He (Kiparsky, 1939, 160). Main J. Schiitzo (1988, 68—82) the concept of the article, it can be said, is pr. expenditure “fields, meadows, die Flur (-stūcke)...“, which is root *verb as ir s. sl. hot "hard", s. Frisian gast “barren, dry” (but plg. gastland — North Sea coast (North Korean) (Korean). Spirit "a sandy, willow-covered highland as the opposite of fertile lowlands". The personal nouns of many Germanic place names ir - Guest (plg. Hruot-gast, Rat-gast, Uar-gast etc.), traditionally identified with ide. su *ghosts ‘a guest; foreigner", J. Schiitz brings the iš guest- “Field, field, field; Property". J. Schiitz's interpretation is also without be reproach. Yes. *origin of gesture, true, unclear (Oacmep, 1986, 50), but not real (for higher 1 Kr. Milka form Gaslai MZ 11 262 is a proofreading error instead of Expenditure (plg. Būga, 1958, 66 degree form rus. dial. xrae next to xecrue) and its assignment to the group of words mentioned. The original nature of the root vowels of Germanic words is unclear (may also be German *gais-[Johannesson, 1956, 304]). In spite of these two original, interesting interpretations and much in spite of the skepticism of V. Mažiulis (1988, 329) that V. Toporov’s hypothesis “is, in short, to be regarded as an unfounded guess”, and J. Schiitz’s remark that “Doch was *ghosta zu besagen hitte, bleibt ungesagt” (Schiitz, 1988, 71), it must be said immediately that, as it seems, V. Toporov’s direction of thought and argumentation is correct: based on a wealth of historical and linguistic typological data, he succeeded in approximately answering the basic question of what was that part (Stucke) which the Prussians marked with the word “gast” (Torropos, 1979, 170), and at the same time clarifying the relationship between the field, its part and the guest. There is therefore only one more word of explanation to be added on this point. From the formal side, pr. gasto is considered to be the 4th stem nom. sing. form (Toropos, 1979, 169; Mažiulis, 1988, 328) as, e.g., galwo, mergo, rancko. J. Schiitz (1988, 74, 7T7—78) believes that pr. gasto is dual. max. form (like wanso, wousto, plg. lat. duo, ambėo) next to nom. sing. *gastas or *gasts, plural *gastai. When Mr. Gasto was there, he was a name. sing. Five. form, shown the place name Gdstos (but next to and Gastai). In the Elbing Germanic-Prussian Zodynel, gasto is in the semantic field related to the plowman and his work: plotys — field, dirva — x — margas (the measure of the earth, how much in the first half of the day a pair of horses can be plowed) — vaga — hedgehog, etc. (PKP II 23). From this, the meaning of gas is reconstructed as “a piece of field (or soil), plot, Ackerstūck” (Endzelins, 1943, 175, Endzelins, 1982, 217; Tonopos, 1979, 169—170; Mažiulis, 1988, 328). The Middle High German word Stucke, which is transmitted as pr. gasto, is interpreted more broadly by J. Schiitz (1988, 70) in this context of Zodynélis, namely as “part of something; fields, meadows, parts thereof; hedgehog; residential fields (Teil von etwas; the corridor (-stiicke), fields; Feldmark; (Settlement-) Gefilde)". He goes on to write: "Rev. gasto means [...] decided the, Felder” or,,Flurstiicke®, probably also the „Flur“, separated as a whole against samye (= zamjeé) as „Land“ (Schiitz, 1988, 70). Interestingly, V. Toporov (Tonmopos, 1979, 170) also considers the possibility that the word gasto was used to denote land uses (yromes) — not only arable land, but also meadows, gardens, etc. In view of what has been said, it is possible to clarify the significance of pr. gasto in the historical context and typological parallels. The oldest Slav. *the meaning of guest was "Foreigner", usually "merchant" (cf. Czech hospites mercatores, S. Russian rocTb "Foreigner, foreigner, coming merchant"), Later this word was also used to refer to those farmers, peasants (cf. Czech hospites rustici), who, having moved from other villages or even other countries (cf. hospes "colonus, gui ab extera regione advenit" [Slownik taciny, p. 826]), settled within the boundaries of the large estate as free tenants (/iberi hospites- ). They stayed there as the basis of the agreement: they cut forests, prepared the land for ploughing and sowing or cultivated the soil, built farms, and for this they paid a small rent, initially also a tribute in kind and could change their place of residence. The “guests” were given land of varying sizes, but most of them worked no more than 2-3 bonariums (a bonnarium was the land measure of the time). The first sources mentioning them are from the Carolingian period, but “the guests had lost the land čių’ (gosti, hospites) on the farm especially increased XI a. The institution of free guests in ir the West Slavic lands colonized new areas, expanded the areas of cultivated land, greatly ir increased the large landlords, who thus employed free landless peasants in their estates, those who themselves ir ar jų tą (Manteuffel, 1974, 111; Inglot, 1938, 30—31, 125— 128; Bujak, of 1905). particular importance to our case is the fact that in the Latin sources of the new colonists — The land cultivated by the “guest” (hospites) was called hospitium (Inglot, 1938, 30), a word made of hospes, -itis. iš Therefore, it is very possible that pr. gasto also denoted such a plot, a piece of field soil, it would be more ar correct to say: such a — piece of land (yroznsa, Flurstiicke) (fields, forests, meadows, etc.), which was worked by a peasant ir — — "guest", to whom according to the agreement o belonged, the very word "gast" (< *gasta) was made in the limb su -4 iš *guest(s) — ‘svečias’. It is known that, until the Order's dissolution, the Prussians had a well-organized and developed agriculture, the Order's tą ir administration recognized the Prussian land ir system, one of the elements of which, a very possible thing, was the institution of free guests of the new iš colonists. ir — Be the adjective guest, guest name *gast(a) could still be reflected in the Prussian language quite clearly ne paliduded personal name Gastimus (Būga 1958, 257) ar Expenditure (Trautmann, 1925, 28). Although the name of the village Gdstos, as it seems, is a Prussian ir loanword derived from gaste „a piece of field (or soil), plot“, and there is a natural association between it and Lithuanian waternames with the root morpheme Gast. Similarly sounding Latvian village name Gastis ir mountain name Mount Gastin J. The name of the guest su was Endzelynas — rus. rocts (Endzelins, 1956, 303). P. Arumaa (1960) also thought this way, comparing Lithuanian water names and names of places of residence with names containing the East Slavic element gost-(-gosts- ). The comparison of Lithuanian water names Gstas etc. with *gast(a)-“visitor” was rejected by A. Vanagas (1981, 108) —such semantics, hearing, is not suitable for hydronyms. Before moving on to a directory with Gastnavigation, there are two more things to consider. First, P. Arumaa (1960, 174) and, without mentioning him at all, A. Vanagas (1981, 108) have linked the water names Guosté, Guostūs with Gastas, Gūstamas etc., the latter adding that “Perhaps the root gas is an apophonic variant of the root guostas”. From his theory, J. Schūtzas (1988, 77) describes them as having ide. 6, assigned sl. Zests, s. Frisian gast and other words. However, Guosté (Prienai district), Guostūs (Trakai district) and Guosta-galis (Pakruojo district), UZu-guostis (Prienai district; from Guostė) have a good foundation in the Lithuanian language soil — it is guostas “a bunch, a hut” (Vanagas, 1981, 127) next to guotas “a herd, a band, a gang; a small group, bunch of trees, mushrooms, shrubs, grains“ (because of -st-:-interchange, see plūstai „one of the two boards on the sides of a beam...“ and plaūtai „one of the two side boards of a hive...“; grumstas: grumtas), whose origin is apparently related to id. the name of the cow *g¥ou-(Karaliūnas, 1987, 188—189; cf. Secondly, that Gdstas (Laziinai river), Gastupis (Šeduva), Gastamas (Subačius river), Gastaminas (Anykščiai river) form a separate, independent from Griosté, Guostūs root, probably related to ide. *ghostis “a guest”; foreign country”, is also evident from the equivalents of the nomenclature in the East Slavic territory: T'ocrexo lake (ITopxos), I'octénka river (Crapuna, former Tver oblast), I 'ocruxo lake (norocr Scenckoif) and many others (Arumaa, 1960, 144—175). Especially common are the names of rivers, lakes and settlements, in which rocT5 "Svečias" is the second suffix (UepHorocTb, MorjiorocTB, Herocro, etc.), often changed to -rom (Bejrorom, Bparorom, Yamorom, ĮĮoMoroma, Huorom(e), and many 1962, 177). others). This type of name is considered archaic by P. Arumaa. Names of rivers, lakes and settlements with I'ocr-(-rocTe) (about a hundred in total) are widespread from Pskov—Novgorod—Borovichi in the 68 north to Volhynia in the south, but are concentrated in the vicinity of Novgorod; it would indicate that the Eastern Slavs first settled here during their expansion north. The example of Slavic languages boldly affirm Lithuanian water names Gdstas, Gūstupis, Gastamas, Gūstaminas hiding ide. *ghostis “a guest”; alien" interferes with the adjacent captured sex Gastam. On the other hand, that the semantics of the guest or of something foreign is also valid for water names can be seen from the following example: the name of the lake and river Svetūs (Daugai) (as Kertūs, Milčiūs, Niedūs) and the name of the river Svetyčia (Dūkštas) (with the suffix -yčia as Kalnyčia, Skaryčia, Voryčia (Skardžius, 1943, 357; Vanagas, 1970, 142) are from those places in Lithuanian dialects where the opposition e: ie is preserved. In addition, the Svetus root is also pronounced (cf. acc. sing. Svėtų) and has a clear root vowel e. Therefore, nothing prevents us from thinking that Svetūs, Svetyčia root is the same as the common words svėčias, svetys, svėčias "(adj.) stranger", svetuf?. Thus, the semantics of the guest is not affected, and therefore the river names Gūstam-inas (with suffix -inas [Vanagas, 1970, 155]), Gūsta-mas (with suffix -mas, cf. Aūla-mas: aūlas, Garda-mas: gardas [Skardžius, 1943, 207]) as well as Gastas, Gast-upis can also have *gasta-“Guest; foreign country’. Gaštamas as a village name ir Gaštynai (Region of origin) (near Gastyn-iškiai Šiaulių raj.) could have appeared as adjacent sexes after shaking the roots Guest (: *gasta- ‘svečias’) ir Gassed. (: *gašt-, lat. light "arousing, cocks, letters" < *gasia-* ar *gases). of the person names, place names, water names, as well as common words (e.g., pr. gasto) a strong argument for the interpretation given here consists of the fact that the name of the guest *gastay is a real word in Baltic languages. It is lat. guest „svečias“, feminine form gaška “public”: both of them are known iš folk songs (ME I 608); dial. tastes (with o<a characteristic of Latvian augšzemnieku dialects) common in Latgale, occurs in eastern Vidzeme dialects; variant gaškis (su - Shh-< *-stį-) used in the northeast In the Midlands (JlayMane, 1977, 75—76 su map). Just because the gasts variants are su widespread in the eastern part of the Latvian language area, it is hardly ar possible to take į jų lending (Russian). TOcTb, rocTes) hypothesis. Jo use in Latvian folk songs with archaic linguistic features, its variantity (gaškis, gaška, gaška), different stem language (lat. -a- <ide. -0- : sl. -i-), the be onomastic material of the ir Prussian language facts make us prefer the opinion (Bpeiinax, that gasts 1969, 5—6), „svečias“ ir gaška ‘public’ < *eastiū are Latvian words, old iš relatives of rus. su roctb, TOCTbA. r" Otherwise, completely unreasonably treats Vanagas, 1981, 322-323. oe 69 Lat. gasts, seems to have 0 stem, cf. gen. plural form gastu. Thematic form *gostoturi Slavic name (name of the Obodrite prince) Gosto-mysl (first half of the 9th century), the second syllable of which is followed by the personal name Mysl-o-wice. The former thematic form is also shown by the Slavic personal name Goste-slav- (s), which etymologically corresponds to s. skand. (Runian) hlewa-gastiR, but having the reverse order of the sands Visanas, Tonopas, 1963, 127, 129) (so these Slavic and Germanic personal names are in their structure of the lit., Vaiš-noras: Nor-vaišas type). Thus, the root *gasta-, which is probably hidden by the water names Gūstas, Gasta-mas and Gasta-m-inas, is actually documented in the Baltic and Slavic languages. The pronoun gasto (< *gasta) shows that in Baltic languages there was a 4th stem in addition to the 0 stem. If the hypothesis presented here is correct, the Slavic (also plg. Serbian Milsgost) and Germanic (also plg. German Fare-gastus, Arde-gastus: fara „family“, art „lure“) languages with personal names made from ide. of the name of the guest, of the Slavic and Baltic languages with their personal names —Lithuanian Gasčiūnas, Gasčiūlis, *Gasčionis (: Gasčionys, village name), *Gastynas (: Gastyniškiai, village name) (with suffix -yna-, showing whose son was who, cf. Gudynas: Gūdas, Latvynas: Latvis (Skardžius, 1943, 267]), not quite clear Prussian Gastimus or Gastuno. As in Germanic languages (see Runic -gastiR), the first three Lithuanian personal names seem to contain the ikaminė form *gasti-: *Gasti > Gasč-(before the vowels of the back row) //*Gasti-- (before the consonants). Lat. dial. gaškis "guest" is also a reflex of the i trunk (< *gastis), and lat. gaska reflects *gastia with ia trunk (as Russian roctes). The i stem is also used in the Latin, Germanic and Slavic names of guests, which is why the ikamienis ide is reconstructed. *ghostis “a guest”; svetimšalis’ (Pokorny, 1959, 453). Such a variety of stem vowels could have arisen, apparently, by thematizing the consonant stem form *ghost-, which would agree with the long-standing idea of the presence of such a form in the durini: s. sl. gospods "lord" < *ohost-podi-, latin hospes, -itis "stranger"; guest" < *ghost-pot. If this interpretation of the data of the Baltic languages examined here is correct, then the Baltic languages would be included in that group of western ides. the linguistic area (Sl. *gosts, got. gasts "guest", Latin. hostis "foreign country; enemy"), in which the ide was preserved. archaism, also reflected in Anatolian languages, cf. Luvian kašši "visiting, visiting, feast(ing)" (< *kašti < *gasti < *ghosti aba *ghosi) (MBanos, 1973, 302—306). 6. Case. arrowroot: s. ind. tar J. Endzelynas (ME II 162) has expressed the opinion that lit. kafklai „vartai; sheep feed; wicker wheel body (SD)", kdrkla "rodne suspendirane jedice", harkľa "lifting (non-closing) gates; (wicker) ladders; wheel (carriage) wheels, wheels with wheels; frames, put on the sledge, when transporting firewood; „ēdžios“ and lat. karkles ‘eating animals; sietas grūdams sijoti" may have -k/iz *-t/and be further related to s. saksy hurth "(out)weaving, woven thing", s. ind. crtdti “to tie, bind, bind together” and, of course, with krndtti “to spin, spin” (also cf. s. ind. kartanam “spinning”)*. 3 For other interpretations, see Fraenkel 1962, pp. 222. 70 On this occasion it is interesting to note that from a similar pronoun (*kert-tro- -) s. ind. cattram ‘spindle, spindle’ and Afghan cūšai ‘t. p.’ < iran. *ča(r)stra- -, kurių tarpinę stadiją *kertstro- -(su *-tstiš *-t¢-) rodytų iranėniškos kilmės skolinys suomių kalboje: kehrd „varpstė“ (Cowgill, Mayrhofer, 1986, 111; Mayrhofer, Tad šie baltų ir indoiranėnų kalbų žodžiai būtų bendrašakniai (*kort-: *kert-) ir 1956, 382; 1976, 704). turėtų panašius formantus (*-tlo-: *-tro-). It is also known by its common name, S. insignis. cūttram is neutrum; there is reason to believe that to neither genus [*karkla(n)] formerly belonged karklai „vartai; sheep feed...’, having changed the nom. plural. *karkla (in morphological terms cf. lit. waftai: pr. lapi-warto (nom. plural.), s. sl. door). However, when lit. karkla is derived from the pronoun *kort-tlo-, phonetic difficulties arise. For the consonants f, d, being before £, have become s in the Baltic (cf. e.g., Lithuanian mėsti, Latin mest, pr. po-mests < Belarusian *met-t-), Slavic, Iranian and Greek languages. If the construction of the words in question aims at ide. In the proto-language or at least in the contact period of the Baltic-Indo- -Iranian dialects, the Baltic *karttla had to turn into *karstla-(- *-tt-> -st-), then to *karsklaand even later —to *karksla-(- sk before the consonant turns into ks). Since this is not the case, it is to be assumed that *-tloprie *kert-| *krt-‘to tie, bind, weave’ was added after the transformation f1>stf was already completed. #7, which appeared later at the junction of morphemes, is simply simplified (geminates are not characteristic of Lithuanian- ), e.g., baritakis < *bant-takis < *band-takis “bandotakis”; "Vytautas < *Vyt-tautas < *Vyd-tautas" (in Lithuanian- ). But this simplification is a late phenomenon, so we have to look for another interpretation. The words karklai (karklos, karklės, lat. karkles) are derivatives of eastern Baltic languages, at least there is no evidence that they are co-Baltic, and the substitution *:/> k! in individual cases (e.g., lit. aūklė, lat. aukla, pr. auclo; lit. tiūklas, lat. tikls, pr. sasintinklo) reaches the Baltic protolanguage*, so it is very possible that the words under consideration were formed already after this phonetic change, and then *kart-klapriebalsis ¢ could easily disappear in prolytée by the way of dissimulation. Moreover, the relative chronology of the phonetic changes (t, d>s before t; *tl>kl; etc >t) is not known. The fact that the words in question originated independently from each other separately in the Baltics separately ir Indo-Iranian languages is also evident from the fact that they have similar but iš identical suffixes ne (white. *-tlo-, indoir. *-tro-), different root vocalism (white. a<ide. 0, indoir. (e). Parallel, therefore later, production and development shows ir jų semantics: the words of the Baltic languages mean the result of the action of binding, tying, o weaving, nų Indo-Iranian words are the names of twisting, spinning, tool. In the Baltic proto-language next to kefgti (-ca) „to ką connect, loosely bind to somethin- (* g” with su extension of ker-g root -g-) could live ir *Garden- | *kirt- „sieti, rišti, plati“ (* ker-t- | *kir-root su extension to ar present tense formant -f-), to which the suffix -kla-< *-tlomay have been added when making ir these nouns. * This change Chr, Stangu (1966, 107) looks old (‘high’ Alters“), 71 7. Application of lacquer The verb lakoti (-oja) "pulti pieną su snaudžiu" teKnown from F. Nesselmanno "Lietuvių kalbos žodynas", where it is presented as follows: /akoti (-oja) "die Milch laffen, d. h. mit Hilfe däs Zusatzes von Laff gerinnen machen" N 348. F. Kuršaitis gave it in his dictionary ([K] 219) after having taken it from F. Nesselmann, as can be seen from the reference Ness. Although he doubted the truth of this word — he therefore wrote it with square brackets — he nevertheless marked the place of the syllable: lakoti (-oja). From the dictionaries of F. Nesselmann and F. Kuršaitis, this verb was transcribed by A. Kuršaitis (KŽ II 1279) and the authors of LKŽ, who also left the pronunciation of F. Kuršaitis (LKŽ VII 91). In linguistic literature, as far as we know, the colloquial verb has not been examined or its veracity discussed. It is found in the LCZ, where it is compared with the WK. laben and laffen, it is clear that the authors of the LKŽ did not doubt its reality and considered it a kind of reprocessing of the aforementioned German verbs or similar. And this is not done by chance. Vok. dial. laben, lidben and laffen have exactly the same meaning as lit. lakoti, namely "to draw (milk) with a snail (durch Lab, Laff gerinnen machen)" (Nesselmann, 1851, 348; Paul, 1961, 356), and are used next to the nouns Lab, Laff neutr. ‘milk pump made from the stomach of a calf, a snail’ (see also Labmagen) (Frischbier, 1883, 1; Paul, 1961, 356). It is interesting that in the Elbing dictionary of German — Prussian languages at the beginning of the 14th century, the Prussian word raugus (= Lithuanian raugas) is translated as /ap (PKP II 42). But the similarity of these verbs ends with the identity of meaning, because they differ in form. In the case of borrowing, wk. lab-|laff could in no way become lak-; also borrowed /or could not be changed /adapted to any word of the Lithuanian language, since there is no other word with this meaning. It is quite possible that the development of the meaning of /akoti (-oja) “to draw milk with a snail” was influenced by German, but that influence came from quite other facts. In fact, the importance of the German data is much greater — these data help to explain not only the meaning of /akoti (-oja), but also to find common-rooted lexems and thus to get this rare Lithuanian verb out of its isolation. In German, it has the verbs gerinnen to stand still, to sour, to bend” (see die Milch gerinnt “milk sours, bends”, die Milch mittels eines Labs gerinnen machen “to shrink, to root, to bend milk with a snail”), zusammenlaufen “to shrink, to sour, to bend (about milk)” and rinnen “to run, to flow, to flow”, laufen “to run”; flow, run" contradiction. In Lithuanian, this kind of antagonism consists of lakéti (-éja) “to pull milk with a snail” and lėkti (lekia, Iėkė) “to fly; run; in German, semema means “to sour, to stiffen, to kneel (about milk); rauginti, traukinti*® appears in the prepositional forms of the verbs rinnen and laufen, which means that in some cases it is derived from the meaning of “run, fly, run away; bėgti, tekėti, sroventi“ (also cf. Swedish lopa „run“: lopna „to sour, to gizti“). From this it is easy to conclude that the verbs /akoti (-oja) and lėkti (Iėkia, Iėkė) are not only seman- * For more on the seman “to sour, to stiffen, to kneel” and its historical context see (Anuxnu, 1988, 51 x cnen.). 72 tically related, but also the first descended from the latter. This is also shown by their structural connections, e.g. skaloti (-0ja) “to touch, to scrape”: skélti (skėlia, skėlė); platoti (-0ja) “to build, to stiffen; (refl.) expand, spread...“ : expand (expand, expanded); kratoti (-dja) „(ref.) shake, tremble, beat“: krėsti (krėčia, krėtė) „to shake, shake...“. As we can see, the meaning of lakoti (-dja) may have been naturally derived from the meaning of /ėkti (lekia, Iėkė), its formal structural relationships with the base verb are regular, even the place of the accent put by F. Kuršaitis corresponds to the pronunciation of the whole -oved type of the suffix, —all this makes the connection of the origin of lakoti (-0oja) with lėkti (lekia, 18ké) quite obvious and the existence of the verb itself in the Prussian Lithuanian dialects unquestionable. Therefore, the fact that a language is recorded in some dictionary — in this case, by F. Nesselmann — is not yet a sufficient basis for considering it to have not actually existed in the living language, to have been invented. Moreover, the verb lakoti (-0ja) in Prussian Lithuanian dialects was rather a legacy of older times, since from /ėkti (Iėkia, Iėkė) it was made with the root vowel change e: 0 (> a), which is archaic. For this reason, the influence of these German verbs may have been more of a catalytic nature — helped to crystallize lakdni from the original meaning of “to make to run, to gather, to latch”. (-0ja) value. That influence should not be completely denied. Other verbs of movement (e.g., run, jump, squeeze), as far as the available data allow us to conclude, also had the meaning of pulling milk, respectively, gizzing, fermenting, in the Prussian Lithuanian dialects, from where this meaning entered the dictionaries of that region: Pienas sušoka, sukreka, subėga R 293, MŽ 392; Pienas subėga „... gerinnt“ N 325, su-šokti „zusammenlaufen, gerinnen, sauer werden (von der Milch)“ N 521; Surūgęs (sušokęs, suklekęs) pienas K 1 524, Pieną snaudžiu sutraukti, surakkinti K 1524. It is true that the meaning of su-šokti, “to sour, to bite” is also noted in K. Sirvydo dictionary (SD? 408), recorded in dialects (Rms), which are farther away from the former German area, which would indicate the natural development of this meaning, but the influence of the mentioned German language facts on its appearance in dialects such as Kps, Ss, Up should not be ruled out at all. That lakoti (-0ja) "to pull milk with a snail" (< *,to make run, to run, to run) run ir (Iėkia, lėkė) are co-roots and, to, the first made of the latter, are be important verbs iš - Run. (Iekia, Iškė) historical data, especially since the derivative is jo characterized by root vocalism « (< It's going. 0) and control -o-, from ide. -4-< protoid. *-eh,--. 8. Bit. vans-/vens- "poor, weak, unfit; empty" Watermark Vericavas (ež. Dusetos; plg. but Vencav-élis, ež. Dusetos), which appears to be of Silesia origin, the root morpheme is reconstructed here *Hink- (Vanagas, 1981, 371), here *Venzh- [| *Vincent. (< *ueng'h-* | *ung'h- [Child, 1981, 7—12]). However, the reconstruction * Vinkiavas cannot be because ir now in Lithuanian we have *Vinciavas (as, for example, Vince-lake < seeds *Viné-ezeris [Būga, 1961, 276, 576] < white *Vink-), o lifting iš *Venzh- | *Vinžrequires the assumption of some unlawful phonetic changes, which ir reduces jo reliability. 73