Building a partial aspect system in East Aukštaitian Vilnius dialects of Lithuanian: Correlations between telic and activity verbs

Acta Linguistica Lithuanica LVII (2007), 45 – 97 Building a partial aspect system in East Aukštaitian Vilnius dialects of Lithuanian: Correlations between telic and activity verbs* Jurgis Pakerys Vilniaus universitetas Björn Wiemer Johannes-Gutenberg-Universität Mainz This paper is a pilot study based on tape-recorded and transcribed Lithuanian dialectal texts (from the northern part of the East Aukštaitian Vilnius dialect group) to investigate the correlation between telic and activity verbs. We analyzed morphologically correlated (prefixed and unprefixed) verbal stems which are potential members of “gradual-terminative” (GTER) verb pairs. We conclude that the prefixed members of the pairs are ‘perfective’ in the sense that they are restricted to events, whereas the simplex verbs are functionally much less constrained (and thus aspectually diffuse). Nonetheless, this aspectual specialization of prefixed derivatives has not led to a complementary distribution of functions, as it would be required if these productive processes of morphological pairing yielded true aspect pairs. 0. INTRODUCTION The morphological structure of Lithuanian verbs is very similar to that of Slavic ones, because it is based on stem derivation (see Figure 1). Since the immediate Slavic contact languages of Lithuanian belong to East Slavic (Belarusian, Russian) and West Slavic (Polish in its local varieties, comprised by the name ‘polszczyzna kresowa’), which are all characterized by a fully de- * The research was done as a part of the project LITTERA: Lithuanian national identity in the context of cultural dialogue in 16th-20th century funded by the Lithuanian State Science and Studies Foundation. We would like to thank dr. Vytautas Kardelis and Daiva Kardelytė-Grinevičienė for the dialectal texts and numerous comments on the material. 45 Jurgis Pakerys, Björn Wiemer veloped opposition of perfective vs. imperfective aspect (pf. : ipf.), it comes as a natural assumption that Lithuanian has developed such an opposition, too. For sure, it should be admitted that local Slavic varieties – in particular the ‘polszczyzna kresowa’ just mentioned and Belarusian dialects bordering on or even reaching into Lithuanian speaking territory – have experienced reverse influences from Lithuanian, on the substrate of which they most probably developed. However, as far as we can judge on the basis of both the literature on the subject and fieldwork done by ourselves, these Slavic varieties do not exhibit any considerable differences in their aspect systems (“measured” either by functional oppositions or the way aspect pairs are formed) in comparison to Polish or Belarusian varieties outside this contact area. Of course, this complicated and hitherto neglected issue requires systematic investigation on the basis of reliable data. Since this cannot be the task of the present article, we, for the time being, have to leave open the question of mutual impact in the domain of verbal morphology and grammatical opposition between Lithuanian and Slavic varieties in contact with each other. On first sight, the assumption formulated above is confirmed by the observation that stem derivation in Lithuanian appears to be even more productive than in the surrounding Slavic languages. There have indeed been numerous attempts to show that Lithuanian has grammatical aspect as have the latter ones, often by just projecting functional principles of the Russian aspect system onto Lithuanian. However, the expression of aspectually relevant oppositions in Lithuanian is considerably less grammaticalized than it is in its nearest Slavic neighbours, even if we admit that aspect oppositions can at least in part be based on other functional distinctions than in Russian or Polish (cf. Wiemer 2002: ch. 4.1). To show this it does not suffice to look at morphology itself; the stem-derivational nature of Slavic aspect does not belong to the canonical examples of grammaticalization, which, first of all, include processes of morphologization. Slavic aspect as well as the “half-way” grammaticalized Lithuanian aspectual derivation can be adequately described only if we understand it as a process of tightening of temporal (and other) functions paralleled by a consequent re-distribution of morphologically related and lexically identical stems that are mapped onto opposite functional values (cf. Wiemer 2002: 4.1.2; 2003: 41-45; 2006; 2008). Looked at from this perspective, the de- 46 Building a partial aspect system in East Aukštaitian Vilnius dialects gree of grammaticalization should be “measured” on the basis of how far morphological operations fulfil the following criteria, which originate from Lehmann (1999: 208): (a) With regard to the lexical stems of a given syntactic class (noun, verb, etc.) the distribution of grammatical markers (here: derivational affixes) has reached its maximum. (b) Both formal distinctions (here: derivation patterns) and functions are obligatory. (c) The formal distinctions consist of regular oppositions. (d) The functions are maximally abstract (i.e., in our case, they involve not only aspectual oppositions proper, but also modal, illocutionary and textual ones). How this applies in the evolution of an aspect system, will be further discussed in 1.1. The assertion that Lithuanian has not grammaticalized stem-derivational aspect to a degree comparable to its nearest Slavic neighbours holds for any variety of Lithuanian, even for those dialects which have been in immediate contact with (or even surrounded by) Slavic, usually Belarusian, varieties as, e.g., the extinct dialect of Dzjatlava (Lith. Zietela), or the moribund dialects of Peljasa (Lith. Pelesa) and Harvjaty (Lith. Gervėčiai). All these varieties fail to pass at least some stronger criteria, first of all: they lack complementary functional distribution between morphologically related stems with identical lexical meaning (= criterion (b) above); neither are these stems apt to functional neutralization in clearly definable contexts (for the standard language cf. Wiemer 2001: 39–45; 2002: 4.1.2.8; Kardelis & Wiemer 2002: 63–65, 78). These criteria are not met, for instance, in the dialect of Dzjatlava, as far as can be inferred from dictionary data (cf. Kardelis & Wiemer 2003: 59–64), but also from specialized in-depth descriptions (cf. Vidugiris 1961; 1998), which anyway lack a theory of aspect and its interaction with lexical units (stems). In order to better understand what has really been going on in different varieties of Lithuanian, it proves to be mandatory to turn to the analysis of texts, i. e. to coherent speech tape-recorded in as spontaneous circumstances as possible. Only richer contexts supplied by coherent discourse give a sufficient guarantee for a reliable enough “check” of temporal and other properties of different verb forms which are relevant for a qualified judgment 47 Jurgis Pakerys, Björn Wiemer on the degree of grammaticalization of aspect distinctions in a particular variety. Since such work has never been done before on Lithuanian data, and since a reliable judgement concerning the functional oppositions distinguished by morphologically related stems would actually require a thorough investigation of a large amount of verbs belonging to different aspectually sensitive classes (see 1.2), we decided to begin such a work by restricting ourselves, first, to one aspectual class, namely: to telic verbs correlated with activities (see 1.3, section 3), and, second, to one clearly delimited dialect area (see section 1). In this respect, the present article is a pilot study. A similar study, though on a broader dialectal basis and concentrating on other aspectual classes, was published as Kardelis & Wiemer (2002). This study and the present one share the same theoretical foundations and pursue the same research goals. The article is structured as follows. First, we will dwell on the question how aspect oppositions marked by stem derivation can arise. In connection with this we will discuss the derivational patterns and the functions which a full-fledged aspect opposition should display (see 1.1). After that we will give a general idea of the ILA-theory (‘Interaktion von Lexik und Aspekt’), which has been developed by Walter Breu in a couple of publications since the late 1980s (1.2) and which will be applied by us to Lithuanian dialectal data. In 1.3 we will focus on the correlation of telic verbs with verbs denoting activities. This correlation is of particular significance for a derivational aspect system, since telic and correlated activity verb stems can easily render “gradual-terminative” (GTER) verb pairs, which give a starting point in the rise of such an aspect system. This type of “pairing” between morphologically correlated stems will become the proper subject of the main part, namely: the analysis of potential GTER pairs in the material (section 3). Before this data section we will give some general information on the dialects investigated, the type of data used and the way they were collected and prepared for linguistic analysis (section 2). Section 4 gives some conclusions. 48 Building a partial aspect system in East Aukštaitian Vilnius dialects 1. BUILDING AN ASPECT SYSTEM VIA STEM DERIVATION 1.1. General outline: morphological patterns and aspectual classes In general, we speak of grammatical aspect in all cases in which there is a stable correlation between oppositions of verb forms and their functions concerning the inherent temporal structure of situations. Notice that such an opposition can involve not only verb forms organized into a paradigm in the usual sense, i.e. as a set of inflected forms applied to the same stem (simple or affixed)1, but it may also consist in a regular relation between two stems of which one is derived from the other (see Fig. 1 below). In any case grammatical aspect is to become manifest in morphology. For this reason, so-called “aspectual composition”, often described in formal semantics, should not be considered as an instantiation of grammatical aspect. This is a matter of aspectual interpretation only on clause level. Consequently, the labels ‘perfective’ : ‘imperfective’ (verbs, aspect) will be used strictly as indications of the grammatical status of verbs (verb forms), not in a purely semantic sense. This accepted, aspect markers should be treated as operators on the lexical content of verb stems, which, in turn, should be viewed as operanda. Such an operator—operandum relationship holds regardless of the morphological form by which aspect oppositions are expressed, i.e. whether these forms have an inflectional status or not, or whether they are coded by bound or free morphemes (cf. also Breu 2007: 138–141). What we thus need is a theory of grammatical aspect which takes into account the interaction between morphological marking devices and the lexical meaning of verbs, and which allows to group the inventory of lexical verb stems (as the operanda) with reference to the “output” received from the application of aspect markers (as the operators). Up to date there are several such theories, and essentially all of them are based on the notion of borders of situations (events or states) and the possibility to focus or disfocus them (cf. the overview given by Sasse 2002, especially pp. 222–225). The ILA-theory developed by Breu belongs among these theories. 1 This includes analytic forms as, e.g., the English progressive or the East and West Slavic analytic future (for 1pf. verbs). 49 Jurgis Pakerys, Björn Wiemer Figure 1: Rise of patterns of aspect derivation I. productive affixation Ia. Russian (i) simplex stem ⇒ prefixed stem : pisat’ ⇒ na-pisat’ ‘to write’ (⇒ † napis-yva-t’ ‘the same’) (ii) stem ⇒ suffixation with {nu}: dostigat’ ⇒ dostig-nu-t’ ‘to reach’ (iii) prefixed stem ⇒ (secondarily) suffixed stem: (pisat’ ⇒) s-pisat’ ⇒ spis-yva-t’ ‘to copy’ Ib. Lithuanian (i) simplex stem ⇒ prefixed stem: rašyti ⇒ pa-rašyti ‘to write’ (ii) stem ⇒ suffixation with {tėlė / terė}: šokti ‘to jump’ ⇒ šok-telė-ti ‘to jump (once)’ (iii) prefixed stem ⇒ (secondarily) suffixed stem: (rodyti ⇒) į-rodyti ‘to prove’ ⇒ įrod-inė-ti ‘to (try to) prove’ II. functional reinterpretation (a) imperfective ⇒ perfective verb (pair) (b) perfective ⇒ imperfective verb (pair) Before we go on explaining ILA-theory (see 1.2–1.3), let us comment on linguistic forms expressing aspect distinctions. How can an aspect opposition be built on something different from inflection (as in, e.g., Romance past tenses) or analytic forms (as, e.g., with the English progressive), namely: on derivation? To understand this, let us look at Figure 1, which represents the way so-called aspect pairs are created in Slavic languages. The upper part (I.) subsumes the basic patterns of affixation productive in Slavic verbal morphology (Ia); these are paralleled by Lithuanian (Ib). From a morphotactic viewpoint these patterns are independent from inflectional distinctions, they thus apply also for indefinite (untensed) forms. They create derived stems whose lexical meaning is either identical to that of their deriving bases (stems), or the lexical meaning is somehow modified and/or acquires another aspectual (phasal etc.) character. A necessary condition of becoming an aspect pair is however that deriving and derived stem share an identical lexical meaning; part Ia. of Fig. 1 illustrates such cases. Here it is essential to notice that lexical identity need not be changed by prefixation; 50 Building a partial aspect system in East Aukštaitian Vilnius dialects see the pairs Russ. pisat’ ⇒ na-pisat’ ‘to write’ (telic), stroit’ ⇒ po-stroit’ ‘to build’, contrary to, e.g., pisat’ ‘to write’ ⇒ za-pisat’ ‘to take a note’, stroit’ ‘to build’ ⇒ pere-stroit’ ‘to reconstruct’. In part II. we see the basic patterns of aspect pairs in Slavic2. These are reinterpretations of those derivationally related stems from part I. which are (or can be, under certain circumstances) identical in lexical meaning (cf. Kardelis & Wiemer 2002: 53f.). Further, it is crucial to understand that such paired verbs (stems) are not ordinary synonyms, because they cannot replace one another ad libitum. On the contrary, their use is constrained by the grammatical context (e.g., in the scope of verbs denoting phases, like ‘start, continue, end’, infinitives of only those verbs can be used which are qualified as ipf.), and they show more or less clear distributional preferences over functions comprising not only aspectual distinctions, but also functions in the domains of temporal location, temporal definiteness (episodicity), modality, illocution and presupposition3. The respective verbs constituting a pair show an almost complementary distribution on these functions, so that they share into a common paradigm (cf. Wiemer 2001: 37–39). If grammaticalization proceeds further, conditions arise under which verbs from a pair have to be substituted for one another. The best-known example of such a condition is the narrative present, in which in East Slavic and Polish only ipf. verbs can be used, becoming, as it were, lexical substitutes of their pf. counterparts (cf. Zaliznjak & Šmelev 2000: 44, 47–49)4. This process, which changes the grammar without changing derivation into inflection, can thus be called ‘functional expansion of complementary restrictions’. It consists in an increasingly complementary 2 Suppletive pairs are left apart here (e.g., klast’ IPF / položit’ PF ‘to put down’, brat’ IPF / vzjat’ PF ‘to take’). Since suppletion is by definition understood as kind of exception from a rule (here: the derivational pattern), the existence of such pairs just confirms the validity of the rule. 3 This expansion of functions beyond temporality appears to be particularly strong in East Slavic (first of all in standard Russian) and in Polish (cf. Wiemer 2008). 4 In Russian aspectological literature this kind of substitution has usually been named “aspect neutralization” (‘vidovaja nejtralizacija’). In fact, it should be viewed as but an extreme case of so-called “aspect rivalization” (‘vidovaja konkurencija’), in which verbs of both aspects may be used, but with slightly different shadowings of meaning (depending on the semantic or pragmatic context). 51 Jurgis Pakerys, Björn Wiemer re-distribution of derivationally related verb stems for a growing number of semantic and pragmatic distinctions. The more verbs (of different aspectually sensitive classes) get involved into this process, the more stem derivation becomes a matter of grammar or, more precisely, of grammatical restrictions as a consequence of functional re-distribution. This process can be called ‘lexical expansion by repartition’ (more on this topic in Lehmann 1999: 203–205, 207–229; 2004). Both functional expansion of complementary restrictions and lexical expansion are necessary ingredients of a gradual grammaticalization process. Thus, the reinterpretation of derivational patterns (see II. in Fig. 1) is an outcome of a gradual increase of complementary functional restrictions on productive affixation. Simultaneously it involves an increase of pairs of verbs with a common lexical meaning. These criteria first of all concern so-called secondary suffixation (see the example in Ia. (iii) in Fig. 1), inasmuch as prefixation in most cases leads to a modification of the lexical meaning of the simplex stem. Above we have however noticed that prefixation of a simplex stem without lexical change is possible. In section 3 it will be exactly those cases which will be of interest. All mentioned types of affixation are productive in standard Lithuanian, too; they are probably even more productive than in (standard) Russian or Polish. However, apparently there are no contextual constraints on the use of either verb from such a pair, let alone rules of neutralization (obligatory substitution). Complementary distribution between derivationally related stems seems to hold only for aspectual meanings proper, i.e. for functions concerning the internal temporal contour of the situation, and only with certain telic verbs (cf. Wiemer 2001: 41f.). This can be considered as the central function of aspect oppositions (see the classical definition of aspect in Comrie 1976: 3), and it can reasonably be regarded as the diachronic starting point if grammatical aspect is to arise in the system of a language, temporal location and other domains becoming marked only later (as has been shown for Russian by Bermel 1997; see also the argument in Wiemer 2003: 41–46). In Lithuanian, however, all these domains have remained largely irrelevant for stem derivation of verbs, as until now no clear functional restrictions of this kind could be found (cf. Wiemer 2002: 4.1). 52 Building a partial aspect system in East Aukštaitian Vilnius dialects 1.2. ILA-theory, aspectual classes and the lexicon Breu’s ILA-theory aims at classifying and explaining the interaction between verb lexemes5 and aspect markers; the former are understood as operanda, the latter as operators6. As we have seen, the Slavic pf. : ipf. opposition is based on the derivational relation between stems. Breu starts from the assumption that verbs (as well as other lexical units able to function as predicates) are inherently sensitive to aspectual distinctions. This sensitivity serves as a basis for their lexicon-internal classification and is in principle valid for all languages, regardless of whether they have an aspect system or not. The ILA-classification divides verbs into groups according to whether they show inherent boundaries (beginning or end) or not. If a language has aspect markers, these either focus on a lexically inherent boundary (pf. aspect), or they defocus it (ipf. aspect). This central division into aspect functions is captured as ‘focus aspect’. Below we will concentrate on this issue, although the theory also makes predictions concerning the behaviour in cases of lack of time-locatedness (iteration etc.). All remarks and illustrations in the remaining part of this section pertain to the standard language (Lith. ‘bendrinė kalba’), and they are of a preliminary nature (cf. Wiemer 2002: 4.1). They serve as a starting point for the description of the dialect data. Verb lexemes can be divided into four simple ILA-classes, three of which can further combine into three complex classes. The four simple classes are the following ones: (i) ‘totally stative’ (TSTA): these typically denote inalienable properties, e. g. sverti ‘to weigh’, prilygti ‘to be equivalent’ (e.g., Viljamas Frajus padarė išvadą, jog, nusijuokus 100 kartų, tai prilygsta 10 minučių bėgimo ristele ‘William Fry made a conclusion that laughing 100 times a day is equivalent to 10 minutes of jogging’). (ii) ‘relatively stative’ (RSTA): such lexemes represent temporary states presupposing a starting point which is focussed on if a pf. aspect exists. Compare, e.g., girdėti ‘to hear’, mylėti ‘to love’. 5 By ‘lexeme’ we mean a verb in one lexical meaning. Furthermore we will simply speak of ‘verbs’, if there is no danger of confusion. 6 For the latest explication of the theory cf. Breu (2005: 46–56; 2007: 144–155). 53 JURGIS PAKERYS, BJÖRN WIEMER (iii) ‘activities’ (ACTI): this type can be equated with atelic duration, i.e. activities which are not inherently bounded and consist of homogeneous subintervals. Compare, e.g., juoktis ‘to laugh’, bėgioti ‘to run around’, rūkyti ‘to smoke’. Merely temporal limits (beginning and end) can, however, be set by bounders, e.g. by prefixes (see below). These three classes are atelic and can provide the lexical motivation for ipf. verbs. Apart from them, there is a fourth simple class: (iv) ‘totally terminative’ (TTER): it consists of verbs which denote punctual events, i.e. events without any temporal extension; e.g. suklupti ‘to stumble’, pažadėti ‘to promise’, apsirikti ‘to commit an error’. Such verbs can motivate pf. aspect. TTER-verbs sometimes occur in pairs, either in the simplex—prefixed pattern (usually with verbs denoting speech acts, e.g., žadėti ⇒ pa-žadėti ‘to promise’, sakyti ⇒ pa-sakyti ‘to say’) or via secondary suffixation (e.g., susitikti ‘to meet’ ⇒ susitik-inė-ti ‘to meet frequently, on a regular basis’). In the latter case however the suffix often evokes an additional iterative (habitual) meaning component. Suffixation occurs less often, though. Because of the punctual character of the events denoted by TTER-verbs their pairings do not distinguish different components of the situation; therefore focus aspect here fulfils an empty application. If with TTER-verbs any functional differences can be detected, they concern either the multiplicity of events (iteration) or some pragmatic features (which remain to be investigated thoroughly). Let us now come to the three complex classes7. They refer to situations consisting of an event and either a state followed by it or a telic activity preceding it. Complex classes are therefore composed of simple classes; the TTER-component participates in each case, since it focusses on the boundary, either the beginning or the end or both. If it combines with a subsequent state (RSTA-lexeme), we get ‘inceptive-stative’ (ISTA) verbs (or verb pairs). Lithuanian does not have many stem pairs representing this ILA-type, see 7 For a detailed account on Russian data cf. Breu (1998a). 54 Building a partial aspect system in East Aukštaitian Vilnius dialects however, e.g., galvoti ‘to think’ ⇒ pa-galvoti ‘to think’, jausti ⇒ pa-jausti ‘to feel’, draugauti ‘to be friends’ ⇒ susi-draugauti ‘to become friends’, sirgti ‘to be ill’ ⇒ su-sirgti ‘to become ill’ and possibly also matyti ‘to see’ ⇒ pa-matyti ‘to see’ (inceptive), girdėti ‘to hear’ ⇒ iš-girsti ‘to hear’ (inceptive). If the TTER-component applies to a preceding activity (ACTI-lexeme), the result is a ‘gradual-terminative’ (GTER) verb (or verb pair), provided the activity is telic, i.e. if it implies an incremental approximation to a final result. Pairs that fit this condition appear to be more numerous than ISTA-pairs. Some of them are listed here: (1) GTER verbs pairs → focus on event → focus on telic process (1a) įtikinti ‘to convince’ ⇒ įtik-inė-ti8 ‘to (try to) convince, persuade’ (1b) įrodyti ‘to prove’ ⇒ įrod-inė-ti ‘to (try to) prove’ (1c) pa-rašyti ‘to write (up)’ ⇐ rašyti (laišką) ‘to write (a letter)’ (1d) pa-statyti ‘to build’ ⇐ statyti ‘to build’ (1e) pa-taisyti ‘to repair’ ⇐ taisyti ‘to repair’ As we see, both prefixation and suffixation occur. Finally, if the TTER-component combines alternatively with a subsequent state or the end of a telic activity, ‘inchoative’ (INCO) verbs are the result. As an example we can give the pairs siekti ⇒ pa-siekti ‘to reach’ and slėptis ⇒ pa-sislepti ‘to hide’: (2a) Jis visada siekė tobulýbės. → ACTI ‘He always reached for perfection.’ (2b) Turistų grupė pasiekė kalno viršūnę. → TTER ‘The group of tourists reached the top of the mountain.’ (2c) Vanduo siekė kaklą. → RSTA ‘The water was up to one’s neck.’ (3a) Mergaitė slėpėsi už krūmo. → ambiguous: either RSTA or ACTI ‘The girl was hiding behind the bush.’ 8 We assume here that the derivative suffix {inė} in verbs like įtik-inė-ti (⇐ į-tik-in-ti ‘to convince’) arose as a merger from {in} + {e}, which subsequently was identified with the generalized suffix {inė}. 55 JURGIS PAKERYS, BJÖRN WIEMER (3b) Mergaitė pasislėpė už krūmo. → TTER ‘The girl hid behind the bush.’ (3c) Miškuose slepiasi senas dvaras. → RSTA ‘An old estate lies hidden in the woods.’ Another good example would be supti ⇒ ap-supti ‘to surround’. The three complex ILA-classes can be subsumed as follows: ISTA = TTER (“left” boundary) + RSTA (subsequent state) GTER = ACTI (telic, incremental process) + TTER (“right” boundary, goal of that process) INCO = ACTI (telic) + TTER + RSTA. We are now left with atelic activities. They can be delimited, but limits put on them are purely temporal, rendering a general meaning ‘for a certain amount of time’. An operator which focusses on its beginning, end or both renders a result which differs markedly from GTER- or INCO-lexemes. Notice that delimitatives from atelic ACTI-lexemes remain ACTI. Lithuanian atelic ACTI verbs productively derive stems with the prefix {pa}, which serves to delimit the unbounded activity in time (without an inherent goal), e.g. pa-sijuokti ‘to laugh (for a while)’, pa-bėgioti ‘to run (for a while)’, pa-rūkyti ‘to smoke (for a while)’. In section 3 lexemes belonging to this group will be especially indicated, because it often becomes difficult to decide whether the ACTI-lexeme + prefix renders a simple delimitative (atelic) or a GTER-lexeme (telic). We once more want to stress that in stem derivation we have to do with verb pairs, but we can speak of an aspect pair only if the two stems distribute among themselves the aspectual functions of focussing on the event vs. focussing on the correlated state or activity, respectively9. In Lithuanian verbs very often are aspectually diffuse. Take, for example, state verbs. Such a verb can either refer to a state or, without any change in the stem, it denotes an event setting the beginning of that state. For instance, patikti ‘to like’ can be used both inceptively to denote the beginning of a state or to denote simply the subsequent state. The following sentence is ambiguous in this regard: 9 The same would apply to inflectional markers of aspect as, e.g., with the past tenses of Romance languages (cf. Breu 1996; 1998b; 2007: 139f. for a comparison with Slavic). 56 Building a partial aspect system in East Aukštaitian Vilnius dialects (4) Milda patiko Egidijui. ‘Egidijus liked Milda.’ (inceptive event or subsequent state, or both?) Other cases in point are, for instance, suprasti ‘to understand’, sutikti ‘to agree’ (speech act and mental state), apnikti ‘to fall upon, to beset’ (e.g., Mane apninka abejonės ‘Doubts beset me’). Let us now briefly examine this question with regard to potential GTER-pairs. 1.3. Potential GTER verb pairs Verbs which denote a situation with an inherent endpoint are telic; e.g., atidaryti (duris) ‘to open (the door)’, grįžti (namo) ‘to return (home)’. The event denoting this goal often presupposes a telic process, i. e. a process which evolves toward that goal. In Lithuanian many telic verbs can denote such a process without a change in the stem, as, for instance, ateiti ‘to come’: (5) Pažiūrėk, jis kaip tik ateina. ‘Look, he is coming right now.’ In many cases such aspectual diffuseness has to be disambiguated by the grammatical form or inferred from the broader context. Thus, it has often been mentioned that telic verbs like atidaryti ‘to open’ or ateiti ‘to come’ “behave like pf. verbs” (i.e. focus on an event), if they are used in the past tense, but “like ipf. verbs” (i.e. with focus on the telic process), if used in the present tense. Look at the behaviour of grįžti ‘to return’. Its past tense forms, as a rule, indicate an event (6a), whereas as a half-participle (Lith. ‘pusdalyvis’) the interpretation can be ambiguous oscillating between process and event (6b): (6a) Tą naktį ministras pagaliau truputį nusileido ir priėmė mano siūlymą, kad galima į aikštę leisti po kelis žmones prie badaujančiųjų. Grįžau pas ministro pavaduotoją, pasakiau jam apie tai, jis dar patikrino, ar aš nemeluoju, ir tada praleido dešimtį, nors praėjo daugiau. (V. Landsbergis, Lūžis, p. 117) ‘(...) I returned to the vice-minister and told him about that (...)’ 57 Jurgis Pakerys, Bjorn Wiemer (6b) (...) ji šitaip galvojo, grįždama atgal į savo kambarėlį, nusivilko paltą tamsoj, nes jo langai taip pat buvo tamsūs, ir tuojau atsigulė kaip vakar (...). (R. Granauskas, Raudoni miškai, p. 24) ‘(...) she was thinking thus on the way (returning) back to her room (...).’ The aspectual interpretation of grįžti depends on the inflectional form or the stem extension of a nominal derivative (participle). It is remarkable that grįžti does have a prefixed counterpart, su-grįžti, which does not differ from the simplex in lexical meaning. This derivative however can focus only on the telic event; compare: (7) O dabar vis dėlto vėl turėjome Laisvės alėją, laisvės kelią. Jis buvo senas ir duobėtas, vėliau dar pareikalavęs ne tik vargo, ašarų, bet ir kraujo. Tačiau sugrįžo laisvės kelias, kuriuo vėl pradėjome žengti. (V. Landsbergis, Lūžis, p. 167) ‘(...) But the road of freedom returned and we began to step on it again.’ No less intriguing is the fact that grįžti can also be suffixed (⇒ grįž-inė-ti). This derivative likewise does not differ from the simplex in lexical meaning, but it is used in colloquial Lithuanian if the speaker wants to focus on the telic process; compare: (8) Kai grįžinė jome namo, patekome į avariją. ‘On our way home, we had an accident.’ Therefore, the derivatives sugrįžti and grįžinėti “specialize” for the complementary components of telic process vs. telic event, whereas the deriving simplex grįžti can in principle be used for both purposes. The last examples are typical for the situation at least in the standard language (example (8) is not considered to be entirely acceptable due to the norms of standard Lithuanian). As concerns the dialects, the proliferant extension of lexical stems by the suffix {inė} (with variants) has been observed for some Lithuanian insular dialects in Belarus (see Introduction; also Vidugiris 1961; 1998). But these dialects are (or: were) mostly located south from the Lithuanian-Belarusian border. The dialects we want to deal with are located considerably farther to the north and are spoken within the 58 Building a partial aspect system in East Aukštaitian Vilnius dialects Lithuanian “motherland”. In that territory stem extension by {inę} is virtually absent (V. Kardelis, p.c.). For this reason we want to concentrate on another morphological type of potential GTER-pairs, namely on the type (9) simple stem X ⇒ prefix-X. This corresponds to the derivational pattern in (1c-e) above. With this pattern we observe another problem, which we have to cope with in our data analysis. Simplex verbs that are potential members (and derivational bases) of GTER-pairs often alternate between telic and atelic readings. We again can treat this phenomenon as ‘aspectual diffuseness’: the telic and atelic readings can be understood as variants which are not necessarily mutually exclusive. This means that the grammatical or discourse context can disambiguate between these variants, but need not10. 2. REMARKS ON THE DATA AND THE DIALECTAL AREA We have chosen to analyze tape-recorded speech from the East Aukštaitian Vilnius (rytų aukštaičiai vilniškiai) dialect group, which borders with Belarus in the East; some isles of the dialect merge into Belarusian territory11. Some speakers of the dialect have skills of Polish (local) or Russian (Kardelis et al. 2006: 41–42). It is thus not surprising to encounter noticeable influences of Slavic languages all over the place in these dialects. Our data come from three parishes located in the northern part of the dialect area: Vidiškės, Daugėliškis and Palūšė (more texts are published in Kardelis et al. 2006: 48–205). We have collected unprefixed and prefixed verb forms from two texts of Vidiškės (henceforth Vid, ca. 17.000 characters long) and Daugėliškis (henceforth Dglš; ca. 38.000 characters long). These verbs were morphologically correlated, one being a simplex stem, the other (or others) prefixed derivative(s); semantically they were good candidates for members of gradual-terminative aspect pairs (see section 3). 10 In a more formal semantic description this fact can be accounted for by an inclusive disjunction (‘a ∨ b’), meaning: ‘choose “a” or “b” or both’. However we will not pursue this task in the present contribution. 11 Basic linguistic features of the dialect and a selected bibliography can be found in Bacevičiūtė et al. (2004: 100–110) and Kardelis et al. (2006). 59 Jurgis Pakerys, Björn Wiemer Since this was a pilot study, and we wanted to gain a comprehensive overview of the stems which are of interest to us and their usage types in the texts, we decided to analyze such stems by a random choice, taking examples from each third page of the transcripts (Vid, Dglš). This rendered 107 stems (types), which we could qualify as separate lexemes, with 211 occurrences (tokens) for Vid, 208 stems (types) with 416 tokens for Dglš. We further used additional texts from Palušė (henceforth Plš; ca. 96.000 characters long) to search for correlating GTER pair members which we could not locate in Vid and Dglš. When we were unable to find a correlate in the texts, we worked with informants of the dialect to check if such a verb was used in their dialect. We also worked with these informants to verify the lexical meaning of the potential GTER pair members. Our final list of the material includes 67 GTER pairs (see Table 1 at the end of the paper). 3. ANALYSIS OF THE DATA We have divided the potential GTER pairs into the following four semantic groups: 1) verbs with directly affected or effected objects (e.g. to close, to harness, to wake up; to weave, to bake), 2) verbs of motion and moving (e.g. to go, to ride; to drive (horses), to bring), 3) intransitive verbs denoting a change of state (e.g to dry, to turn yellow, to dawn), 4) verbs denoting social and/or mental activities or events (to bargain, to teach, to organise, to tell a story). It is generally very difficult, and often impossible, to establish an array of aspectual functions for particular verbs (lexemes, stems) on the basis of a very limited amount of data. Even though we study text data here, the token frequency of some particular functions can be considered to be high, whereas others are encountered rarely, so that they are likely to be absent in a relatively small corpus. As a consequence, the data investigated here most probably render only a fragmentary picture of the distribution of functions. Since however we chose verb stems from even intervals of pages, i.e. by a “mechanic” device not guided by a priori semantic considerations, it can at 60 Building a partial aspect system in East Aukštaitian Vilnus dialects least be claimed that the selection is representative of the use (meanings) of these verb stems in natural dialect texts. We will put into square brackets those verb stems (infinitive forms) that were not found in the texts, but confirmed by informants. The forms encountered in the texts are ordered by grammatical criteria (tenses and infinite forms) and, subsequently, by their functions, as far as these can be determined with sufficient reliability. If they cannot, we will indicate this and give the relevant examples. Lack of examples for grammatical forms or functions simply means that they are not attested in our data. In this respect, we are offering here an ordered collection of representative dialect data for lexicographic and aspectological purpose. Conclusions will follow in the final section. 3.1. Verbs with directly affected / effected objects 3.1.1. [arpūti12] : iš-arpūti ‘to winnow (out)’ Present tense, habitual: (10) tį maši̇.na.s bú·daua. šiti̇em isiku̇. It gru. dá.m arkli̇.nie.s bu̇.úą. gi maši̇.na.s paskui̇ gi árpas ti̇ tɔ·kis išarpuji (Vid). ‘There used to be horse powered threshing machines, and there was that winnower, you winnow out (grain using it).’ Informants also confirm the existence of pa-arpūti, which however means a purely temporal delimitation of the action denoted by the simplex (‘to winnow grain for a while’). 3.1.2. austi : iš-austi ‘to weave’ Simplex: present tense, habitual: (11) iñ̄.vere į kiek ní·ču. / į dvīliku ní·ču. / į aštuonî·lika ní·ču. skai·tą.s / į keturō·m / į dvīem ní·tum và // jaū / jaū.ti. / i---/ in̄ve·rta tąį ti jaū drā·bi. á.uze (Vid). ‘They put a number of threads, twelve or eighteen, or they thread four or two threads and weave linen cloth.’ 12 LKŽe gives only arpavoti with the same meaning. 61 JURGIS PAKERYS, BJÖRN WIEMER Prefixed stem: participle praet. pass. neutr. (habitual): (12) dą.bú.dauą. / šį.tas kėlnieni.s sá.ka. / tai ké.lne.m jau va vī.ram apacõ.n tai // dá.kap navatnãi bú.dauą. aglú.ti và išá.usta (VID). ‘There used to be that cloth for men’s underwear [...] and (that cloth) used to be woven in a fir-tree pattern.’ Informants confirm the existence of a purely delimitative pa-austi. 3.1.3. [autis] : ap-si-auti ‘to put on footwear’ Participle praet. act. nom. sg. masc.: (13) dievų.lâu / tąs kadulīnais ấpšievi.s klam klam klam šitâis kelẽis jáu, sė.ka jáu / in tūr.gu. (DGLŠ). ‘My God, that man with the clogs on [...] follows (that thief) to the market.’ Although the simplex autis is not attested in our texts, it is used in the dialect. Its basic meaning is telic. Notice that autis can also correlate with the corresponding prefixed verb of the reverse meaning: nusiauti ‘to take off footwear’. This likewise is not attested in our texts, but exists according to informants. Autis therefore represents a case of enantiosemy, and in both meanings forms a GTER pair with the respective prefixed derivative. 3.1.4. braukti : iš-braukti ‘to scutch (out), swingle’ Both simplex and prefixed derivative: present tense, habitual: (14) nù.tai / tadù l.šmina / tadù juõs.ti. tã.kù / brãũ.ktuve.s medī.nies padarīta skaĩ.ta. išbrãũ.ke // brãu.--- / brãũ.ke // tai i--- / l.šmùša (VID). ‘And then they break it (the flax) and then they use wooden scutchers, scutch it out, scutch it and beat it.’ Only simplex: infinitive and past habitual: (15) linũz gi mī.ndaua.m tãlkà.z / bú.ù. / talkɔ:sù mī.ndava.m / tai tadù gi jáũ kap l.šmini / tai brãũ.kt / mèz gi vadī.ndavà.m brãũ.kt 62 Building a partial aspect system in East Aukštaitian Vilnus dialects raĩ.gdava. / [...] brūũ.gdava.m / šukúgdava.m (Plš). ‘We used to break flax, we would work together, and when you break the flax down, you have to scutch it, we used to say „to scutch“, [...] and we would scutch and then hackle (the flax).’ Also in this case the simplex braukti is in any type of use to be considered as telic. Although here we have thus a good instance of a GTER pair, it remains unclear whether the functions of its members are distributed complementarily. 3.1.5. ‘daryti : až-daryti ‘to close, to lock up’ Simplex: present tense, narrative, progressive: (16) ɛ. m̃a.na. tievaĩ sanĩ / rá.uda // atajáũ/ rá.uda / in pė.čãu---// čė tik brɔ---/ šú.nu. pakavá.ja./ čė mañ. [...] jáũ dá.ra. kalėĩ.man (DGLŠ). ‘And my parents were old, they weep, I came there, they weep on the masonry heater, they just hurried the son and now they (the police) are going to lock me in the prison.’ This single instance of daryti can also be read in a more specific conative meaning (‘they are trying to put me into prison’). Prefixed derivative: participle praet. pass. nom. pl. fem.: (17) á.šei prabundù / má.na. [...] avė.lu. nierà / avė.la.s jáũ ižbė:gi mána. // [...] nuveinù pìršk̃ĩ i sakau / má.ma / má.na. avė.lu nierà / až bijáu ai.t / jėška.t // nu su má.mù mės i ai.nam abì // nu ataĩ-nam.gi mú.su. aždarĩtɔ.s avė.les (Plš). ‘And I wake up and my sheep are gone, my sheep have run away, [...] I come inside the hut and say: “Mummy, my sheep are gone, I’m afraid to go to look for them”. And we go together with my mummy and we come and (we see that) our sheep are locked up (inside).’ 63 JURGIS PAKERYS, BJÖRN WIEMER 3.1.6. ²daryti : pa-daryti ‘to make, produce’ Simplex: past habitual: (18) sanāu̯ bū.ų̯ą. kã.lvei / kã.ldava. / á.r̥klus kã.usti.dava. / i(r).r̥atūs da-rí.dava. (Plš). ‘In earlier times, there were smiths, they used to do smithery, they used to shoe the horses, and they used to make wheels.’ Prefixed derivative: present tense, participle praet. pass. neutr., both with habitual function: (19) tai bū.dau̯a. padá.ra. padarí:ta tə:kis va šakalīs í.lgas medī.ni.s žu-va.só:nai.gi jáų bū.ų̯ą. medī.nei (Vid). ‘And there used to be that they make, it was made, that long splinter, (certain tools) were wooden.’ In both meanings (1. ‘to lock up’, 2. ‘to produce’) the simplex daryti has to be interpreted as telic. In both cases thus it enters into a GTER pair, again, however, with unclear distribution. Compare this with darytis : pasidaryti ‘to come into being’ (change of state, group 3) and with daryti : padaryti ‘to organize, arrange’ (social / mental activities, group 4). 3.1.7. [džioventi] : iš-džioventi ‘to dry (up)’ (transitive) Present tense, habitual: (20) i̯š.va ši.te sustá.ta. tù.gibūdau̯a. sá.ka. in.pã.lu. // va kap.vanã.ties / sustá.ta. sustá.ta. įpaku.rẽ.na ižže.vẽ.na (Vid). ‘There they would put it (the flax) on the benches (in the steam bath house) (...), heat the house and dry it up.’ There also exists the derivative pa-džioventi with the meaning ‘to dry to some degree (not entirely)’. The simplex džioventi13 thus renders two different pairs of telic stems: one with an absolute limit (džioventi : iš-džioventi) and one with a relative limit (džioventi : pa-džioventi). 13 For the simplex cf. a DglŠ example from LKŽe: Šieną [praes. 3] džiovėnam DglŠ. Cf. also džiūti : išdžiūti (spontaneous change of state) in group 3. 64 Building a partial aspect system in East Aukštaitian Vilnius dialects 3.1.8. [galabyti] : nu-galabyti ‘to kill’ Past tense: (21) da.į nemažai ti jų. bū.ų. a. paskuįgi va. kietęs jau jųs [žydus] nugalub.bija. (ViD). ‘There were not a few of them (sc. Jews), and then the Germans killed them.’ The simplex galabyti is not confirmed by the informants. 3.1.9. ginti : raz-ginti ‘to separate, to drive away’ This case is problematic, because ginti in the telic meaning ‘to separate’ is not confirmed by the informants, neither found with this meaning in LKŽe. It might be a back-formation based on razginti (ginti). Simplex: past tense, progressive; prefixed derivative: infinitive. Both stems are attested in the same context, which we give here unabridged. (22) kaį susi.ja.me. bá.ba.(s) su vėlneį.s/ níekap razgį.nt nemuł.žna // dabar dievaz dabó.damas iż dungū. s tū và tvarkǒ.s nier // švin.tu. * jü.r-gi. / lip įn á.rkle. i. jǒ.k sutá.iki.k / kat nešpeštu. nesmuštu. // tas atjájia į dá. [...] jǒ.gi šl.tas gį.nklas saní.bá.s šo.čku ți.kǫ.kù vadí.ndavà. [...] // dabar taz.gí.ne. gí.ne/ tá.ike. tá.ike./ kuř.tū vé.liu. su bá.bu su-tá.iki.si (DGLŠ). ‘When the (old) women started fighting with the devils, there was no way to separate them, now the God, watching (the scene) from the skies (sees) that there is no order, (and tells) St. George: mount the horse, go and settle them so that they do not fight. He came there with his sword (...). And he tried to separate them, tried to reconcile them (with no luck). How can you reconcile a(n) (old) woman with the devil!’ Because the status of ginti is problematic, we can well treat razginti as a TTER verb. Otherwise ginti and razginti render an ideal case of a GTER pair. Ginti, as used in this context, might also be interpreted as conative (‘tried to separate’). 65 Jurgis Pakerys, Björn Wiemer 3.1.10. karti : pa-karti ‘to hang, to string’ Both simplex and prefixed derivatives are attested in the infinitive, the simplex also in the present tense in a habitual context (with conative function): (23) aštāĩ.gi dabar̃gi jāu išẽl.na prasmã.ne. svã.tūs kã.rt/ kat á.ni.s me-lūnja / kat á.nos ti turĩ.ngaz bū.ța. / ti. ti šulnej vĩna. / ti / ti.j / ti sãdai bū.ța. / ti kaip atvaže.va. nieka. ne.ra // tai išẽl.na jāu tadi svã.tas paká.rt/ kat neteisĩ.ngaz bū.ța. (Dglš). ‘And this is why they introduced the habit to hang the matchmakers14: because they tell lies, because that (particular) one lied that the groom was rich, there were wells of wine, gardens, and when they arrived (to his place), there was nothing. And it follows that, one has to hang the matchmaker, because he did not tell the truth.’ 3.1.11. [¹kavoti] : pa-kavoti ‘to hide’15 This case is likewise problematic, insofar as the simplex kavoti is usually used in RSTA function (e.g., Kur anas kavoja žirkles? ‘Where does he hide (has he hidden) the scissors?’). Informants confirm that kavoti can also have a reading of a telic process, cf.: Kavok greičiau peilį! (‘Hide the knife now!’), Žiūrėk, ką jis ten kavoja? (‘Look, what is he trying to hide over there?’). Prefixed derivative: past tense: (24) atã.ja. á.nãs iš_pirtẽs jāu pasprãu.si.s šl.ta(s) šuvėjas/ e., á.nas pakavõj-ži.rklas (Dglš). ‘And that tailor came back from the steam bath house after bathing, and he (the taylor’s apprentice) had hidden the scissors.’ 3.1.12. kelti : pa-kelti ‘to wake up’ (transitive) Simplex: past habitual; prefixed derivative: present tense, habitual: 14 The verb refers to a practice of figurative hanging of the matchmaker for his lies. 15 This is homonymous to ²kavoti ‘to bury’ (see group 4). Kavoti ‘to hide’ is a borrowing from Polish chować ‘to hide’ or Belarusian хаваць (same meaning) (Kardelis 2003: 180). 66 Building a partial aspect system in East Aukštaitian Vilnius dialects (25) unkšti pá.kele // ñaũ.gi miega.si kai i.rà dá.rbà. // ké.ldava. / neda-bá.dava. ka(t) tú.jaina.s má.žas // kàt và jaũ. pa.-augũ.kas (VID). ‘(And he) wakes me up early, how can you sleep when there is work. They used to wake (people) up (early), no matter if they were kids or teenagers.’ The simplex kelti can hardly be conceived of as atelic, this pair should thus be qualified as GTER. However, it is doubtful whether kelti can denote a telic PROCESS, so that this pair should rather be considered as belonging to TTER (both simplex and prefixed derivative denote the same telic event). 3.1.13. kepti : iš-kepti ‘to bake’ Simplex: present tense, habitual: (26) isivé.řdi tai raugiene.z bú.daya. pridd.ra. // dúonu. gi namié / namié kepi (VID). ‘You would usually make a dish of rye flour and the bread was (usually) baked at home.’ Prefixed derivative: infinitive; past habitual: (27) tai bú.dava. katarã.s mó.terus labaĩ mŏ.ka dúona.s iškė.pt// tõ.kè gardi dúona žinai/ kvė.pja/ įn klė.va. lá.pu./ abà įn á.lieru. iškė.bdava. // [...] ále jaũ labaĩ raĩke šeiminĩ.ke.s gerà.s/ kat dúonu. geraĩ iškėpt// nelabaĩ kas ma.ké.dava. d--- / dúona.s iškė.pt (DGLŠ). ‘There used to be women who could bake bread so well, the bread would be so tasty and would smell good, it was usually baked on maple or sweet flag leaves. But you need a good housewife to bake good bread, there were few who could bake (good) bread.’ With a concrete-referential object-NP the simplex kepti has to be considered as telic. There is another derivative, pa-kepti; it has merely delimitative function and should be classified as atelic. 67 Jurgis Pakerys, Björn Wiemer 3.1.14. [kinkyti] : pa-kinkyti ‘to harness’ Present tense, habitual function: (28) ti maşī.na.s bū:dava. šiṭiem isikú.lt gru.dá.m arkļi.nies bū.ļa. gi maşī-na.s paskuį gi ār.pas ti tə-kis isi--- / išarpuji bet / ne viši jūs turė:da-vå. // arklėž.gi bū:dauå. pakiń.kå. į.sū.ka // ir į.iši.kuli.gi ná.udu. (Vid). ‘There used to be horse powered threshing machines, and there was that winnower, you winnow out (grain using it), but not everyone had them, they used to harness the horses, they drive (the machine) and you thresh out the grain for yourself.’ Kinkyti is telic from the start. According to the informants, kinkyti can also correlate with a prefixed derivative with a reverse meaning, viz. iškinkyti ‘to unharness’. Kinkyti is thus another example of an enantiosemic verb (compare with autis). 3.1.15. kulti : [iš-kulti] / nu-kulti ‘to thresh’ Simplex: past habitual, present tense in habitual function: (29) į tadù [rugius] mašinù kú.ldava. nå.kti, paši kele nuɔ.ðvie vå.landu. / á.rkļus paskųjkie. privuɔ.dan / tai dabar jau kàp kú.le? kambá.ind.m? (Plš). ‘And then they usually threshed (the rye) using a (threshing) machine (late) at night. They get up at 2 a.m., harness the horses (and thresh the rye). And how do they thresh now? Using the combine harvesters?’ Prefixed derivative: present tense, habitual function: (30) nu tai šituås sá:menis vadī.nas tai / šituås / và / ta.kå:s padarī.ta medi.-nies kú.ltuve.s į nu.kuli šituås / jau jū.gi dėrlu. kap sá.ka. (Vid). ‘And you thresh out these flax-seeds using a certain wooden bat.’ Kulti is atelic (see ex. 29). Iškulti is confirmed only by the informants. The reflexive-benefactive išsikulti ‘to thresh for oneself’ is attested in the texts, in the present tense and with habitual meaning: 68 Building a partial aspect system in East Aukštaitian Vilnius dialects (31) arklẽ.ž.gi bū.dau̯ā. paki̯.kā. į.sū.ka // ir̃ į isi.kuli gi ná.udu. (Vid). ‘They used to harness the horses, they drive (the machine) and you thresh out the grain for yourself.’ The difference between the prefixes iš- and nu- is not clear, the former is qualified as more common by the informants. 3.1.16. kūrenti : iš-kūrenti ‘to heat (a stove)’ Both simplex and prefixed derivative: narrative present tense: (32) tadù jāu̯ mɔːmà pé.ču. ku.rā.na / nu pé.ču. ku.rā.na jāu̯/ dúona jāu̯ pasi̯kele anà sulik.šitu̯ jāu̯ bačkeli̯ jāu̯ pí.lnu/ tadù jāu̯ išku.-rā.na. mɔːmà/ tĩtũ.ri jāu̯ tā.kõ:san/ in.pá.gale. pušies jāu̯ šluóti vadi.-nas/ puš.nie. ká.imi saní.bā.s/ tadù šl.tu. puš.ni. jāu̯/ mɔːmà išlúoja gražẽi vī.su. péču (Plš). ‘And then (my) mom heats the (bread baking) stove, heats the stove, the bread (= the bread dough) rises up to the brims of this cask, then my mom heats the stove (up to required temperature), and then she uses a pine broom to clean the stove well.’ In this example, the progressive function of kūrenti appears to contrast with the function of iškūrenti denoting the completing of the heating procedure, thus an event. This would illustrate an ideal case of GTER pairing. 3.1.17. kurti : ažù-kurti ‘to make up the fire’ Both simplex and prefixed derivative are attested only in narrative present tense: (33) tadù kurì pé.ču. / ažù.kuri į ce.padarì.ta tɔ.kõː medi.nie.s / kai̯ lāpetàva li.žie. vadi.nas // nu tai tadù šl.tu. bā.kanu. tai̯ / kai̯ /pá.dedi gi į̃ šitāːs li.žie.s [...] (Vid) ‘Then you ignite (start) the stove. After you have it started, then there is kind of wooden spade, it is called peel, then you put the loaf on that peel.’ To this example (and the pair kurti : ažùkurti) the same remark applies as for the previous one. 69 Jurgis Pakerys, Björn Wiemer 3.1.18. [mažinti] : su-mažinti ‘to decrease (tr.)’ Present tense: (34) ti.ná.i ti.ná.i jāǔ.pali.cini.ku. sumā.žina. *ceikinuōs (Plš). ‘There in Ceikiniai they reduced the number of policemen.’ Mažinti is not attested in the texts, but cf. LKŽe from another dialect: Mato tie vilkai, kad juos per daug mažina (šaudo) (J. Basanavičius, Lietuviškos pasakos įvairios, IV 284). Informants qualify it as rare, but cf. also the anticausative [mažintis] : susimažinti in group 3 below. 3.1.19. melžti : pa-melžti ‘to milk’ Simplex: participle praet. pass. acc. pl. fem.: (35) pažūrù / pū.sa.i dvīlikā.s naktiēs // a.diev / aš.ká.fve.z da.ú.n.lauki. / i.né.melšta.s (DglŠ). ‘And I realise that it is already 11.30 p.m. Oh my God, and my cows are outside and not milked!’ Prefixed derivative: past tense: (36) tai tadū.tu kǝla ká.rves aci.vežāu namǝ. / kǝla pá.melžāu (DglŠ). ‘And then it took some time for me to bring the cows home and to milk (them).’ Since the simplex is attested only by this one token with a past participle, we do not dare to say whether it can denote a telic process. But according to informants, it is in any case telic. 3.1.20. minti : iš-minti ‘to break (flax)’ Both simplex and prefixed derivative in narrative present tense: (37) ižže.vé.na tedù mt.na // tā.ki mintuvai padaríta [...] nù tai / tadù i.šmina / tadù jušs.ti. tā.kù / brāu.kuve.s medi.nies padaríta skāi.ta. ižbrāu.ke // brāu.--- / brāu.ke // tai i--- / i.šmuša (VID). ‘And then they dry (the flax) and break it using flax brakes [...] And then they break it down, and then they use wooden scutchers, scutch it out, scutch it and beat it.’ 70 Building a partial aspect system in East Aukštaitian Vilnius dialects The simplex could be used as an atelic verb (compare with braukti : iš-braukti). 3.1.21. [mūryti] : [iš-mūryti] ‘to build of bricks’ The verb attested in the texts is a reflexive-benefactive one, iš-si-mūryti ‘to build (of bricks) for oneself, but only as a participle praet. pass. neutr.: (38) ją. bū. uą. (namai) mū-rinei isimūri.ta / pli.tā.m raudā.na.m (DGLŠ). ‘His (house) was built of red bricks.’ The simplex mūryti and its derivative pa-mūryti are confirmed by the informants of the dialect, but only in atelic meaning (e.g., Prastas meistras: pamūrijo, pamūrijo ir vėl sėdi ‘He is a bad master: he just layed some bricks and is sitting (not working) again’). 3.1.22. plauti : [iš-plauti] ‘to wipe (floor), to wash (clothes)’ Narrative present tense (plus habitual meaning indicated by būdavo): (39) nu tai / jau grīndis plā.umu/ bū.daua. [...] // e. kni-gà į šitš./ tai ne-numanāu kap aciverčū į paskaitāū (DGLŠ). ‘And I used to wipe the floor [...] And I just do not notice how I open this book and read a bit.’ The simplex plauti can hardly be imagined as atelic. Išplauti is not attested in the texts, but confirmed by the informants. We have however encountered the reflexive-benefactive iš-si-plauti ‘to wash for oneself’: (40) e. kat nuvejai kuokīne.n (su perkelio suknele) tai vē: isiplē:vei isiprā.-sujēi į vē: nedėle.s lā.uki (PlŠ). ‘And if you go to a party (with a percale dress), then you wash it again, iron it and wait for the (next) Sunday.’ 3.1.23. [ruošti] : pa-ruošti ‘to prepare’ Only infinitive: (41) sanā.ve.(s) stalai nē.dinkta / tai kąt išē.na stā.las padinkįt į / i pa- 71 JURGIS PAKERYŠ, BJÖRN WIEMER rūšt jãu piršļi·ba.m // nū. tadū klāja // nu. jãu tadū klāja / i rā.iške jãu/ jãu mergà.gi tō: ruššes (DGLŠ). ‘In earlier times, tables were not covered with the cloths, and if a table has to be covered and prepared for the matchmaking, then they cloth it, and it means that the girl is getting ready (for the matchmaking).’ The reflexive-benefactive verb is attested as a pair: ruošti-s / pa-si-ruošti ‘to get ready (prepare oneself)’; the simplex in the present tense (42), the prefixed derivative in the participle praet. act. nom. masc. sg. (43): (42) tãị kàt išėi.na stã.las padįnkt į. / i parūšt jãu piršļi·ba.m // nū. tadū klāja // nu. jãu tadū klāja / i rā.ške jãu/ jãu mergà.gi tō: ruššes (DGLŠ). ‘And if the table has to be covered and prepared for the matchmaking, then they cloth it, and it means that the girl is getting ready (for the matchmaking).’ (43) į ta.kū. da. bū.uã. svã.tu./ kurīs pasrūši.(s) svã.tu būt/ toį nèt apgã.udava. té.vus (DGLŠ) ‘There were matchmakers who were (always) ready to be matchmakers (to do the matchmaking), and they used to cheat, to lie to the parents.’ 3.1.24. rišti : pri-rišti ‘to tether’ Simplex: narrative present tense: (44) bã.bå.s rļ.ša da. ká.rves pievã.i (DGLŠ). ‘The (old) women tether cows (for grazing) in the meadow.’ Prefixed derivative: participle praet. pass. neutr.: (45) má.na. bū.ųa. kã.rve.s pri.rišta ce.va až kiluβ.metra. (DGLŠ). ‘And my cows were tethered (for grazing) a kilometer away (from here).’ The reflexive-benefactive rištis is also attested, but it correlates with at-si-rišti ‘untie, untether (for oneself)’. The prefixed verb (pri-si-rišti) is not attested in our corpus, but confirmed by the informants: 72 Building a partial aspect system in East Aukštaitian Vilnius dialects (46) tai̯ á.nas pilnai sakis/ kàt á.nas tá.u suma.kė. / į peṙ ji̇ knigė.le. ì / į á.nas árkli. ri.šas (DGLŠ). ‘And he will argue that he had already paid you, and that he has got the papers of the horse, and he untethers the horse.’ 3.1.25. seti : pa-seti ‘to sow’ Both simplex and prefixed derivative in the infinitive, the simplex occurred also in the present tense (narrative): (47) (anas) tik paklá.use kas kur pasé·t kas kur kap tai̯ á.nas jáu̯ pasà.ka. kur sé·t/ á.nas į sé·je (PLŠ). ‘And he only asks where to sow what (grain) and when he is told where to sow, he sows.’ The two occurrences of the simplex seti have different aspectual values; only the second occurrence can be qualified as progressive. This indicates that the pair seti : paseti is a good instance of a GTER pair. 3.1.26. [sodinti : pa-sodinti ‘to place, to put (into prison)’ Participle praet. act. nom. masc. sg: (48) vàt / á.naz žinai̯ ku./ á.naz bú·t mùs/ mãn. pasà.dì.ni.s (DGLŠ). ‘And you know, he could have put us, me in prison.’ The simplex sodinti in this specific meaning is confirmed by the informants, but regarded as rare. Examples from LKŽe record this verb in the present tense used for habitual acts of imprisonment, e.g. Kap kuris pavogė ką ar ažumušė, turmon sodina (Šalčininkai) ‘If someone stole something or murdered somebody, then they put (him / her) in prison’. Since in this meaning the simplex does not denote a telic process, but the same event as its derivative (pasodinti), this pair should rather be characterized as TTER. Sodinti can however denote a telic process if used in the more concrete meaning ‘to plant’ (e.g., sodinti mišką : pasodinti mišką); then the pair belongs to the GTER class. 73 JURGIS PAKERYS, BJORN WIEMER 3.1.27. statyti : pa-statytì ‘to build, to erect’ Simplex: past tense, infinitive; prefixed derivative: past tense, participle praet. pass. neutr.: (49) e. trĩ.ždẽšimpunktais mẽtais ji. stá.tie. // [...] į.pastá.tie vą čė krĩ-žu. // [...] tai čė jau tadù šl.tas krĩžus nupù.ųa. / [...] jau dabar nãri į vẽ. statīt (DGLŠ). ‘They ereced it (the cross) in 1935, [...] and they erected it here. And then this cross rotted off, and now they want to erect it again.’ There are no clear examples of the simplex in progressive function. 3.1.28. šukuoti : iš-šukuoti ‘to hatchel, hackel (flax)’ Both simplex and prefixed derivative: narrative present tense (in habitual context): (50) paskuĩ šepečẽi padarita triz bū.ųa. // vẽnas medĩ.neis tã.kẽl.z duntĩm. nemã.žas vą šl.te vã // tai juos tadù. šukuoja (VID). ‘And then there were three brushes, one was rather big and it had wooden teeth, and then they hatchel it (the flax using these brushes)’ (51) tai bū.daua. mã.n atã.nes--- / atã.nesã pã.kulã.s // tã. jau šukuoja / linùs l.šmina (VID). ‘And then it used to be so that (they) would bring the tow (and you get the tow after) they break and hatchel the flax (to the required limit).’ The simplex can be used as atelic as, for instance, in (50). 3.1.29. [tapyti] : nu-tapyti ‘to deceive, to cause sb’s bad life’ Past tense, deictic tense use: (52) tai d.nas ne vienu. mergõ.ti. nutã.pija. // šl.ta.ku madù (DGL). ‘And he (the matchmaker) deceived more than one girl this way.’ 74 Building a partial aspect system in East Aukštaitian Vilnius dialects This verb literally means ‘to drown’16. The metaphoric meaning arising from the context seems to be rather exceptional. Informants lack experience with this verb and its (supposed) simplex counterpart, so that no clear judgment concerning their aspectual functions can be made. 3.1.30. tvarkyti : su-tvarkyti ‘to put in order, to take care of, to repair’ Simplex: infinitive (53); prefixed derivative: participle praet. pass. neutr. (54): (53) jau va dabar ši.tas va ná.mas [...] vą.prałi.ja.gi [...] nù.toi.gi raĩke tvarkí.c.gi (Plš). ‘And now that house [...] lets the rain water in [...] and you have to repair it’ (54) niekur nelį.gdavå, niekos nešená.uta visur. sutvarkí.ta / visakàs nūimta / vį.saz der.lus (Vīd). ‘And no place would remain not hayed, everything was taken care of everywhere , all harvest would be gathered in.’ The simplex is telic from the start. However informants imagine ap-tvarkyti as a derivative with a delimitative value (‘to put in order to some degree’). 3.1.31. ūgenti : užūgenti ‘to bring up kids’ Simplex: past and present tense; prefixed derivative: past tense: (55) į aš jau sunk ei vaikus u.genåū. / e. jau má.na. vaikai kitėp vaikus jau u.gė.na.// jau daug lingvåū u.gė.na.// [...] aš va ušū.genåū. så.va. sū.nu. ši.tu. *gėdru. bla.gåį/ bla.gåį vatš.uka.į (Dglš). ‘And for me, it was hard (time) to bring up kids, and my children already bring up their kids differently, they bring them up easier. And I brought up my son, Giedrius, only having that really bad (quilted) jacket for him.’ It does not seem that the simplex could be used as atelic. Thus these two verbs can be classified as a GTER-pair. 16 As such it is evidently a borrowing from Russian (у)монит or Polish (u)topić ‘to drown’. 75 Jurgis Pakerys, Björn Wiemer 3.1.32. valyti : iš-valyti ‘to clean (up)’ Simplex: past tense, habitual: (56) mes šį.ta. dí.rba.m bú.dauja. [...] aš.á.fklus valau/ ká.rves valau/ šeřu/ ma.n.patij.ka ši.tas dá.rbas (Plš). ‘It used to be so that we work [...] I clean the horses, clean the cows, feed them, I like this work.’ Prefixed derivative: participle praet. pass. gen. sg. fem.: (57) ažmã·ki [...] kíekei trīs taý.ké.tūrus ti pu·dūs / ar šešūs pudūs ti kã / a(r) rūgū. / a(r) kviečū. va // e.,geráž.gi naudãs jáū išvalí·ta.s (Vīd). ‘And then you pay [...] three or four or six poods of rye or wheat, of good grain already cleaned.’ The simplex valyti can denote atelic processes, and the derivative pa-valyti exists, which means that the cleaning has reached some degree, but has not come to its absolute endpoint (compare, for instance, with pa-džioventi, pa-kepti above). 3.2. Motion verbs The motion verbs we found in our data can be subdivided into two groups: 1. self motion (to go, to ride etc.) and 2. causative motion (to carry, to drive). A common feature of all motion verbs is their deictic directivity expressed by prefixes. In most of the cases, at(a)- and nu- are used with corresponding meanings of moving toward the deictic centre or away from it; cf. at(a)-eiti ‘to come (here)’: nu-eiti ‘to go, to get (there)’. For all simplex verbs of this group holds that they are diffuse with respect to this deictic orientation. For this reason they occur several times with different prefixed derivatives. The problems this raises will be briefly discussed immediately below. 3.2.1. Verbs of self motion 3.2.1.1. eiti ‘to go’: at(a)-eiti ‘to come’ Although from the lexicological point of view it is debatable whether this 76 Building a partial aspect system in East Aukštaitian Vilnius dialects pair can be considered as representing one lexeme17, there obviously is no further derivative of ateiti (like, e.g., atei-dinė-ti in some other dialects). For this reason we decided to include it into our list. Simplex: present tense (progressive); prefixed derivative: imperative, past tense (narrative): (58) paskãm.binau vá.ndai/ sakaũ *vá.nda tų kat̨ nerasivĩl.kus sakaũ atȧ.j […] sá.ka. gerãi ainũ/ taį atȧ.ja. (PLŠ). ‘I called Vanda and I say: „If you are not already in bed, please come (and help me)“ […] (she says:) „OK, I am coming“. And she came.’ In any case, the simplex eiti can denote a process, so that together with its derivative it renders a GTER pair. 3.2.1.2. [eiti] ‘to go’ : į-eiti ‘to go in’ Narrative present tense: (59) dabȧr iné.ja. muziká.ntas vidũn / e. vé.lnes lí.ka. až dũ.ru. (DGLŠ). ‘Now the musician came in, and the devil stayed outside.’ This case is debatable, since in the texts there is no clear example of unprefixed eiti used in the meaning ‘to go into some closed space’. Examples with the imperative, like eik vidun! ‘go inside!’, are confirmed by the informants; but in this case the direction of movement is made explicit by a petrified illative form of the noun vidus ‘inside’. 3.2.1.3. eiti ‘to go’ : nu-eiti ‘to go, to get somewhere (on foot)’ Here apply the same remarks as for eiti / ateiti (see above). Simplex: imperative; prefixed derivative: past tense (narrative): (60) a.na(s) sá.ka. ai̇.nam *vi̇žiusan// jȧu netã.li *vi̇.žei // nuvé.ja.// dabȧr isir̨u̇.j.k in vi̇.sa. tũr.gaus á.rkli. (DGLŠ). ‘He says: “Let’s go to Vidžiai, it is already not far from here”. They 17 First of all, for eiti it is not clear whether its deictic orientation is rather ‘here’ or ‘there’ and whether, consequently, it can be considered as enantiosemic (see the correlation with nu-eiti below). 77 Jurgis Pakerys, Bjorn Wiemer went there, (and he says:) “Now choose any horse you like in the market.” As with eiti : ataeiti, eiti in this meaning can also denote a telic process. 3.2.1.4. joti ‘to ride on the horseback’ : at-joti ‘to come on the horseback’ Simplex: imperative; prefixed derivative: past tense (narrative): (61) dabar̃ diẽvaz dabō-damas iš_duŋgaũ.s tù và tvarkō:s nier // švìn.-tu. *jū.rgi. / līp in_á.rkle. i. jō.k sutá.iki.k / kat_nešpeštū: nesmuštū. // tas_atjāja (Dglš). ‘Now the God, watching (the scene) from the skies (sees) that there is no order, (tells) St. George: mount the horse, go and settle them so that they do not fight. And he came there.’ The same remarks as with eiti : ataeiti and eiti : nueiti are at place here. 3.2.1.5. lipti ‘to climb, to get on’ : už-lipti ‘to climb up, to get on’ Simplex: imperative (62); prefixed derivative: past tense (63): (62) vé.ìne(s) sá.ka. lí.p i(n) nù.garà.s/ aš tàũ pé.rnešu (Dglš). ‘Now the devil says: “Get on my back, I will carry you over (the ditch).”’ (63) nù.i ú.šìipe. in pé.čàus i rá.da. (Dglš). ‘Now they got on the masonry heater and found (our hare there).’ The simplex lipti can be used to denote a telic process. 3.2.1.6. [važiuoti] ‘to drive’ : at-važioti ‘to get, to drive here’ (i.e. toward the deictic centre) We have not found any example in which the simplex važiuoti would have been used synonymously to atvažiuoti. An illustration of the latter (in the past tense) can be seen in (65), where it is used as an antonym to nuvažiuoti. 3.2.1.7. važiuoti ‘to get somewhere, to drive’ : nu-va žiuoti ‘to get, to drive there’ (i.e. away from the deictic centre) 78 Building a partial aspect system in East Aukštaitian Vilnius dialects Simplex: present tense (progressive and habitual) (64); prefixed derivatives: present tense, narrative (65): (64) kąp važiúji in vi.nč̌āus/ tadù / dúoda pl.nigus (Dglš). ‘When you go for a wedding ceremony, then they give you the money’ (65) tąi atvažė. vā. / arklìːz gražùs/ linēkąi // nū tąi gi / jāu nuvažùoja gi *daugielì.škin (Dglš) ‘And he came with a carriage and a nice horse, and now they drive to Daugėlìškis.’ 3.2.2. Verbs of causative motion 3.2.2.1. [nešti] ‘to carry’ : at(a)-nešti ‘to bring (here)’ Imperative, past tense: (66) āi.k in dɔ.ktāru. / atneš paži.mė.jimu. ka(t) tu nešč̌e [...] // nuvejau/ atá.nešau (Dglš) “‘Go to the doctor and bring the paper (to confirm) that you are pregnant”. [...] And I went (to the doctor) and brought (the paper).’ Again, we have not encountered examples with the simplex which would show its synonymy with the derivative atnešti explicitly stating the direction of movement toward the deictic centre. However, examples like Žiūrėk, ką anas ten mums neša? ‘Look, what is he bringing for us?’ are acceptable for the informants. 3.2.2.2. nešti ‘to carry’ nu-nešti ‘to bring (there)’ Simplex: present tense (narrative, habitual) (67); prefixed derivative: past tense (68): (67) pavā.sari. / labai uŋkšči / rá.da.m zūīku.ku. maži.ti. // aċ.nešiem namō [...] nė.šam i dɔ.bilu.ti i avižu. pribrāu.ki. (Plš). ‘Early in the spring, we found a baby hare and brought it home [...] (now) we bring clover, oat (to feed it).’ 79 Jurgis Pakerys, Björn Wiemer (68) (būdavo vilkų ir mama vis bijodavo, sakydavo:) vil.kas gá.l ti jau.nú.-neš kur má.na. vaĩ.ku. / į dė.kui dievui nė (Plš). ‘(There used to be wolves and my mom was afraid and she would say:) “A wolf probably carried away my child”. Thanks God, it did not happen.’ 3.2.2.3. varyti : nu-varyti ‘to drive (an animal) somewhere’ (away from the deictic centre) Simplex: infinitive, past tense; present tense; prefixed derivative: past tense: (69) išė.na raĩ.ke arkli:s va---/ vari.t jau mú.m // taĩ.má.na. tę́:ų---/ až̌.gi tai vaĩ.kaz buuáu/ tik tę́:vas nuvá.re. tu.á.rkli.// dáu.k/ vi.sas ká.imas mús vá.re. (DglŠ). ‘And we had to drive (to give away) the horse (for the army). And my father, I was still a child, my father drove that horse (there), everybody from our village drove horses (there).’ 3.2.2.4. vežti : at-vežti ‘to drive, to bring, to deliver here’ (i.e. toward the the deictic centre) Simplex: present tense (negated, habitual); prefixed derivative: future: (70) taĩ.asima.kė́j / tá.u atvėš namó. [...] alè alè ale.gi tiktai.na.s tá.u nė. vežà gerǹ:s / tá.u atvėš ka.kiõ.gi va puvė.se. (DglŠ). ‘If you pay, then he will deliver you (the fire wood) home. [...] But he does not deliver good (fire-wood), he will bring you some piece of rotten wood.’ 3.2.2.5. vežti : nu-vežti ‘to drive (sb, sth) there’ (i.e. away from the deictic centre) Both simplex and prefixed derivative: past tense: (71) mùs į pačùž gi kàp sílpni bù.va.m / manì gi i bró.li. / taĩ ǐr.gi ná.kti. vė.žie / *ceikiñússan va [...] in kù.nigu (Plš). 80 Building a partial aspect system in East Aukštaitian Vilnius dialects ‘When we, me and my brother, were weak (newborn), they drove us also to Ceikiniai, to the priest (to baptize)’ (72) mès kǫṗ èjã.m (namo) i mù(s) stã.cei iñ šitũ pɔ.ļi.ciṅku. [...] (sulai-kè) i nù. vežie. mùs paļ.cijǫn (DgLŠ). ‘When we were going home, the policemen were on our way [...] they (arrested us) and drove us to the police station.’ 3.2.3. Intransitive change of state verbs 3.2.3.1. aušti : [iš-aušti] ‘to dawn’ Narrative present tense: (73) bù.ʋa. šǫ:kei / ti netà:li [...]. nù i nuvejãu // atajãu jáu gi zã.ra dienà ãušta (Vīd). ‘There was dancing (party) not far from here. I went there, came back and (I see that) the day already dawns.’ The simplex aušti here denotes a telic process. A prefixed derivative denoting the correlating telic event could not be found, but was confirmed by the informants. 3.2.3.2. daryti-s : pa-si-daryti ‘to come into being’ Simplex: infinitive (74); prefixed derivative: present tense, habitual (75): (74) kɑ(p) pradé.jãu / šviesà darí.tes/ jãu ļī(k) ká.rve.s śniegī gi sliedē.lei (pradėjo matytis) (DgLŠ). ‘When the day light started to come into being (when it began to dawn), one could already see the track of the cow in the snow.’ (75) tai tadù stó-ja. dù žmǫ:ni.s // tai šitũ. žmã.nũ. tadù vaikái. / vaikái. rasipí.la. / vat pazdá.ra. šē.ma.s (DgLŠ). ‘Then two people started living together, then they had many children, and then (new) families (of the children) come into being.’ In (74) darytis is in the scope of the phasal verb pradėti ‘to begin’ and denotes a process. Since it denotes a change of state, its meaning is telic. In (75), the derivative pasidaryti is clearly oriented toward a telic event. 81 Jurgis Pakerys, Björn Wiemer 3.2.3.3. džiūti : iš-džiūti ‘to dry (up)’ (intrans.) Simplex: past tense; prefixed derivative: present tense (narrative, habitual): (76) rã.ke sakít (tokį užkalbėjimą) ẽja. * jėzus jis keliù / susitì.ka. trīs rɔžės / vienà žū.vv. / antrà vī.ta. / uɔ tračė visaĩ prani̇ka. (Plš). ‘One has to say (the following incantation): “Jesus was on his way, and he met three roses, one was drying up, another one was wilting, and the third one disappeared altogether.”’ (77) pí.rma juós nurd.umi // tadù va sustataĩ / va ši.te va ši.ta.keĩs ku.lū. kai(s) sustataĩ sustataĩ jāū ižžū.sta / taĩ tedù / sú.vežą.gi jāū ti klu-nūsan (Vīd). ‘First, you root up the flax, then you put it in small bundles, and then it dries up, then they bring it to the barn.’ Compare with the corresponding causative pair džioventi : išdžioventi (group 1). 3.2.3.4. [gelsti] : iš-gelsti ‘to turn yellow’ Participle praet. act. nom. pl. masc.: (78) vá.ikščė.dava. die.vū.li višī ižgel.ti./ utielū. apstò.ti (Vīd). ‘My God, they used to walk all yellowish and they had louses.’ According to our informants, gelsti can be used only with the telic meaning, contrary to geltonuoti. 3.2.3.5. [geltonuoti] : su-geltonuoti ‘to turn yellow’ Participle praet. act. nom. sg. masc.: (79) į.pervá.sar ká.rves adgā.na. vaĩ.kas ši.ta(s) sugeltš.na.vi.s (Vīd). ‘And that kid, all yellowish (due to hard labour), pastures the cows during all summer.’ According to the informants, geltonuoti can have stative ‘to be, to look yellow’ or progressive-telic meaning ‘to turn yellow’. 82 Building a partial aspect system in East Aukštaitian Vilnius dialects 3.2.3.6. [gisti] : aż-gisti ‘to go out (about fire)’ Participle praet. act. neutr.: (80) paškáũ ãi.na ãi.na ta.lãu / rañ.da trẽ.cu. kã.tilu. // jáũ.ti ku.rí.nta i. ažgĩ.si. (DGLŠ). ‘And then he goes further and finds the third caldron, and the fire is already out (under it).’ Gisti is confirmed by the informants and attested in LKŽe from locations close to Vidiškės, Daugėliškis and Palūšė (although the infinitive, according to LKŽe, is gýsti in Dūkštas, Linkmenys, Rimšė). 3.2.3.7. [mažinti-s] : su-si-mažinti ‘to decrease (of number, quantity)’ (intrans.) Past tense: (81) paskui gi jau / jáu cè kai kã.rai šitìe pradždéja. visi / taĩ,tedu tiẽ gi i cigõ:nai susmã.žinã. (VID) ‘And then when these wars broke out, the number of Roma decreased.’ Mažintis is not attested in the texts, but cf. LKŽe, where this verb has telic meaning: Kap vištos tūpia (perĩ), tai kiaušiniai mažìnas, tuoj visai nebus (Leipalingis). The informants describe it as rarely used; cf. [mažinti] : sumažinti (tr.) (see first group above). 3.2.3.8. [nykti] : iš-/pra-nykti ‘to disappear, to vanish’ Past tense (with either prefix): (82) (kai) ã.ni.z.gi (vagys) jáu uščuvã:/ kat ã.nas vẽ.jas// taĩ kã.rvi. inpušė.bl. prí.rišė./ pã.ti.s išnĩ.kã. (DGLŠ) ‘(When) they (the thieves) realized, that he is following them, they tethered the cow to the pine and dissapeared (ran away).’ (83) raĩ.ke sakìt (tokį užkalbėjimą) ẽ.ja. * jėzus jus keliu / susiti.ka. tris rɔžės / vienã žũ.vv. / antrã vĩ.ta. / u tračė visai pranĩ.ka. (PLŠ). ‘One has to say (the following incantation): “Jesus was on his way, 83 Jurgis Pakerys, Björn Wiemer and he met three roses, one was drying up, another one was wilting, and the third one disappeared altogether.” Nykti ‘to disappear, to diminish’ is not found in the texts, but confirmed by the informants. The difference between išnykti and pranykti is not clear, due to the lack of examples. 3.2.3.9. prausti-s : pa-si-prausti ‘to wash oneself (up)’ Simplex: past tense (84); prefixed derivative: participle praet. act. nom. sg. masc. (85): (84) taī vé.lnēs [...] ųu.pē.li. pū.si. vā.landa.s prāūse.s mir.ka. undeni. (DGlŠ). ‘And the devil was washing himself up in the stream for half an hour and was soaking in the water’ (85) atá.ja. á.naõs iš.pirtės jāū pasprāū.si.s šī.ta(s) šuvėj.as (DGlŠ). ‘He, that taylor, came from the steam bath house having washed himself up.’ 3.2.3.10. [tais(yti-s] : pa-si-tais(yti ‘to get better, to recover (from illness)’ Present tense (habitual): (86) taī jɔ. bã·bɔ kap apsar·ga/ [...] taī kàp jāū vištienā.s me.šā.s pavā·lgā./ tadū / pastāi.sā. (DGlŠ). ‘When his wife gets sick, [...] and when she gets some chicken meat to eat, she gets better.’ The simplex taisytis is confirmed by the informants. 3.2.3.11. temti (timti) : su-temti (su-timti) ‘to get dark’ Simplex: narrative present tense (87); prefixed derivative: past tense (88): (87) kai ganāū (tada) aṣ sā.va. gi·vūlus/ tai (matau, kad) dabar gi jāū tī.msta (PlŠ). ‘I was pasturing my cattle (back then), and (I see that) it is getting dark already’. 84 Building a partial aspect system in East Aukštaitian Vilnius dialects (88) atvažā: *ká.lvesalin //ti pa. *ignalinu [...] ká.imas// bé.ŋ grā.ǰa. grāǰa.ti jāu kū./ kie(g) grā.ǰa./ ku. dá.re.// tadū jāu. skaī.tai / i sutīma. (DGLŠ). ‘They arrived in Kalvėsalis, a village close to Ignalina, and they played the music, and it got dark.’ The simplex cannot be used with reference to a state (‘to be dark’). It therefore behaves like gelsti, but not like geltonuoti (see above). 3.2.4. Social / mental activities The verbs of this subsection refer to mental and social events. It was hardly possible to verify whether simplex verbs of this subgroup can denote ongoing processes, although it is plausible to assume that at least some of them can (e.g., 1derintis ‘to accommodate oneself’, mokytis ‘to learn’, taikyti ‘to reconcile’). 3.2.4.1. 3daryti : pa-daryti ‘to organize, to arrange (party), to prepare’ Simplex: past tense (89), narrative past tense (habitual) (90); prefixed derivative: past habitual (91): (89) mez dabar dá.re.m vesé.lu.// ketureždėšimdeviñtai.s mé.tais (DGLŠ). ‘We were arranging our wedding party in 1949’. (90) į dá.re.m špektaklius// *žemā.ities rašt.tj.s išm.davau knī.gu.// jō:s ti aprašīta tə-ki idā.mus [...] (PLŠ). ‘And we did (staged) performances, we used to take some book of Žemaitė, she has some good stories.‘ (91) nù e. až pa--- / pá.skaitas būdava. padarī.davau/ tai ape. švīn.tu. *kazi.mieru. papá.saka.davau (PLŠ). ‘And I used to prepare and give lectures, I used to tell them stories about St. Casimir.’ 3.2.4.2. derėti-s : su-derėti ‘to bargain, to make a bargain’ Simplex: narrative present tense (habitual) (92); prefixed derivative: present tense (habitual) (93): 85 Jurgis Pakerys, Björn Wiemer (92) zajiedli bū.ūd. vírai // jāu bró/ į tiek dé.raž.gi/ į kap dé.ras/ į kiek kas dúot/ į kap dúot (DglŠ). ‘The men were hard (on bargaining). Oh man, they bargain a lot on how much, how and what has to be given’. (93) im.dava. tarná.ut [...] // nu tai / tai kiek sú.dera gi kiek pũ.du./ ti tiek į ma.kiédava. (Vid). ‘They used to to hire [...], and they used to pay the number of poods (of grain) which they agree (had agreed) upon.’ 3.2.4.3. [¹derinti-s] : da-si-derinti ‘to accomodate oneself to sb, to get into close contact with sb’ Present tense (habitual): (94) tai ă.nas nevā.gdavā. ū.baga. // išēina kur vargūolā./ ale [vā.gdavā.] kur įn.pā.nu. dazdé.rina (DglŠ). ‘He would not rob a poor man, but he would rob when he could get close to some rich man.’ Derintis and derinti are confirmed by the informants of the dialect. Cf. also LKŽe ‘to try to accomodate oneself to somebody’: Marti kiek galėdama prie visų derinasi (The daughter-in-law tries to accommodate herself to everyone as well as she can (Geistarai)). See also derinti(s) : paderinti immediately below. 3.2.4.4. [²derinti(-s)] : pa-derinti ‘to catch, choose a moment’ Participle praet. act. nom. sg. masc.: (95) tai šl.tas [...] ti kadù padé.rini.s muž.mentu./ inlin.dā. / palū.ve.n (DglŠ). ‘And he [...] once caught a moment and got under the bed’. Derinti(s) is not found in the texts, and no adequate meaning is provided in LKŽe either18. Derintis and derinti are confirmed by the informants of the dialect; compare with ¹derinti : dasiderinti. 18 Cf. LKŽe, where derinti is recorded in a meaning close to ketinti ‘to have plans, to be going to’: Šitą vištą dėrinam pjaut (‘We are going to kill this hen’) (Dusetos). One example comes from Daugelīškis: Dievas dėrina sušaldyt visus (‘The God is going to freeze everyone’). 86 Building a partial aspect system in East Aukštaitian Vilnius dialects 3.2.4.5. [2kavoti] : pa-kavoti ‘to bury’ Past tense: (96) į vaikų(s) sapti̇˙nus turá.u [...] / e. kė.turùs pakavó.u (DGlŠ). ‘I had seven children [...] and I burried four of them.’ The simplex kavoti is confirmed by the informants, cf.: Šiandien kavoja Juozapą (‘The funeral of Juozapas is held today’). 3.2.4.6. laikyti : at-/iš-laikyti (mišias) ‘to serve (the Mass)’ Both simplex and prefixed derivative (at-laikyti): narrative present tense (habitual). Simplex also: past habitual (97). Derivative with prefix {iš}: infinitive (98), with prefix {at}: present tense (narrative): (97) lęj.kiškai pá.maldas và laiki˙dava.// dešimti˙ và.lundu. [...] (PLŠ). ‘At 10 a.m., they used to serve the Mass in Polish’. (98) tai vàt / bù.ųà. vagis // tai.ą.nas mã.kieja. / į.mišęs išlaikìt // [...] tai.ą.nas [...] priši.meta kat ą.nas kú.nigas/ [...] nù i mi.šu. atlaï-ka./ nu tai tadù nuzdabója kur pinigai / (ir pavagia) (DGlŠ). ‘There was a thief who knew how to serve the Mass. He [...] pretends to be a priest [...] he serves the Mass, and then finds out where the money is (and steals it).’ We could not establish any noticeable difference between atlaikyti and išlaikyti, both verbs are attested in the same passage of the text. 3.2.4.7. mokyti : iš-mokyti ‘to teach’ Simplex: past habitual (99); prefixed derivative: future, past tense (100): (99) par mùz bū.ųà. ká.jimi vienà mɔ.terá.le./ tai.ana mus mɔ˙ki.davɔ. skaitìt maldá.kni.gie (PLŠ). ‘There was a woman in our village who used to teach us to read a prayer book’. 87 Jurgis Pakerys, Björn Wiemer (100) meš ńó·ri eš tāū išmó·ki.su vα i. nuɔ kìrme.lē:s kalbē:t i. / i.nuɔ ákú. vα // taĩ išmó·kie anà mani (Plš). ‘If you want, I will teach you the incantation against worms or (the evil) eyes, and she taught me.’ Compare with mokytis : išsimokyti immediately below. 3.2.4.8. mokyti-s : iš-si-mokyti ‘to learn’ Simplex: infinitive (101); prefixed derivative: past tense (102): (101) dá.rba. má.n né.raikie. jéška.t/ aš dá.rbu. namie turé.jau// galé.u su, ta.tukù.gi ká.lt galé.u// mó·ki.tis ká.lt (Plš). ‘There was no need for me to look for a job, I had a lot to do at home, I could do smithery with my dad, (I could) learn smithery.’ (102) padabó·davau padabó·davau i / dā.bì.ški. parš·di.dava. / krì.kštama.-me. nù.i. isimó·kâu (austi ir verpti) (Plš). ‘I would look (how other women spin and weave), and my godmother would show me a bit, and (this way) I learned (to spin and to weave).’ 3.2.4.9. pasakoti : pa-pasakoti ‘to tell a story’ Simplex: past habitual (103); prefixed derivative: future (104): (103) cè.pavardie bū.ùa. pirmā ne. *kù.jiškie / ale *kù.nigiškie / a.hā. / *kù.-nigiškie// ale kai cè bū.ùa. má.na. tievai / taĩ má.n tievai pạ.saka. dava. (DGLš). ‘Earlier, this village was called not Kūjiškė, but Kunigiškė, but (it was earlier) when my parents (lived there) and they used to tell me a story (why the name changed).’ (104) na. kù. aš jú.m papó·saka.su sanó·ve.i // jāu ka(s) sanó·ve.i bū.-ùā. / daugāũ nebegrì·š (DGLš). ‘What will I tell you (about the past?), what was in the past, it will not come back any more.’ 88 Building a partial aspect system in East Aukštaitian Vilnius dialects 3.2.4.10. [rinkti-s] : iš-si-rinkti ‘to choose’ Imperative, past tense: (105) dabaṙ isirūṅ.k in v̇i.sa. tuṙ.gaus á.rkli // kurès tá.u patiks [...] // bá.ba isirūj.ka. / ažma.kė ážu.ši.tu. á.rkli. (DGLŠ). ‘(And he says:) „Now choose any horse you like in the market”. And the (old) woman chose one and he paid for it.’ The informants confirm that the simplex rinktis is also used. 3.2.4.11. skaityti : pra-skaityti ‘to read (through)’ Simplex: past habitual (106); prefixed derivative: past tense (107): (106) tėvas labai skaitīdava. knī.gu. dauk (Plš). ‘My father used to read a lot of books’ (107) tik á. timinti. turė.davau/ jau.ku. praskaicāũ kas ceká.va to. nežmiršu (DGLŠ). ‘I had good memory and what I read through and what I found interesting, I will not forget.’ 3.2.4.12. taikyti : su-taikyti ‘to reconcile’ Simplex: past tense; prefixed derivative: future: (108) dabaṙ taz.ġne. ġne/ tá.ike. tá.ike. / kuṙ tū vé.linu. su bá.bu sutá.i-ki.si (DGLŠ). ‘And he tried to separate them, tried to reconcile them. How can you reconcile a(n) (old) woman with the devil!’ Here the progressive (maybe even conative) function of the simplex is strengthened by the reduplication. 3.2.4.13. tikrinti : pa-tikrinti ‘to check, to verify’ Simplex: narrative present (109); prefixed derivative: infinitive (110): (109) išė.na ti. krina / ar tū miegi // kap arklì:s tuūpsi/ tái / tái ar tū mie-gi (DGLŠ). 89 JURGIS PAKERYS, BJORN WIEMER ‘And it follows that that he is checking if you are asleep by tramping like a horse’ (110) dabár atá.ja. rú.su. laikáũs pé.kla.n raví.zija kap i vĩ.sadu patì.krint / ka(p).pé.kla.i kà:kè tvarkà (DGLŠ). ‘During the Russian (Soviet) times, the inspection committee came to hell to check the order.’ 4. CONCLUSIONS In the present paper we have been interested in establishing a representative sample of pairs of verbs which correspond to each other morphologically as simplex and prefixed derivative. Since in these cases prefixation does not lead to a change in lexical meaning, they can be considered as good candidates of gradual-terminative aspect pairs. We saw that their qualification as GTER pairs crucially hinges upon whether the simplex is able to denote a telic process. Very often we were unable to find appropriate examples, and not always replies from informants rendered satisfying results, either. An even more serious problem arises if we ask whether the two morphologically correlated stems are distributed complementarily over temporal (and other) functions. No such tendency could be disclosed, but the restrictedness of our data should prevent us from any more far-reaching assumptions in this regard. What we can however affirm is the following. Prefixed stems are often used to denote habitual events, both in the context of past tense and present tense forms (sometimes marked additionally by the past habitual form būdavo ‘(it) used to be/happen’); compare ex. 10, 14, 19, 25, 28, 30, 31, 51, 75, 77, 86, 93, 94, 98. Although simplex stems are also encountered in this function, their prefixed derivatives seem to be used in the present tense only for the purpose of denoting iterated (in particular, habitual) e v e n t s; in these cases processes (or states) are excluded. An analogous observation was made already in Kardelis/Wiemer (2002: 63f.) on the basis of a broader area of Eastern Lithuanian dialects with reference to verbs denoting speech acts and various ways of talking. These verbs predominantly belonged to other ILA classes than GTER. These observations taken together make us inclined to assume that, if simplex stems by prefixation render extended stems with identical lexical 90 Building a partial aspect system in East Aukštaitian Vilnius dialects meanings, the prefixed member of the pair is ‘perfective’ in the sense that it is restricted to events, whereas the simplex verbs are functionally much less constrained (and thus aspectually diffuse). Nonetheless, as far as we can judge, this aspectual specialization of prefixed derivatives has not led to a complementary distribution of functions, as it would be required if these productive processes of morphological pairings rendered true aspect pairs. Apart from this, the following conclusions can be drawn from the analyzed textual material: 1) Many simplex stems can be prefixed with {pa}. They mostly were not attested in the texts, but given by informants on request. More often than not these derivatives denote a merely temporal delimitation of atelic processes (named by the simplex stems), e.g. pa-arpūti ‘to winnow grain (for some time)’. Exceptions are sodinti ⇒ pa-sodinti in the meaning ‘to plant’ and kelti ⇒ pa-kelti ‘to wake up, raise’. However, since with the latter the progressive function of the simplex seems doubtful, the pair kelti—pakelti should rather be considered as belonging to the TTER class (i.e. both members of the pair denote the same event). 2) In connection with this we can observe that simplex stems are often diffuse (underdetermined) with regard to telicity. Their telic vs. atelic interpretation correlates with differences in prefixation: {pa}, as a rule, renders atelic derivatives, other prefixes, e.g. {iš}, telic ones. Cf. the remarks, for instance, on austi ‘to weave’, džioventi ‘to dry’ (trans.), kepti ‘to bake’, valyti ‘to clean (up)’. 3) In contrast to the previous group, a couple of simplex stems are inherently telic, so that prefixation does not add this feature to the stem. Corresponding stem pairs are ideal cases of GTER pairs. See, for instance, braukti ‘to scutch, wipe’, 1daryti ‘to lock up’, 2daryti ‘to produce’, ruoštis ‘to prepare oneself’, ūgenti ‘to raise children’, gelsti ‘to turn yellow’, temti ‘to get dark’. 4) A few verbs from this latter group show enantiosemy, which can be disambiguated by different prefixes. Here belong autis ‘to put on/off footwear’, kinkyti ‘to harness/unharness (a horse)’, possibly also rišti(s) ‘to tether/untether’. 91 Jurgis Pakerys, Bjorn Wiemer Table 1. 1. Verbs with directly affected / effected objects 1. [arpūti] : iš-arpūti ‘to winnow (out)’ 2. austi : iš-austi ‘to weave’ 3. [auts] : ap-sı-auti ‘to put on footwear’ 4. braukti : iš-brauktı̄ ‘to scutch (out), swingle’ 5. ¹daryti : āž-daryti ‘to close, to lock up’ 6. ²daryti : pa-daryti ‘to make, produce’ 7. [džioventi] : iš-džioventi ‘to dry (up)’ (transitive) 8. [galabyti] . nu-galabyti ‘to kill’ 9. ginti : raz-ginti ‘to separate, to drive away’ 10. karti : pa-karti ‘to hang, to string’ 11. [¹kavoti] : pa-kavoti ‘to hide’ 12. kelti : pa-kelti ‘to wake up’ (transitive) 13. kepti : iš-kepti ‘to bake’ 14. [kinkyti] : pa-kinkyti ‘to harness’ 15. kulti : [iš-kulti] / nu-kulti ‘to thresh’ 16. kūrenti : iš-kūrenti ‘to heat (a stove)’ 17. kurti : āžu-kurti ‘to make up the fire’ 18[mažinti] : su-mažinti ‘to decrease (tr.)’ 19. melžti : pa-melžti ‘to milk’ 20. minti : iš-minti ‘to break (flax)’ 21. [mūryti] : [iš-mūryti] ‘to build of bricks’ 22. plauti : [iš-plauti] ‘to wipe (floor), to wash (clothes)’ 23. [ruošti] : pa-ruošti ‘to prepare’ 24. rišti : pri-rišti ‘to tether’ 25. seti : pa-seti ‘to sow’ 26. [sodinti] : pa-sodinti ‘to place, to put (into prison)’ 27. statyti : pa-statyti ‘to build, to erect’ 28. šukuoti : iš-šukuoti ‘to hatchel, hackel (flax)’ 29. [tapyti] : nu-tapyti ‘to deceive, to cause sb’s bad life’ 30. tvarkyti : su-tvarkyti ‘to put in order, to take care of, to repair’ 31. ūgenti : už-ūgenti ‘to bring up kids’ 32. valyti : iš-valyti ‘to clean (up)’ 92 Building a partial aspect system in East Aukštaitian Vilnius dialects Continuation of table 1 2. Motion verbs 1. Verbs of self motion 1. eiti ‘to go’ : ata-eiti ‘to come’ 2. [eiti] ‘to go’ : į-eiti ‘to go in’ 3. eiti ‘to go’ : nu-eiti ‘to go, to get somewhere (on foot)’ 4. joti ‘to ride on the horseback’ : at-joti ‘to come on the horseback’ 5. lipti ‘to climb, to get on’ : už-lipti ‘to climb up, to get on’ 6. [važiuoti] ‘to drive’ : at-važi(u)oti ‘to get, to drive here’ (i.e. toward the deictic centre) 7. važiuoti ‘to get somewhere, to drive’ : nu-važi(u)oti ‘to get, to drive there’ (i.e. away from the deictic centre) 2. Verbs of causative motion 1. [nešti] ‘to carry’ : at(a)-nešti ‘to bring (here)’ 2. nešti ‘to carry’ nu-nešti ‘to bring (there)’ 3. varyti : nu-varyti ‘to drive (an animal) somewhere’ (away from the deictic centre) 4. vežti : at-vežti ‘to drive, to bring, to deliver here’ (i.e. toward the deictic centre) 5. vežti : nu-vežti ‘to drive (sb, sth) there’ (i.e. away from the deictic centre) 3. Intransitive change of state verbs 1. aušti : [iš-aušti] ‘to dawn’ 2. daryti-s : pa-si-daryti ‘to come into being’ 3. džiūti : iš-džiūti ‘to dry (up)’ (intrans.) 4. [gelsti] : iš-gelsti ‘to turn yellow’ 5. [geltonuoti] : su-geltonuoti ‘to turn yellow’ 6. [gisti] : až-gisti ‘to go out (about fire)’ 7. [mažinti-s] : su-si-mažinti ‘to decrease (of number, quantity)’ (intrans.) 8. [nykti] , iš-/pra-nykti ‘to disappear, to vanish’ 9. prausti-s : pa-si-prausti ‘to wash oneself (up)’ 10. [taisyti-s] : pa-si-taisyti ‘to get better, to recover (from illness)’ 11. temti (tumti) : su-temti (su-timti) ‘to get dark’ 4. Social / mental activities 1. derėti-s : su-derėti ‘to bargain, to make a bargain’ 2. ³daryti : pa-daryti ‘to organize, to arrange (party), to prepare’ 3. [’derinti-s] : da-si-derinti ‘to accommodate oneself to sb, to get into close contact with sb’ 93 Jurgis Pakerys, Björn Wiemer Continuation of table 1 4. [2derinti(-s)] : pa-derinti ‘to catch, choose a moment’ 5. [2kavoti] : pa-kavoti ‘to bury’ 6. laikyti : at-/iš-laikyti (mišias) ‘to serve (the Mass)’ 7. mokyti : iš-mokyti ‘to teach’ 8. mokyti-s : iš-si-mokyti ‘to learn’ 9. pasakoti : pa-pasakoti ‘to tell a story’ 10. [rinkti-s] : iš-si-rinkti ‘to choose’ 11. skaityti : pra-skaityti ‘to read (through)’ 12. taikyti : su-taikyti ‘to reconcile’ 13. tikrinti : pa-tikrinti ‘to check, to verify’ ABBREVIATIONS AND SYMBOLS Dglš Daugeliškis LKŽe Lietuvių kalbos žodynas (t. I–XX, 1941–2002), elektroninis variantas, redaktorių kolegija: G. Naktinienė (vyr. redaktorė), J. Paulauskas, R. Petrokienė, V. Vitkauskas, J. Zabarskaitė, Vilnius: Lietuvių kalbos institutas, http://www.lkz.lt Plš Palušė Vid Vidiškės ⇒ ⇐ direction of morphological operation (stem derivation) intrans. intransitive stem trans. transitive stem pf., ipf. perfective, imperfective (aspect, stem – regarding Slavic) ILA-CLASSES 1) simple classes : ACTI ‘activity’ RSTA ‘relatively stative’ TSTA ‘totally stative’ TTER ‘totally terminative’ 2) complex classes: 94 Building a partial aspect system in East Aukštaitian Vilnius dialects GTER ‘gradual terminative’ ISTA ‘inceptive stative’ INCO ‘inchoative’ REFERENCES Bacevičiūtė, R., Ivanauskiene, A., Leskauskaite, A., Trumpa, E. 2004: Lietuvių kalbos tarmių chrestomatija. Vilnius: Lietuvių kalbos institutas. Bermel, N. 1997: Context and the Lexicon in the Development of Russian Aspect. Berkeley–Los Angeles–London: University of California Press. Breu, W. 1996: Komponentenmodell der Interaktion von Lexik und Aspekt. In: W. Girke, ed., Slavistische Linguistik 1995. München: Sagner, 37–74. 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