Building a partial aspect system in East Aukštaitian Vilnius dialects of Lithuanian: Correlations between telic and activity verbs

Acta Linguistica Lithuanica LVII (2007), 45 — 97 Building a partial aspect system in East Aukštaitian Vilnius dialects of Lithuanian: Correlations between telic and activity verbs* JURGIS PAKERYS Vilniaus universitetas BJORN WIEMER Johannes-Gutenberg-Universitūt Mainz This paper is a pilot study based on tape-recorded and transcribed Lithuanian dialectal texts (from the northern part of the East Aukstaitian Vilnius dia- lect group) to investigate the correlation between telic and activity verbs. We analyzed morphologically correlated (prefixed and unprefixed) verbal stems which are potential members of “gradual-terminative” (GTER) verb pairs. We conclude that the prefixed members of the pairs are ‘perfec- tive’ in the sense that they are restricted to events, whereas the simplex verbs are functionally much less constrained (and thus aspectually dif- fuse). Nonetheless, this aspectual specialization of prefixed derivatives has not led to a complementary distribution of functions, as it would be required if these productive processes of morphological pairing yielded true aspect pairs. 0. INTRODUCTION The morphological structure of Lithuanian verbs is very similar to that of Slavic ones, because it is based on stem derivation (see Figure 1). Since the immediate Slavic contact languages of Lithuanian belong to East Slavic (Be- larusian, Russian) and West Slavic (Polish in its local varieties, comprised by the name ‘polszczyzna kresowa’), which are all characterized by a fully de- * The research was done as a part of the project LITTERA: Lithuanian national identity in the context of cultural dialogue in 16th-20th century funded by the Lithuanian State Science and Studies Foundation. We would like to thank dr. Vytautas Kardelis and Daiva Kardelyte-Grineviciené for the dialectal texts and numerous comments on the material. 45 JURGIS PAKERYS, BJORN WIEMER veloped opposition of perfective vs. imperfective aspect (pf. : ipf.), it comes as a natural assumption that Lithuanian has developed such an opposition, too. For sure, it should be admitted that local Slavic varieties — in particular the ‘polszczyzna kresowa’ just mentioned and Belarusian dialects bordering on or even reaching into Lithuanian speaking territory — have experienced reverse influences from Lithuanian, on the substrate of which they most probably developed. However, as far as we can judge on the basis of both the literature on the subject and fieldwork done by ourselves, these Slavic varieties do not exhibit any considerable differences in their aspect systems (“measured” either by functional oppositions or the way aspect pairs are formed) in comparison to Polish or Belarusian varieties outside this contact area. Of course, this complicated and hitherto neglected issue requires sys- tematic investigation on the basis of reliable data. Since this cannot be the task of the present article, we, for the time being, have to leave open the question of mutual impact in the domain of verbal morphology and gram- matical opposition between Lithuanian and Slavic varieties in contact with each other. On first sight, the assumption formulated above is confirmed by the ob- servation that stem derivation in Lithuanian appears to be even more pro- ductive than in the surrounding Slavic languages. There have indeed been numerous attempts to show that Lithuanian has grammatical aspect as have the latter ones, often by just projecting functional principles of the Russian aspect system onto Lithuanian. However, the expression of aspectually rel- evant oppositions in Lithuanian is considerably less grammaticalized than it is in its nearest Slavic neighbours, even if we admit that aspect oppositions can at least in part be based on other functional distinctions than in Russian or Polish (cf. Wiemer 2002: ch. 4.1). To show this it does not suffice to look at morphology itself; the stem-der- ivational nature of Slavic aspect does not belong to the canonical examples of grammaticalization, which, first of all, include processes of morphologi- zation. Slavic aspect as well as the “half-way” grammaticalized Lithuanian aspectual derivation can be adequately described only if we understand it as a process of tightening of temporal (and other) functions paralleled by a consequent re-distribution of morphologically related and lexically identical stems that are mapped onto opposite functional values (cf. Wiemer 2002: 4.1.2; 2003: 41-45; 2006; 2008). Looked at from this perspective, the de- 46 Building a partial aspect system in East Aukštaitian Vilnius dialects gree of grammaticalization should be “measured” on the basis of how far morphological operations fulfil the following criteria, which originate from Lehmann (1999: 208): (a) With regard to the lexical stems of a given syntactic class (noun, verb, etc.) the distribution of grammatical markers (here: derivational affixes) has reached its maximum. (b) Both formal distinctions (here: derivation patterns) and functions are obligatory. (c) The formal distinctions consist of regular oppositions. (d) The functions are maximally abstract (i.e., in our case, they involve not only aspectual oppositions proper, but also modal, illocutionary and textual ones). How this applies in the evolution of an aspect system, will be further discussed in 1.1. The assertion that Lithuanian has not grammaticalized stem-derivational aspect to a degree comparable to its nearest Slavic neighbours holds for any variety of Lithuanian, even for those dialects which have been in immediate contact with (or even surrounded by) Slavic, usually Belarusian, varieties as, e.g., the extinct dialect of Dzjatlava (Lith. Zietela), or the moribund dialects of Peljasa (Lith. Pelesa) and Harvjaty (Lith. Gervėčiai). All these varieties fail to pass at least some stronger criteria, first of all: they lack complementary functional distribution between morphologically related stems with identi- cal lexical meaning (= criterion (b) above); neither are these stems apt to functional neutralization in clearly definable contexts (for the standard language cf. Wiemer 2001: 39-45; 2002: 4.1.2.8; Kardelis & Wiemer 2002: 63-65, 78). These criteria are not met, for instance, in the dialect of Dzjat- lava, as far as can be inferred from dictionary data (cf. Kardelis & Wiemer 2003: 59-64), but also from specialized in-depth descriptions (cf. Vidugiris 1961; 1998), which anyway lack a theory of aspect and its interaction with lexical units (stems). In order to better understand what has really been going on in different varieties of Lithuanian, it proves to be mandatory to turn to the analysis of texts, i. e. to coherent speech tape-recorded in as spontaneous circumstances as possible. Only richer contexts supplied by coherent discourse give a suf- ficient guarantee for a reliable enough “check” of temporal and other prop- erties of different verb forms which are relevant for a qualified judgment 47 JURGIS PAKERYS, BJORN WIEMER on the degree of grammaticalization of aspect distinctions in a particular variety. Since such work has never been done before on Lithuanian data, and since a reliable judgement concerning the functional oppositions distin- guished by morphologically related stems would actually require a thorough investigation of a large amount of verbs belonging to different aspectually sensitive classes (see 1.2), we decided to begin such a work by restricting ourselves, first, to one aspectual class, namely: to telic verbs correlated with activities (see 1.3, section 3), and, second, to one clearly delimited dialect area (see section 1). In this respect, the present article is a pilot study. A sim- ilar study, though on a broader dialectal basis and concentrating on other aspectual classes, was published as Kardelis & Wiemer (2002). This study and the present one share the same theoretical foundations and pursue the same research goals. The article is structured as follows. First, we will dwell on the question how aspect oppositions marked by stem derivation can arise. In connection with this we will discuss the derivational patterns and the functions which a full-fledged aspect opposition should display (see 1.1). After that we will give a general idea of the ILA-theory (‘Interaktion von Lexik und Aspekt’), which has been developed by Walter Breu in a couple of publications since the late 1980s (1.2) and which will be applied by us to Lithuanian dialectal data. In 1.3 we will focus on the correlation of telic verbs with verbs denot- ing activities. This correlation is of particular significance for a derivational aspect system, since telic and correlated activity verb stems can easily render “gradual-terminative” (GTER) verb pairs, which give a starting point in the rise of such an aspect system. This type of “pairing” between morphological- ly correlated stems will become the proper subject of the main part, namely: the analysis of potential GTER pairs in the material (section 3). Before this data section we will give some general information on the dialects investi- gated, the type of data used and the way they were collected and prepared for linguistic analysis (section 2). Section 4 gives some conclusions. 48 Building a partial aspect system in East Aukštaitian Vilnius dialects 1. BUILDING AN ASPECT SYSTEM VIA STEM DERIVATION 1.1. General outline: morphological patterns and aspectual classes In general, we speak of grammatical aspect in all cases in which there is a stable correlation between oppositions of verb forms and their functions concerning the inherent temporal structure of situations. Notice that such an opposition can involve not only verb forms organized into a paradigm in the usual sense, i.e. as a set of inflected forms applied to the same stem (simple or affixed)’, but it may also consist in a regular relation between two stems of which one is derived from the other (see Fig. 1 below). In any case grammatical aspect is to become manifest in morphology. For this rea- son, so-called “aspectual composition”, often described in formal semantics, should not be considered as an instantiation of grammatical aspect. This is a matter of aspectual interpretation only on clause level. Consequently, the labels ‘perfective’ : ‘imperfective’ (verbs, aspect) will be used strictly as indications of the grammatical status of verbs (verb forms), not in a purely semantic sense. This accepted, aspect markers should be treated as operators on the lexi- cal content of verb stems, which, in turn, should be viewed as operanda. Such an operator—operandum relationship holds regardless of the morpho- logical form by which aspect oppositions are expressed, i.e. whether these forms have an inflectional status or not, or whether they are coded by bound or free morphemes (cf. also Breu 2007: 138-141). What we thus need is a theory of grammatical aspect which takes into account the interaction be- tween morphological marking devices and the lexical meaning of verbs, and which allows to group the inventory of lexical verb stems (as the operanda) with reference to the “output” received from the application of aspect mark- ers (as the operators). Up to date there are several such theories, and essen- tially all of them are based on the notion of borders of situations (events or states) and the possibility to focus or disfocus them (cf. the overview given by Sasse 2002, especially pp. 222-225). The ILA-theory developed by Breu belongs among these theories. "This includes analytic forms as, e.g., the English progressive or the East and West Slavic analytic future (for 1pf. verbs). 49 JURGIS PAKERYS, BJORN WIEMER Figure 1: Rise of patterns of aspect derivation I. productive affixation [a. Russian (i) simplex stem => prefixed stem : pisat’ => na-pisat’ ‘to write’ (=> | napis-yva-t’ ‘the same’) (ii) stem => suffixation with {nu}: dostigat’ => dostig-nu-t’ ‘to reach’ (iii) prefixed stem => (secondarily) suffixed stem: (pisat’ =>) s-pisat’ = spis-yva-t’ ‘to copy’ Ib. Lithuanian (i) simplex stem => prefixed stem: rašyti => pa-rasyti ‘to write’ (ii) stem => suffixation with {telé / teré}: šokti ‘to jump’ => Sok-telé-ti ,to jump (once)’ (iii) prefixed stem => (secondarily) suffixed stem: (rodyti =) j-rodyti ‘to prove’ => jrod-iné-ti ‘to (try to) prove’ II. functional reinterpretation (a) imperfective = perfective verb (pair) (b) perfective = imperfective verb (pair) Before we go on explaining ILA-theory (see 1.2-1.3), let us comment on linguistic forms expressing aspect distinctions. How can an aspect op- position be built on something different from inflection (as in, e.g., Ro- mance past tenses) or analytic forms (as, e.g., with the English progressive), namely: on derivation? To understand this, let us look at Figure 1, which represents the way so-called aspect pairs are created in Slavic languages. The upper part (I.) subsumes the basic patterns of affixation productive in Slavic verbal morphology (Ia); these are paralleled by Lithuanian (Ib). From a morphotactic viewpoint these patterns are independent from inflectional distinctions, they thus apply also for indefinite (untensed) forms. They cre- ate derived stems whose lexical meaning is either identical to that of their deriving bases (stems), or the lexical meaning is somehow modified and/or acquires another aspectual (phasal etc.) character. A necessary condition of becoming an aspect pair is however that deriving and derived stem share an identical lexical meaning; part Ia. of Fig. 1 illustrates such cases. Here it is essential to notice that lexical identity need not be changed by prefixation; 50 Building a partial aspect system in East Aukštaitian Vilnius dialects see the pairs Russ. pisat’ > na-pisat' ‘to write’ (telic), stroit' = po-stroit' ‘to build’, contrary to, e.g., pisat’ ‘to write’ = za-pisat’ ‘to take a note’, stroit’ ‘to build’ > pere-stroit’ ‘to reconstruct’. In part II. we see the basic patterns of aspect pairs in Slavic’. These are reinterpretations of those derivationally related stems from part I. which are (or can be, under certain circumstances) identical in lexical meaning (cf. Kardelis & Wiemer 2002: 53f.). Further, it is crucial to understand that such paired verbs (stems) are not ordinary synonyms, because they cannot replace one another ad libitum. On the contrary, their use is constrained by the grammatical context (e.g., in the scope of verbs denoting phases, like ‘start, continue, end’, infinitives of only those verbs can be used which are qualified as ipf.), and they show more or less clear distributional preferences over functions comprising not only aspectual distinctions, but also functions in the domains of temporal loca- tion, temporal definiteness (episodicity), modality, illocution and presup- position“. The respective verbs constituting a pair show an almost comple- mentary distribution on these functions, so that they share into a common paradigm (cf. Wiemer 2001: 37-39). If grammaticalization proceeds further, conditions arise under which verbs from a pair have to be substituted for one another. The best-known example of such a condition is the narrative present, in which in East Slavic and Polish only ipf. verbs can be used, beco- ing, as it were, lexical substitutes of their pf. counterparts (cf. Zaliznjak & Smelev 2000: 44, 47-49)*. This process, which changes the grammar without changing derivation into inflection, can thus be called ‘functional expansion of complementary restrictions’. It consists in an increasingly complementary *Suppletive pairs are left apart here (e.g., klast’ "" / poloZit’ ” ‘to put down’, brat’ 7" / vzjat’ ” ‘to take’). Since suppletion is by definition understood as kind of exception from a rule (here: the derivational pattern), the existence of such pairs just confirms the validity of the rule. “This expansion of functions beyond temporality appears to be particularly strong in East Slavic (first of all in standard Russian) and in Polish (cf. Wiemer 2008). “In Russian aspectological literature this kind of substitution has usually been named “aspect neutralization” (‘vidovaja nejtralizacija’). In fact, it should be viewed as but an extreme case of so-called “aspect rivalization” (‘vidovaja konkurencija’), in which verbs of both aspects may be used, but with slightly different shadowings of meaning (depending on the semantic or pragmatic context). 51 JURGIS PAKERYS, BJORN WIEMER re-distribution of derivationally related verb stems for a growing number of semantic and pragmatic distinctions. The more verbs (of different aspectually sensitive classes) get involved into this process, the more stem derivation becomes a matter of grammar or, more precisely, of grammatical restrictions as a consequence of functional re-distribution. This process can be called ‘lexical expansion by repartition’ (more on this topic in Lehmann 1999: 203-205, 207-229; 2004). Both func- tional expansion of complementary restrictions and lexical expansion are necessary ingredients of a gradual grammaticalization process. Thus, the reinterpretation of derivational patterns (see II. in Fig. 1) is an outcome of a gradual increase of complementary functional restrictions on productive affixation. Simultaneously it involves an increase of pairs of verbs with a common lexical meaning. These criteria first of all concern so- called secondary suffixation (see the example in Ia. (iii) in Fig. 1), inasmuch as prefixation in most cases leads to a modification of the lexical meaning of the simplex stem. Above we have however noticed that prefixation of a sim- plex stem without lexical change is possible. In section 3 it will be exactly those cases which will be of interest. All mentioned types of affixation are productive in standard Lithuanian, too; they are probably even more productive than in (standard) Russian or Polish. However, apparently there are no contextual constraints on the use of either verb from such a pair, let alone rules of neutralization (obligatory substitution). Complementary distribution between derivationally related stems seems to hold only for aspectual meanings proper, i.e. for functions concerning the internal temporal contour of the situation, and only with cer- tain telic verbs (cf. Wiemer 2001: 41f.). This can be considered as the central function of aspect oppositions (see the classical definition of aspect in Com- rie 1976: 3), and it can reasonably be regarded as the diachronic starting point if grammatical aspect is to arise in the system of a language, temporal location and other domains becoming marked only later (as has been shown for Russian by Bermel 1997; see also the argument in Wiemer 2003: 41-46). In Lithuanian, however, all these domains have remained largely irrelevant for stem derivation of verbs, as until now no clear functional restrictions of this kind could be found (cf. Wiemer 2002: 4.1). 52 Building a partial aspect system in East Aukštaitian Vilnius dialects 1.2. ILA-theory, aspectual classes and the lexicon Breu's ILA-theory aims at classifying and explaining the interaction between verb lexemes“ and aspect markers; the former are understood as operanda, the latter as operators®. As we have seen, the Slavic pf. : ipf. opposition is based on the derivational relation between stems. Breu starts from the assumption that verbs (as well as other lexical units able to function as predicates) are inherently sensitive to aspectual distinctions. This sensitivity serves as a basis for their lexicon-internal classification and is in principle valid for all languages, regardless of whether they have an aspect system or not. The ILA-classification divides verbs into groups according to whether they show inherent boundaries (beginning or end) or not. If a language has aspect markers, these either focus on a lexically inherent boundary (pf. as- pect), or they defocus it (ipf. aspect). This central division into aspect func- tions is captured as ‘focus aspect’. Below we will concentrate on this issue, although the theory also makes predictions concerning the behaviour in cases of lack of time-locatedness (iteration etc.). All remarks and illustrations in the remaining part of this section pertain to the standard language (Lith. “bendrinė kalba’), and they are of a prelimi- nary nature (cf. Wiemer 2002: 4.1). They serve as a starting point for the description of the dialect data. Verb lexemes can be divided into four simple ILA-classes, three of which can further combine into three complex classes. The four simple classes are the following ones: (i) ‘totally stative’ (TSTA): these typically denote inalienable properties, e. g. sverti ‘to weigh’, prilygti ‘to be equivalent’ (e.g., Viljamas Frajus padarė išvadą, jog, nusijuokus 100 kartų, tai prilygsta 10 minučių bėgimo ristele ‘William Fry made a conclusion that laughing 100 times a day is equivalent to 10 minutes of jogging’). (ii) ‘relatively stative’ (RSTA): such lexemes represent temporary states presupposing a starting point which is focussed on if a pf. aspect exists. Compare, e.g., girdėti ‘to hear’, mylėti ‘to love’. *By ‘lexeme’ we mean a verb in one lexical meaning. Furthermore we will simply speak of ‘verbs’, if there is no danger of confusion. * For the latest explication of the theory cf. Breu (2005: 46-56; 2007: 144-155). 53 JURGIS PAKERYS, BJORN WIEMER (iii) ‘activities’ (ACTI): this type can be equated with atelic duration, i.e. activities which are not inherently bounded and consist of homogeneous subintervals. Compare, e.g., juoktis ‘to laugh’, bėgioti ‘to run around’, rūkyti ‘to smoke’. Merely temporal limits (beginning and end) can, however, be set by bounders, e.g. by prefixes (see below). These three classes are atelic and can provide the lexical motivation for ipf. verbs. Apart from them, there is a fourth simple class: (iv) ‘totally terminative’ (TTER): it consists of verbs which denote punctual events, i.e. events without any temporal extension; e.g. suklupti ‘to stumble’, pažadėti ‘to promise’, apsirikti ‘to commit an error’. Such verbs can motivate pf. aspect. TTER-verbs sometimes occur in pairs, either in the simplex—prefixed pattern (usually with verbs denoting speech acts, e.g., žadėti = pa-Zadéti ‘to promise’, sakyti = pa-sakyti ‘to say’) or via secondary suffixation (e.g., susitikti ‘to meet’ > susitik-iné-ti ‘to meet frequently, on a regular basis’). In the latter case however the suffix often evokes an additional iterative (habitual) meaning component. Suffixation occurs less often, though. Because of the punctual character of the events denoted by TTER-verbs their pairings do not distinguish different components of the situation; therefore focus aspect here fulfils an empty application. If with TTER-verbs any functional differences can be detected, they concern either the multiplicity of events (iteration) or some pragmatic features (which remain to be investigated thoroughly). Let us now come to the three complex classes’. They refer to situations consisting of an event and either a state followed by it or a telic activity preceding it. Complex classes are therefore composed of simple classes; the TTER-component participates in each case, since it focusses on the bounda- ry, either the beginning or the end or both. If it combines with a subsequent state (RSTA-lexeme), we get ‘inceptive-stative’ (ISTA) verbs (or verb pairs). Lithuanian does not have many stem pairs representing this ILA-type, see "For a detailed account on Russian data cf. Breu (1998a). 54 Building a partial aspect system in East Aukštaitian Vilnius dialects however, e.g., galvoti ‘to think’ = pa-galvoti ‘to think’, jausti = pa-jausti ‘to feel’, draugauti ‘to be friends’ = susi-draugauti ‘to become friends’, sirgti ‘to be ill’ = su-sirgti ‘to become ill’ and possibly also matyti ‘to see’ = pa-matyti ‘to see’ (inceptive), girdėti ‘to hear’ = is-girsti ‘to hear’ (inceptive). If the TTER-component applies to a preceding activity (ACTI-lexeme), the result is a ‘gradual-terminative’ (GTER) verb (or verb pair), provided the activity is telic, i.e. if it implies an incremental approximation to a final result. Pairs that fit this condition appear to be more numerous than ISTA- pairs. Some of them are listed here: (1) GTER verbs pairs — focus on event — focus on telic process (1a) įtikinti ‘to convince’ => įtik-inė-ti“ ‘to (try to) convince, persuade’ jrod-ine-ti ‘to (try to) prove’ rašyti (laišką) ‘to write (a letter)’ statyti ‘to build’ taisyti ‘to repair’ (1b) jrodyti ‘to prove’ (1c) pa-rasyti ‘to write (up)’ (1d) pa-statyti ‘to build’ (1e) pa-taisyti ‘to repair’ | As we see, both prefixation and suffixation occur. Finally, if the TTER-component combines alternatively with a subsequent state or the end of a telic activity, ‘inchoative’ (INCO) verbs are the result. As an example we can give the pairs siekti = pa-siekti ‘to reach’ and slėptis => pa-sislépti ‘to hide’ (2a) Jis visada siekė tobulybės. — ACTI ‘He always reached for perfection.’ (2b) Turistų grupė pasiekė kalno viršūnę. — TTER “The group of tourists reached the top of the mountain.’ (2¢) Vanduo siekė kaklą. — RSTA ‘The water was up to one’s neck.’ (3a) Mergaitė slėpėsi už krūmo. — ambiguous: either RSTA or ACTI ‘The girl was hiding behind the bush.’ “We assume here that the derivative suffix {iné} in verbs like jtik-tné-ti (<= 1-tik-in-ti ‘to convince’) arose as a merger from {in} + {é}, which subsequently was identified with the generalized suffix {iné}. 55 JURGIS PAKERYS, BJORN WIEMER (3b) Mergaitė pasislėpė uz krūmo. — TTER “The girl hid behind the bush.' (3c) Miškuose slepiasi senas dvaras. — RSTA ‘An old estate lies hidden in the woods.’ Another good example would be supti = ap-supti ‘to surround’. The three complex ILA-classes can be subsumed as follows: ISTA = TTER (“left” boundary) + RSTA (subsequent state) GTER = ACTI (telic, incremental process) + TTER (“right” boundary, goal of that process) INCO = ACTI (telic) + TTER + RSTA. We are now left with atelic activities. They can be delimited, but limits put on them are purely temporal, rendering a general meaning ‘for a certain amount of time’. An operator which focusses on its beginning, end or both renders a result which differs markedly from GTER- or INCO-lexemes. No- tice that delimitatives from atelic ACTI-lexemes remain ACTI. Lithuanian atelic ACTI verbs productively derive stems with the prefix {pa}, which serves to delimit the unbounded activity in time (without an inherent goal), e.g. pa-sijuokti ‘to laugh (for a while)’, pa-bégioti ‘to run (for a while)’, pa-ritkyti ‘to smoke (for a while)’. In section 3 lexemes belonging to this group will be especially indicated, because it often becomes difficult to decide whether the ACTI-lexeme + prefix renders a simple delimitative (atelic) or a GTER-lexeme (telic). We once more want to stress that in stem derivation we have to do with verb pairs, but we can speak of an aspect pair only if the two stems distrib- ute among themselves the aspectual functions of focussing on the event vs. focussing on the correlated state or activity, respectively“. In Lithuanian verbs very often are aspectually diffuse. Take, for example, state verbs. Such a verb can either refer to a state or, without any change in the stem, it de- notes an event setting the beginning of that state. For instance, patikti ‘to like’ can be used both inceptively to denote the beginning of a state or to denote simply the subsequent state. The following sentence is ambiguous in this regard: * The same would apply to inflectional markers of aspect as, e.g., with the past tenses of Romance languages (cf. Breu 1996; 1998b; 2007: 139f. for a comparison with Slavic). 56 Building a partial aspect system in East Aukštaitian Vilnius dialects (4) Milda patiko Egidijui. “Egidijus liked Milda.' (inceptive event or subseguent state, or both?) Other cases in point are, for instance, suprasti ‘to understand’, sutikti ‘to agree’ (speech act and mental state), apnikti ‘to fall upon, to beset’ (e.g., Mane apninka abejonés ‘Doubts beset me’). Let us now briefly examine this question with regard to potential GTER- pairs. 1.3. Potential GTER verb pairs Verbs which denote a situation with an inherent endpoint are telic; e.g., ati- daryti (duris) ‘to open (the door)’, grįžti (namo) ‘to return (home)’. The event denoting this goal often presupposes a telic process, i. e. a process which evolves toward that goal. In Lithuanian many telic verbs can denote such a process without a change in the stem, as, for instance, ateiti ‘to come’: (5) Pažiūrėk, jis kaip tik ateina. ‘Look, he is coming right now.’ In many cases such aspectual diffuseness has to be disambiguated by the grammatical form or inferred from the broader context. Thus, it has often been mentioned that telic verbs like atidaryti ‘to open’ or ateiti ‘to come’ “behave like pf. verbs” (i.e. focus on an event), if they are used in the past tense, but “like ipf. verbs” (i.e. with focus on the telic process), if used in the present tense. Look at the behaviour of grįžti ‘to return’. Its past tense forms, as a rule, indicate an event (6a), whereas as a half-participle (Lith. ‘pusdalyvis’) the interpretation can be ambiguous oscillating between pro- cess and event (6b): (6a) Tq naktį ministras pagaliau truputį nusileido ir priėmė mano siūlymą, kad galima į aikštę leisti po kelis žmones prie badaujančiųjų. Grįžau pas ministro pavaduotoją, pasakiau jam apie tai, jis dar patikrino, ar aš nemeluoju, ir tada praleido dešimtį, nors praėjo daugiau. (V. Landsbergis, Lūžis, p. 117) ‘(...) I returned to the vice-minister and told him about that (...)’ 57 JURGIS PAKERYS, BJORN WIEMER (6b) (...) ji šitaip galvojo, grįždama atgal į savo kambarélj, nusivilko paltą tamsoj, nes jo langai taip pat buvo tamsūs, ir tuojau atsigulė kaip vakar (...). (R. Granauskas, Raudoni miškai, p. 24) (...) she was thinking thus on the way (returning) back to her room (...). The aspectual interpretation of grįžti depends on the inflectional form or the stem extension of a nominal derivative (participle). It is remarkable that grįžti does have a prefixed counterpart, su-grįžti, which does not differ from the simplex in lexical meaning. This derivative however can focus only on the telic event; compare: (7) O dabar vis dėlto vėl turėjome Laisvės alėją, laisvės kelią. Jis buvo senas ir duobėtas, vėliau dar pareikalavęs ne tik vargo, ašarų, bet ir kraujo. Tačiau sugrįžo laisvės kelias, kuriuo vėl pradėjome žengti. (V. Lands- bergis, Lūžis, p. 167) ‘(...) But the road of freedom returned and we began to step on it again.’ No less intriguing is the fact that grįžti can also be suffixed (=> griz-ine-ti). This derivative likewise does not differ from the simplex in lexical meaning, but it is used in colloquial Lithuanian if the speaker wants to focus on the telic process; compare: (8) Kai grizinéjome namo, patekome | avariją. ‘On our way home, we had an accident.’ Therefore, the derivatives sugrįžti and griZinéti “specialize” for the comple- mentary components of telic process vs. telic event, whereas the deriving simplex grįžti can in principle be used for both purposes. The last examples are typical for the situation at least in the standard language (example (8) is not considered to be entirely acceptable due to the norms of standard Lithuanian). As concerns the dialects, the prolifer- ant extension of lexical stems by the suffix {iné} (with variants) has been observed for some Lithuanian insular dialects in Belarus (see Introduction; also Vidugiris 1961; 1998). But these dialects are (or: were) mostly located south from the Lithuanian-Belarusian border. The dialects we want to deal with are located considerably farther to the north and are spoken within the 58 Building a partial aspect system in East Aukštaitian Vilnius dialects Lithuanian “motherland”. In that territory stem extension by {iné} is virtu- ally absent (V. Kardelis, p.c.). For this reason we want to concentrate on another morphological type of potential GTER-pairs, namely on the type (9) simple stem X = prefix-X. This corresponds to the derivational pattern in (1c-e) above. With this pat- tern we observe another problem, which we have to cope with in our data analysis. Simplex verbs that are potential members (and derivational bases) of GTER-pairs often alternate between telic and atelic readings. We again can treat this phenomenon as ‘aspectual diffuseness’: the telic and atelic readings can be understood as variants which are not necessarily mutually exclusive. This means that the grammatical or discourse context can disam- biguate between these variants, but need not”. 2. REMARKS ON THE DATA AND THE DIALECTAL AREA We have chosen to analyze tape-recorded speech from the East Aukstaitian Vilnius (ryty aukstaiciai vilniskiai) dialect group, which borders with Bela- rus in the East; some isles of the dialect merge into Belarusian territory". Some speakers of the dialect have skills of Polish (local) or Russian (Kardelis et al. 2006: 41-42). It is thus not surprising to encounter noticeable in- fluences of Slavic languages all over the place in these dialects. Our data come from three parishes located in the northern part of the dialect area: Vidiškės, Daugėliškis and Palūšė (more texts are published in Kardelis et al. 2006: 48-205). We have collected unprefixed and prefixed verb forms from two texts of Vidiškės (henceforth Vip, ca. 17.000 characters long) and Daugėliškis (henceforth Daiš; ca. 38.000 characters long). These verbs were morphologically correlated, one being a simplex stem, the other (or others) prefixed derivative(s); semantically they were good candidates for members of gradual-terminative aspect pairs (see section 3). “In a more formal semantic description this fact can be accounted for by an inclu- sive disjunction (‘a v b'), meaning: ‘choose “a” or “b” or both’. However we will not pursue this task in the present contribution. “" Basic linguistic features of the dialect and a selected bibliography can be found in Bacevičiūtė et al. (2004: 100-110) and Kardelis et al. (2006). 59 JURGIS PAKERYS, BJORN WIEMER Since this was a pilot study, and we wanted to gain a comprehensive overview of the stems which are of interest to us and their usage types in the texts, we decided to analyze such stems by a random choice, taking examples from each third page of the transcripts (Vio, Dis). This rendered 107 stems (types), which we could qualify as separate lexemes, with 211 oc- currences (tokens) for Vip, 208 stems (types) with 416 tokens for Daiš. We further used additional texts from Palūšė (henceforth P13; ca. 96.000 charac- ters long) to search for correlating GTER pair members which we could not locate in Vip and Daiš. When we were unable to find a correlate in the texts, we worked with informants of the dialect to check if such a verb was used in their dialect. We also worked with these informants to verify the lexical meaning of the potential GTER pair members. Our final list of the material includes 67 GTER pairs (see Table 1 at the end of the paper). 3. ANALYSIS OF THE DATA We have divided the potential GTER pairs into the following four semantic groups: 1) verbs with directly affected or effected objects (e.g. to close, to harness, to wake up; to weave, to bake), 2) verbs of motion and moving (e.g. to go, to ride; to drive (horses), to bring), 3) intransitive verbs denoting a change of state (e.g to dry, to turn yellow, to dawn), 4) verbs denoting social and/or mental activities or events (to bargain, to teach, to organise, to tell a story). It is generally very difficult, and often impossible, to establish an array of aspectual functions for particular verbs (lexemes, stems) on the basis of a very limited amount of data. Even though we study text data here, the token frequency of some particular functions can be considered to be high, whereas others are encountered rarely, so that they are likely to be absent in a relatively small corpus. As a consequence, the data investigated here most probably render only a fragmentary picture of the distribution of functions. Since however we chose verb stems from even intervals of pages, i.e. by a “mechanic” device not guided by a priori semantic considerations, it can at 60 Building a partial aspect system in East Aukštaitian Vilnius dialects least be claimed that the selection is representative of the use (meanings) of these verb stems in natural dialect texts. We will put into square brackets those verb stems (infinitive forms) that were not found in the texts, but confirmed by informants. The forms en- countered in the texts are ordered by grammatical criteria (tenses and in- finite forms) and, subsequently, by their functions, as far as these can be determined with sufficient reliability. If they cannot, we will indicate this and give the relevant examples. Lack of examples for grammatical forms or functions simply means that they are not attested in our data. In this respect, we are offering here an ordered collection of representative dialect data for lexicographic and aspectological purpose. Conclusions will follow in the fi- nal section. 3.1. Verbs with directly affected / effected objects 3.1.1. [arpuiti]'? : iS-arpuiti ‘to winnow (out)’ Present tense, habitual: (10) ti masi.na.s bii-daua. Sitiém isikū.lt gru.dd.m arkli.nie.s bu.ud. gi masi.na.s paskui gi arpas ti tykis iSarpuji (Vip). ‘There used to be horse powered threshing machines, and there was that winnower, you winnow out (grain using it).’ Informants also confirm the existence of pa-arpuiti, which however means a purely temporal delimitation of the action denoted by the simplex (‘to win- now grain for a while’). 3.1.2. austi : iš-austi ‘to weave’ Simplex: present tense, habitual: (11) if.vere i kiék ni-cu. / i dvi-liku ni-éu. / i astudid-lika ni-Cu. skat.- td.s / i keturo.m / i dviém ni-tim va // jau / jau ti. / i---/ ifivé.rta tai ti jau drd-bi. d.uge (Vi). ‘They put a number of threads, twelve or eighteen, or they thread four or two threads and weave linen cloth.’ '2LKŽe gives only arpavoti with the same meaning. 61 JURGIS PAKERYS, BJORN WIEMER Prefixed stem: participle praet. pass. neutr. (habitual): (12) da._birrdaua. / §i.tas kelnieni.s sd.ka. / tai kė.lne.m jau va viram apa- crn tai // dd. „kap navatnad birdaud. agliti va isd. usta (Vip). ‘There used to be that cloth for men’s underwear trousers [...] and (that cloth) used to be woven in a fir-tree pattern.’ Informants confirm the existence of a purely delimitative pa-austi. 3.1.3. [autis] : ap-si-auti ‘to put on footwear’ Participle praet. act. nom. sg. masc.: (13) dievū.ldu / tas kadulinais apsievi.s klar klar klar Sitais keleis jau s£.ka jau / in tur.gu. (DGLS). ‘My God, that man with the clogs on [...] follows (that thief) to the market.’ Although the simplex autis is not attested in our texts, it is used in the dia- lect. Its basic meaning is telic. Notice that autis can also correlate with the corresponding prefixed verb of the reverse meaning: nusiauti ‘to take off footwear’. This likewise is not attested in our texts, but exists according to informants. Autis therefore represents a case of enantiosemy, and in both meanings forms a GTER pair with the respective prefixed derivative. 3.1.4. braukti : is-braukti ‘to scutch (out), swingle’ Both simplex and prefixed derivative: present tense, habitual: (14) nūtai / tadū L§mina / tadit juds ti. taka / brdiiktuve.s medi. nies padarita skal ta. iZbrdii.ke // brduw.--- / brdii.ke // tai i--- / i.šmuša (Vm). ‘And then they break it (the flax) and then they use wooden scutch- ers, scutch it out, scutch it and beat it.’ Only simplex: infinitive and past habitual: (15) linūz gi mi.ndaua.m talkd.z / bū.ud. / talk>sit mindava.m / tai ta- di gi jau kop Lšmini / tai braū.kt / méz gi vadindavd.m brdiikt 62 Building a partial aspect system in East Aukštaitian Vilnius dialects rai.gdayva. / [...] braū.gdava.m / šukū>dava.m (Piš). ‘We used to break flax, we would work together, and when you break the flax down, you have to scutch it, we used to say „to scutch“, [...] and we would scutch and then hackle (the flax).’ Also in this case the simplex braukti is in any type of use to be consid- ered as telic. Although here we have thus a good instance of a GTER pair, it remains unclear whether the functions of its members are distributed com- plementarily. 3.1.5. 'daryti : az-daryti ‘to close, to lock up’ Simplex: present tense, narrative, progressive: (16) &._md.na. tievad sani / rd.uda // atajau/ rd.uda / in pé.cdu---// cė tik bro---/ sunu pakavdijd./ cé man. [...] jdu dd.ra. kalei.man (Daiš). ‘And my parents were old, they weep, I came there, they weep on the masonry heater, they just burried the son and now they (the police) are going to lock me in the prison.’ This single instance of daryti can also be read in a more specific conative meaning (‘they are trying to put me into prison’). Prefixed derivative: participle praet. pass. nom. pl. fem.: (17) d.šei prabundit / md.na. [...] avé.lu. niera / avé.la.§ jai iZbé-gi. md.- na. // [...] nuveini pifk5 i sakatt / md.ma / md.na. avé.lu niera / až bijau ai.t / jieska.t // nit sumd.mi més i ai.nam abi // nu atai.- nam gi mii-su. aždarito.s ave.les (PL3). ‘And I wake up and my sheep are gone, my sheep have run away, [...] I come inside the hut and say: “Mummy, my sheep are gone, I'm afraid to go to look for them”. And we go together with my mummy and we come and (we see that) our sheep are locked up (inside).’ 63 JURGIS PAKERYS, BJORN WIEMER 3.1.6. *daryti : pa-daryti ‘to make, produce’ Simplex: past habitual: (18) safidt bū.ud. kd.lvei / kd.ldava. / d.fklus kd.usti.dava. / i(r) ratūs da- ridava. (P13). ‘In earlier times, there were smiths, they used to do smithery, they used to shoe the horses, and they used to make wheels.’ Prefixed derivative: present tense, participle praet. pass. neutr., both with habitual function: (19) tai birdaya. padd.ra. padarita tokis va Sakali's i.Igas medi.ni.s Zu- va.s3nai gi jau bu.ud. medi.nei (Vi). ‘And there used to be that they make, it was made, that long splin- ter, (certain tools) were wooden.’ In both meanings (1. ‘to lock up’, 2. ‘to produce’) the simplex daryti has to be interpreted as telic. In both cases thus it enters into a GTER pair, again, however, with unclear distribution. Compare this with darytis : pasidaryti ‘to come into being’ (change of state, group 3) and with daryti : padaryti ‘to organize, arrange’ (social / mental activities, group 4). 3.1.7. [dZioventi] : is-dZioventi ‘to dry (up)’ (transitive) Present tense, habitual: (20) i jd.s va ši.te sustd.ta. ti gi būrdaua. sd.ka. in pd.lu. // va kap vand-ties / sustd.ta. sustd.ta. i paku.ré.na izge.vé.na (Vip). ‘There they would put it (the flax) on the benches (in the steam bath house) (...), heat the house and dry it up.’ There also exists the derivative pa-dZioventi with the meaning ‘to dry to some degree (not entirely)’. The simplex dZioventi'® thus renders two differ- ent pairs of telic stems: one with an absolute limit (dZioventi : iš-džioventi) and one with a relative limit (dZioventi : pa-dZioventi). 3 For the simplex cf. a Deis example from LKZe: Sieng [praes. 3] dZiovénam Daiš. Cf. also džiūti : išdžiūti (spontaneous change of state) in group 3. 64 Building a partial aspect system in East Aukštaitian Vilnius dialects 3.1.8. [galabyti] : nu-galabyti ‘to kill’ Past tense: (21) da. inemažai tijū:-bu.ud. a. paskuigi vo.kietis jdijuds [Zydus] nugalud.bija. (Vp). ‘There were not a few of them (sc. Jews), and then the Germans killed them.’ The simplex galabyti is not confirmed by the informants. 3.1.9. ginti : raz-ginti ‘to separate, to drive away’ This case is problematic, because ginti in the telic meaning ‘to separate’ is not confirmed by the informants, neither found with this meaning in LKZe. It might be a back-formation based on razginti (ginti). Simplex: past tense, progressive; prefixed derivative: infinitive. Both stems are attested in the same context, which we give here unabridged. (22) kai sust.ja.me. baba. (s) su velnel.s/ niekap ražgi.nt nemus.zna // da- barf diévaz dabj-damas iž dungadil.s tit va tvark3s niér // švin.tu. * jū.r- gi. / Up in d.rkle. i. j5-k sutd.iki.k / kat nespestii- nesmusti- // tas atjėja i da. [..] j5gi šLtas ginklas sanibd.s šyčkū ti kaki vadindavé. [...] // dabar taz gine. gine/ td.ike. td.ike./ kuf tū vė.lfiu. su bd-bu su- td.iki.si (Daiš). ‘When the (old) women started fighting with the devils, there was no way to separate them, now the God, watching (the scene) from the skies (sees) that there is no order, (and tells) St. George: mount the horse, go and settle them so that they do not fight. He came there with his sword (...). And he tried to separate them, tried to reconcile them (with no luck). How can you reconcile a(n) (old) woman with the devil!’ Because the status of ginti is problematic, we can well treat razginti as a TTER verb. Otherwise ginti and razginti render an ideal case of a GTER pair. Ginti, as used in this context, might also be interpreted as conative (‘tried to separate’). 65 JURGIS PAKERYS, BJORN WIEMER 3.1.10. karti : pa-karti ‘to hang, to string’ Both simplex and prefixed derivatives are attested in the infinitive, the sim- plex also in the present tense in a habitual context (with conative function): (23) aštai. gi dabar gi jūu išeina prasma.ne. sva-tus kd.rt/ kat d.ni.§ me- lūoja / kat d.nas ti tufti.ngaz bi.ud./ ti. ti šulnei vina./ ti / ti. i / ti sa-dai bi.ud. / ti kaip atvaze.va. niéka. nera // tai išeina jau tadū sva-tas pakd.rt/ kat neteisi.ngaz bu.ua. (Deis). ‘And this is why they introduced the habit to hang the match- makers'*: because they tell lies, because that (particular) one lied that the groom was rich, there were wells of wine, gardens, and when they arrived (to his place), there was nothing. And it follows that, one has to hang the matchmaker, because he did not tell the truth.’ 3.1.11. ['kavoti] : pa-kavoti ‘to hide’'® This case is likewise problematic, insofar as the simplex kavoti is usually used in RSTA function (e.g., Kur anas kavoja Zirkles? ‘Where does he hide (has he hidden) the scissors?’). Informants confirm that kavoti can also have a reading of a telic process, cf.: Kavok greičiau peilį! (‘Hide the knife now!’), Žiūrėk, ką jis ten kavoja? (‘Look, what is he trying to hide over there?"). Prefixed derivative: past tense: (24) atd.ja. d.naš iš pirtės jau pasprdii.si.s ši.ta(s) Suvéjas/ e. d.nas pakavs ži.rklas (Daiš). "And that tailor came back from the steam bath house after bath- ing, and he (the taylor's apprentice) had hidden the scissors.’ 3.1.12. kelti : pa-kelti ‘to wake up’ (transitive) Simplex: past habitual; prefixed derivative: present tense, habitual: '* The verb refers to a practice of figurative hanging of the matchmaker for his lies. > This 1s homonymous to *kavoti ‘to bury’ (see group 4). Kavoti ‘to hide’ 1s a borro- wing from Polish chowac ‘to hide’ or Belarusian xaedys (same meaning) (Kardelis 2003: 180). 66 Building a partial aspect system in East Aukštaitian Vilnius dialects (25) unkšti pa.kele // ūidū.gi miegd:si kai ira da.rba. // ké.ldava. / neda- bd-dava. ka(t) tū.jaina.s md.žas // kat va jdii. pa.-auglū.kas (Vip). ‘(And he) wakes me up early, how can you sleep when there is work. They used to wake (people) up (early), no matter if they were kids or teenagers.' The simplex kelti can hardly be conceived of as atelic, this pair should thus be qualified as GTER. However, it is doubtful whether kelti can denote a telic PROCESS, SO that this pair should rather be considered as belonging to TTER (both simplex and prefixed derivative denote the same telic event). 3.1.13. kepti : is-kepti ‘to bake’ Simplex: present tense, habitual: (26) isivė.fdi tai raugiene.z bi-daya. pridd.ra. // didnu. gi namié / namié kepi (Vin). ‘You would usually make a dish of rye flour and the bread was (usually) baked at home.’ Prefixed derivative: infinitive; past habitual: (27) tai bū-dava. katard-s m3-teras labai m3-ka diona.s iškė. pt// take gardi dibna žinai/ kve.pja/ in kle.va. la.pu./ aba in a liefu. iské.bdava. // [...] dle jdu labai raike Seiminike.s gerd:s/ kat dibnu. gerai iškėpt// nelabai kas ma.ké-dava. d--- / diūona.š iškė.pt (Daiš). “There used to be women who could bake bread so well, the bread would be so tasty and would smell good, it was usually baked on maple or sweet flag leaves. But you need a good housewife to bake good bread, there were few who could bake (good) bread.' With a concrete-referential object-NP the simplex kepti has to be consid- ered as telic. There is another derivative, pa-kepti; it has merely delimitative function and should be classified as atelic. 67 JURGIS PAKERYS, BJORN WIEMER 3.1.14. [kinkyti] : pa-kinkyti ‘to harness’ Present tense, habitual function: (28) ti masi.na.s birdava. šitiėm isikū.lt gru.dd.m arkli.nies bū.ua. gi masi.- na.s paskui gi af.pas ti tokis isi--- / iSarpuji bet / ne visi juds turé-da- va. // arklei.z gi būdaud. pakif.kd. i suka // ir i ist.kuli gi nd.udu, (VID). ‘There used to be horse powered threshing machines, and there was that winnower, you winnow out (grain using it), but not eve. ryone had them, they used to harness the horses, they drive (the machine) and you thresh out the grain for yourself.’ Kinkyti is telic from the start. According to the informants, kinkyti can also correlate with a prefixed derivative with a reverse meaning, viz. iškinkyti ‘to unharness’. Kinkyti is thus another example of an enantiosemic verb (com- pare with autis). 3.1.15. kulti : [is-kulti] / nu-kulti ‘to thresh’ Simplex: past habitual, present tense in habitual function: (29) i tadu [rugius] masini ku. ldava. na.kti. past.kele nud dvié va.landu. / d.rklus paskifkie. privud.dan / tai daba? jau kap kū.le? kambd.ina.m? (P13). ‘And then they usually threshed (the rye) using a (threshing) ma- chine (late) at night. They get up at 2 a.m., harness the horses (and thresh the rye). And how do they thresh now? Using the combine harversters?’ Prefixed derivative: present tense, habitual function: (30) nu tai Situds sd'menis vadi.nas tai / šitū>s / va / ta.kas padari-toa medi. - nies kit. ltuve.s i nu. kuli Situs / jau jū: gi deflu. kap sd.kd. (Vip). ‘And you thresh out these flax-seeds using a certain wooden bat.’ Kulti is atelic (see ex. 29). ISkulti is confirmed only by the informants. The reflexive-benefactive iSsikulti ‘to thresh for oneself’ is attested in the texts, in the present tense and with habitual meaning: 68 Building a partial aspect system in East Aukštaitian Vilnius dialects (31) arklei.z gi birdaud. pakif.kd. i sū.ka // ir i isi.kuli gi nd.udu. (Vip). “They used to harness the horses, they drive (the machine) and you thresh out the grain for yourself.' The difference between the prefixes iš- and nu- is not clear, the former is qualified as more common by the informants. 3.1.16. kūrenti : is-kirenti ‘to heat (a stove)’ Both simplex and prefixed derivative: narrative present tense: (32) tadit jūu moma pé.cu. ku.rd.na / nu pė.ču. ku.ra.na jau/ dūona jaupasi.kele ana sulik šitu3 jūu backelst jau pi.lnu/ tadū jūu išku.- rd.na. mormd/ ti tū.ri jau td.k3san/ in pd.gale. pušiės jau šlūotu vadi.- nas/ puši.nie. kd.imi sani-bd.s/ tadū ši.tu. puši.ni. jūu/ moma išlūoja gražei vi.su. pėču (Piš). ‘And then (my) mom heats the (bread baking) stove, heats the stove, the bread (= the bread dough) rises up to the brims of this cask, then my mom heats the stove (up to required tempera- ture), and then she uses a pine broom to clean the stove well.’ In this example, the progressive function of kiirenti appears to contrast with the function of iSkurenti denoting the completing of the heating proce- dure, thus an event. This would illustrate an ideal case of GTER pairing. 3.1.17. kurti : aZu-kurti ‘to make up the fire’ Both simplex and prefixed derivative are attested only in narrative present tense: (33) tadū kuri pé.cu. / ažū.kuri i ce padari-ta t.ko* medi.nie.s / kai ld-pe- ta va li. Zie. vadi.nas // nu tai tad ši.tu. bd.kanu. tai / kai /pd.dedi gi in Sitd's li.Zie.s [...] (Vip) ‘Then you ignite (start) the stove. After you have it started, then there is kind of wooden spade, it is called peel, then you put the loaf on that peel.’ To this example (and the pair kurti : aZukurti) the same remark applies as for the previous one. 69 JURGIS PAKERYS, BJORN WIEMER 3.1.18. [mazinti] : su-mazinti ‘to decrease (tr.)’ Present tense: (34) ti.nd.i ti.nd.i jau pali.cini.ku. sumd.Zina. *ceikifiuds (P13). “There in Ceikiniai they reduced the number of policemen.’ Mažinti is not attested in the texts, but cf. LKZe from another dialect: Mato tie vilkai, kad juos per daug mažina (šaudo) (J. Basanavičius, Lietuviškos pasakos yvairios, IV 284). Informants qualify it as rare, but cf. also the anticausative Įmažintis) : susimažinti in group 3 below. 3.1.19. melžti : pa-melžti “to milk' Simplex: participle praet. pass. acc. pl. fem.: (35) pažufū / pu.sa.i dvi.lika.s naktiés // a. diev / aš kd.fve.z da. ū.n lauki. / i nė.melšta.s (Daiš). ‘And I realise that it is already 11.30 p.m. Oh my God, and my cows are outside and not milked! Prefixed derivative: past tense: (36) tai tadū tu k5-la kd.rves act.vezdu nam? / kala pd. melzdu (Daiš). ‘And then it took some time for me to bring the cows home and to milk (them).’ Since the simplex is attested only by this one token with a past participle, we do not dare to say whether it can denote a telic process. But according to informants, it is in any case telic. 3.1.20. minti : iš-minti ‘to break (flax)’ Both simplex and prefixed derivative in narrative present tense: (37) ižže.vė.na ted mi.na // taki mintuvad padarita [...] nu tai / tad i.šmina / tadū juds ti. taka / braū.ktuve.s medi.nies padari-ta skad. ta. izbraii.ke // brau.--- / brdil.ke // tal i--- / i.šmuša (Vip). ‘And then they dry (the flax) and break it using flax brakes [...] And then they break it down, and then they use wooden scutch- ers, scutch it out, scutch it and beat it.’ 70 Building a partial aspect system in East Aukštaitian Vilnius dialects The simplex could be used as an atelic verb (compare with braukti : iš- braukti). 3.1.21. [mūryti] : [iš-mūryti)] ‘to build of bricks’ The verb attested in the texts is a reflexive-benefactive one, is-si-miryti ‘to build (of bricks) for oneself’, but only as a participle praet. pass. neutr.: (38) jd. bū.ud. (namai) mii-rinei isimiiri.ta / pli.tém rauddna.m (Daiš). ‘His (house) was built of red bricks.’ The simplex mūryti and its derivative pa-miryti are confirmed by the in- formants of the dialect, but only in atelic meaning (e.g., Prastas meistras: pamiirijo, pamiirijo ir vėl sėdi ‘He is a bad master: he just layed some bricks and is sitting (not working) again’). 3.1.22. plauti : [is-plauti] ‘to wipe (floor), to wash (clothes)’ Narrative present tense (plus habitual meaning indicated by biidavo): (39) nu tai / jau grindis pld.unu/ birdaua. [...] // e._kni-ga i $itd./ tai ne- numandu kap acivefcū i paskaitdt (Dols). ‘And I used to wipe the floor [...] And I just do not notice how I open this book and read a bit.’ The simplex plauti can hardly be imagined as atelic. ISplauti is not attested in ‘he texts, but confirmed by the informants. We have however encountered he reflexive-benefactive is-si-plauti ‘to wash for oneself’: (40) e. kat nuvejai kuskine.n (su perkelio suknele) tai vė: isipld-vei isiprd.- sujel i vė: nediéle.s ld.uki (P13). ‘And if you go to a party (with a percale dress), then you wash it again, iron it and wait for the (next) Sunday.’ 3.1.23. [ruošti] : pa-ruosti ‘to prepare’ Only infinitive: (41) sand-ve.(s) stalai nė.dinkta / tad kat išeina std.las padiikt L/ i pa- 71 JURGIS PAKERYS, BJORN WiEMER rūošt jau piršlėba.m // nit. tadū klėjo // nu. jau tadū klėja / i rd.is- ke jau/ jau merga gi tū: rudšes (Daiš). 'In earlier times, tables were not covered with the cloths, and if a table has to be covered and prepared for the matchmaking, then they cloth it, and it means that the girl is getting ready (for the matchmaking).’ The reflexive-benefactive verb is attested as a pair: ruosti-s / pa-si-ruosti ‘to get ready (prepare oneself)’; the simplex in the present tense (42), the prefixed derivative in the participle praet. act. nom. masc. sg. (43): (42) tai kat išeina std. las padifjkt L/ i | paribšt j - jūu piršliba.m // ni. tadū klė:j ja // nu. jau tadū klė: ja / irda.iške jdu/ jau merga gi td russes (Daiš). ‘And if the table has to be covered and prepared for the match- making, then they cloth it, and it means that the girl is getting ready (for the matchmaking).’ (43) i ta.kū. da. bū.ud. svdtu./ kuris pasriasi.(s) svd*tū bit/ tai nėt ap- gd.udava. tėvus (Daiš) “There were matchmakers who were (always) ready to be match- makers (to do the matchmaking), and they used to cheat, to lie to the parents.’ 3.1.24. rišti : pri-risti ‘to tether’ Simplex: narrative present tense: (44) bd-bd.s ri. 5a da. ka.rves pieva.i (Daiš). “The (old) women tether cows (for grazing) in the meadow.' Prefixed derivative: participle praet. pass. neutr.: (45) md.na. bū.ua. kd.rve.s pri.rista ce va aš kilub.metra. (Daiš). ‘And my cows were tethered (for grazing) a kilometer away (from here).’ The reflexive-benefactive ristis is also attested, but it correlates with at-si-risti ‘untie, untether (for oneself)’. The prefixed verb (pri-si-risti) is not attested in our corpus, but confirmed by the informants: 72 Building a partial aspect system in East Aukštaitian Vilnius dialects (46) tai d.nas pilnai sakis/ kat d.nas td.u suma.ké- / i per ji knigé.le. i / i a.nas d.rkli. ri.šas (Daiš). ‘And he will argue that he had already paid you, and that he has got the papers of the horse, and he untethers the horse.’ 3.1.25. sėti : pa-séti ‘to sow’ Both simplex and prefixed derivative in the infinitive, the simplex occurred also in the present tense (narrative): (47) (anas) tik pakld.use kas kur pasét kas kur kap tai d.nas jau pasd.ka. kur sét/ a.nas i séje (P13). ‘And he only asks where to sow what (grain) and when he is told where to sow, he sows.’ The two occurrences of the simplex séti have different aspectual values; only the second occurrence can be qualified as progressive. This indicates that the pair sėti : paséti is a good instance of a GTER pair. 3.1.26. [sodinti] : pa-sodinti ‘to place, to put (into prison)’ Participle praet. act. nom. masc. sg: (48) vat / a.naz žinai ku./ d.naz būt mūs/ man. pasd.di.ni.s (Daiš). ‘And you know, he could have put us, me in prison.’ The simplex sodinti in this specific meaning is confirmed by the informants, but regarded as rare. Examples from LKZe record this verb in the present tense used for habitual acts of imprisonment, e.g. Kap kuris pavogė ką ar azumusé, turmon sodina (Šalčininkai) ‘If someone stole something or mur- dered somebody, then they put (him / her) in prison’. Since in this meaning the simplex does not denote a telic process, but the same event as its de- rivative (pasodinti), this pair should rather be characterized as TTER. Sodinti can however denote a telic process if used in the more concrete meaning ‘to plant’ (e.g., sodinti miskq : pasodinti miskq); then the pair belongs to the GTER class. 73 JURGIS PAKERYS, BJORN WiEMER 3.1.27. statyti : pa-statyti ‘to build, to erect’ Simplex: past tense, infinitive; prefixed derivative: past tense, participle praet. pass. neutr.: (49) e. _tri.ZdeSimpinktais metais ji. std.tie. // [...] ipastd.tie va cė kri- žu. // [...] tai cė jau tadū ši.tas kri-Zus nupu.ua./ [...] jūu dabaf ndri i vė“ statit (Daiš). ‘They ereced it (the cross) in 1935, [...] and they erected it here. And then this cross rotted off, and now they want to erect it again.’ There are no clear examples of the simplex in progressive function. 3.1.28. šukuoti : is-Sukuoti ‘to hatchel, hackel (flax)’ Both simplex and prefixed derivative: narrative present tense (in habitual context): (50) paskui Sepecei padari-ta tri-z bi.ua. // vienas medt.neis td. kei. z duritim. nema.zas va ši.te va // tad juos tadit. šukitoja (Vip). ‘And then there were three brushes, one was rather big and it had wooden teeth, and then they hatchel it (the flax using these brush- es)’ (51) tai bi-daya. md.n ata.nes--- / atd.nesa pa.kuld.s // ta. jau išukūoja / linūs i.šmina (Vip). "And then it used to be so that (they) would bring the tow (and you get the tow after) they break and hatchel the flax (to the reguired limit).' The simplex can be used as atelic as, for instance, in (50). 3.1.29. [tapyti] : nu-tapyti ‘to deceive, to cause sb's bad life’ Past tense, deictic tense use: (52) tai a.nas ne vienu. mefgs-ti. nutd.pija. // ši.ta.ku madi (Da. ). ‘And he (the matchmaker) deceived more than one girl this way.’ 74 Building a partial aspect system in East Aukštaitian Vilnius dialects This verb literally means “to drown’®. The metaphoric meaning arising from the context seems to be rather exceptional. Informants lack experience with this verb and its (supposed) simplex counterpart, so that no clear judgment concerning their aspectual functions can be made. 3.1.30. tvarkyti : su-tvarkyti ‘to put in order, to take care of, to repair’ Simplex: infinitive (53); prefixed derivative: participle praet. pass. neutr. (54): (53) jau va dabar ši.tas va nd.mas [...] vo prali.ja. gi [...] nū tai gi raike tvarki-c gi (P13). ‘And now that house [...] lets the rain water in [...] and you have to repair it’ (54) niékur neli.gdavd. niékas nešiend.uta visur. sutvafkito / visakds nu.- imta / vi.saz def. lus (Vip). ‘And no place would remain not hayed, everything was taken care of everywhere , all harvest would be gathered in.’ The simplex is telic from the start. However informants imagine ap-tvar- kyti as a derivative with a delimitative value (‘to put in order to some degree’). 3.1.31. ūgenti : uzigenti ‘to bring up kids’ Simplex: past and present tense; prefixed derivative: past tense: (55) i as jdu sufjkei vaikūs u.gendii./ e. jūu md.na. vaikai kitép vaikis jdu u.ge.na.// jau ddig lingvdi u.ge. na.// [...] dš va usu.gendii. sd.va. stimu. ši.tu. *giedFu. bla.gd 1/ bla.gdi į vatd.uka.i (Daiš). “And for me, it was hard (time) to bring up kids, and my children already bring up their kids differently, they bring them up easier. And I brought up my son, Giedrius, only having that really bad (guilted) jacket for him.' It does not seem that the simplex could be used as atelic. Thus these two verbs can be classified as a GTER-pair. '® As such it is evidently a borrowing from Russian (y)monums or Polish (u)topič ‘to drown’, 75 JURGIS PAKERYS, BJORN WIEMER 3.1.32. valyti : is-valyti ‘to clean (up)’ Simplex: past tense, habitual: (56) mes ši.ta. di.rba.m birdaua. [...] aš d.fklus valau/ kd.fves valai/ šefū/ ma.n patifj.ka ši.tas dd.rbas (PL3). ‘It used to be so that we work [...] I clean the horses, clean the cows, feed them, I like this work.’ Prefixed derivative: participle praet. pass. gen. sg. fem.: (57) aimd-ki L. | kiekei tris tai kė.turus „ti pu-dus / ar šešūs pudūs ti kd: / a(r) rug. / a(r) kviect.. va // e._gerd-z gi naudds jau išvali'ta.s (Viv). ‘And then you pay [...] three or four or six poods of rye or wheat, of good grain already cleaned.' The simplex valyti can denote atelic processes, and the derivative pa-valyti exists, which means that the cleaning has reached some degree, but has not come to its absolute endpoint (compare, for instance, with pa-džioventi, pa- kepti above). 3.2. Motion verbs The motion verbs we found in our data can be subdivided into two groups: 1. self motion (to go, to ride etc.) and 2. causative motion (to carry, to drive). A common feature of all motion verbs is their deictic directivity expressed by prefixes. In most of the cases, at(a)- and nu- are used with corresponding meanings of moving toward the deictic centre or away from it; cf. at(a)-eiti ‘to come (here)' : nu-eiti ‘to go, to get (there)'. For all simplex verbs of this group holds that they are diffuse with respect to this deictic orientation. For this reason they occur several times with dif- ferent prefixed derivatives. The problems this raises will be briefly discussed immediately below. 3.2.1. Verbs of self motion 3.2.1.1. eiti ‘to go’ : at(a)-eiti ‘to come’ Although from the lexicological point of view it is debatable whether this 76 Building a partial aspect system in East Aukštaitian Vilnius dialects pair can be considered as representing one lexeme!’, there obviously is no further derivative of ateiti (like, e.g., atei-diné-ti in some other dialects). For this reason we decided to include it into our list. Simplex: present tense (progressive); prefixed derivative: imperative, past tense (narrative): (58) paskari.binau vd.ndai/ sakdū *vd.nda tu kat nerasivil. kus sakdu atd.j [...] sa.ka. gerai ainil/ tai atd.ja. (Piš). ‘I called Vanda and I say: „If you are not already in bed, please come (and help me)“ [...] (she says:) „OK, I am coming“. And she came.’ In any case, the simplex eiti can denote a process, so that together with its derivative it renders a GTER pair. 3.2.1.2. [eiti] ‘to go’ : j-eiti ‘to go in’ Narrative present tense: (59) dabar iné.ja. muzikd.ntas vidun / e. vė.lnes ll.ka. až dit.ru. (Deis). ‘Now the musician came in, and the devil stayed outside.’ This case is debatable, since in the texts there is no clear example of unpre- fixed eiti used in the meaning ‘to go into some closed space’. Examples with the imperative, like eik vidun! ‘go inside!’, are confirmed by the informants; but in this case the direction of movement is made explicit by a petrified il- lative form of the noun vidus ‘inside’. 3.2.1.3. eiti ‘to go’ : nu-eiti ‘to go, to get somewhere (on foot)’ Here apply the same remarks as for eiti / ateiti (see above). Simplex: imperative; prefixed derivative: past tense (narrative): (60) a.na(s) sa.ka. ai.nam *vifidsan// jau netdli *vizei // nuvé.ja.// dabar isirsuj.k in vi.sa. tuf.gaus d.rkli. (Daiš). * Ne & we » ‘He says: “Let’s go to Vidziai, it is already not far from here”. They "First of all, for eiti it is not clear whether its deictic orientation is rather ‘here’ or ‘there’ and whether, consequently, it can be considered as enantiosemic (see the cor- relation with nu-eiti below). 77 JURGIS PAKERYS, BJORN WIEMER went there, (and he says:) “Now choose any horse you like in the market.” As with eiti : ataeiti, eiti in this meaning can also denote a telic process. 3.2.1.4. joti ‘to ride on the horseback’ : at-joti ‘to come on the horseback’ Simplex: imperative; prefixed derivative: past tense (narrative): (61) dabaf diévaz dabsdamas iž dungdū.s tii va tvarkss niér // S$vifi.- tu. *jū.rgi. / Up in d.rkle. i. j5k sutd.iki.k / kat neSpestii- nesmustii- // tas atjdja (Daiš). ‘Now the God, watching (the scene) from the skies (sees) that there is no order, (tells) St. George: mount the horse, go and settle them so that they do not fight. And he came there.’ The same remarks as with eiti : ataeiti and eiti : nueiti are at place here. 3.2.1.5. lipti ‘to climb, to get on’ : už-lipti ‘to climb up, to get on’ Simplex: imperative (62); prefixed derivative: past tense (63): (62) vé.Ine(s) sd.ka. l.p i(n) ni.gard.s/ aš tdil pé.fnesu (Daiš). ‘Now the devil says: “Get on my back, I will carry you over (the ditch).” (63) nū i ū.šlipe. in pé.édus i rd.da. (DLs). ‘Now they got on the masonry heater and found (our hare there).’ The simplex lipti can be used to denote a telic process. 3.2.1.6. [važiuoti] ‘to drive’ : at-vaZiuoti ‘to get, to drive here’ (i.e. toward the deictic centre) We have not found any example in which the simplex važiuoti would have been used synonymously to atvaZiuoti. An illustration of the latter (in the past tense) can be seen in (65), where it is used as an antonym to nuvažiuoti. 3.2.1.7. važiuoti ‘to get somewhere, to drive’ : nu-vaZiuoti ‘to get, to drive there’ (i.e. away from the deictic centre) 78 Building a partial aspect system in East Aukštaitian Vilnius dialects Simplex: present tense (progressive and habitual) (64); prefixed derivatives: present tense, narrative (65): (64) kap važuoji in vi.nédus/ tadū / diū>da pi.nigus (Daiš). ‘When you go for a wedding ceremony, then they give you the money’ (65) tai atvazé.vd./ arkliz gražūs/ lineika:i // nū tai gi / jau nuvažiūoja gi *daugiell. Skin (DcLS) ‘And he came with a carriage and a nice horse, and now they drive to Daugeliskis.’ 3.2.2. Verbs of causative motion 3.2.2.1. [nešti] ‘to carry’ : at(a)-nesti ‘to bring (here)’ Imperative, past tense: (66) ik in d3.ktafu./ atnėš pagi.méjimu. ka(t) tū neščė [...] // nuvejdi/ atd.nesdu (Dglš) “Go to the doctor and bring the paper (to confirm) that you are pregnant”. [...] And I went (to the doctor) and brought (the pa- per).’ Again, we have not encountered examples with the simplex which would show its synonymy with the derivative atnesti explicitly stating the direction of movement toward the deictic centre. However, examples like Žiūrėk, ką anas ten mums neša? ‘Look, what is he bringing for us?’ are acceptable for the informants. 3.2.2.2. nesti ‘to carry’ nu-nesti ‘to bring (there)’ Simplex: present tense (narrative, habitual) (67); prefixed derivative: past tense (68): (67) pava.sari. / labai unkšci / rd.da.m zuikū.ku. mažil.ti. // aci.neSiem namd |...) nė.šam i dd.bilu. ti i avižu. pribrdi.ki. (Piš). ‘Early in the spring, we found a baby hare and brought it home [...] (now) we bring clover, oat (to feed it).’ 79 JURGIS PAKERYS, BJORN WIEMER (68) (būdavo vilkų ir mama vis bijodavo, sakydavo:) vil. kas gd.l ti jau nu. - nes kur ma.na. vai.ku. / i de.kui diévui nė (P13). ‘(There used to be wolves and my mom was afraid and she would say:) “A wolf probably carried away my child”. Thanks God, it did not happen.’ 3.2.2.3. varyti : nu-varyti ‘to drive (an animal) somewhere’ (away from the deictic centre) Simplex: infinitive, past tense; present tense; prefixed derivative: past tense: (69) išeina raike arklis va---/ varit "jau mim // tai ma.na. téu---/ až gi tai vai.kaz buudu/ tik tėvas nuvd.re. tu. d.rkli.// ddi.k/ visas kd.imas mils va.re./ (Daiš). ‘And we had to drive (to give away) the horse (for the army). And my father, I was still a child, my father drove that horse (there), everybody from our village drove horses (there). 3.2.2.4. vežti: at-vezti ‘to drive, to bring, to deliver here’ (i.e. toward the the deictic centre) Simplex: present tense (negated, habitual); prefixed derivative: future: (70) tai asima.kéi / td.u atvėš nam. [...] alé alé ale gi tiktai.na.s td.u nė. veža gerds / td. u atves ka. kid. gi va puvėse. (Daiš). ‘If you pay, then he will deliver you (the fire wood) home. [...] But he does not deliver good (fire-wood), he will bring you some piece of rotten wood.’ 3.2.2.5. vežti : nu-vezti ‘to drive (sb, sth) there’ (i.e. away from the deictic centre) Both simplex and prefixed derivative: past tense: (71) mils i pačūz gi kap silpni bū.vd.m / mani gi i br3li. / tai if.gi nd.kti. ve.zie / *ceikiftiosan va [...] in kū.nigu (P13). 80 Building a partial aspect system in East Aukštaitian Vilnius dialects “When we, me and my brother, were weak (newborn), they drove us also to Ceikiniai, to the priest (to baptize)' (72) més kap ėjja.m (namo) i mū(s) sta.cei if Siti po.li.cininku. [...] (sulai- kė) i nu.veZie. mūs pali.cijon (Daiš). ‘When we were going home, the policemen were on our way [...] they (arrested us) and drove us to the police station.’ 3.2.3. Intransitive change of state verbs 3.2.3.1. austi : [is-austi] ‘to dawn’ Narrative present tense: (73) bi.ua. $akei / ti netd.li [...]. ni i nuvejdū // atajdi jai gi zd.ra diena dūšta (Vin). ‘There was dancing (party) not far from here. I went there, came back and (I see that) the day already dawns.’ The simplex austi here denotes a telic process. A prefixed derivative denot- ing the correlating telic event could not be found, but was confirmed by the informants. 3.2.3.2. daryti-s : pa-si-daryti ‘to come into being’ Simplex: infinitive (74); prefixed derivative: present tense, habitual (75): (74) ka(p) pradé jūu / šviesa darites/ jau li(k) kd.rve.s šniegi gi sliedė.lei (pradėjo matytis) (Daiš). “When the day light started to come into being (when it began to dawn), one could already see the track of the cow in the snow.' (75) tai tadū st3ja. di žmždini.s // tai šitū. žmd.niū. tadū vaikai. / vaikai. rasipi-la. / vat pazdd.ra. šei.ma.s (Daiš). “Then two people started living together, then they had many chil- dren, and then (new) families (of the children) come into being.' In (74) darytis is in the scope of the phasal verb pradėti 'to begin' and denotes a process. Since it denotes a change of state, its meaning is telic. In (75), the derivative pasidaryti is clearly oriented toward a telic event. 81 JURGIS PAKERYS, BJORN WIEMER 3.2.3.3. džiūti : iš-džiūti ‘to dry (up)’ (intrans.) Simplex: past tense; prefixed derivative: present tense (narrative, habitual): (76) rai.ke sakit (tokį uzkalbéjima) ėja. * jiézus jis kelū / susiti.ka. tris ro- žės / viena Suva. / antra vita. / Ys trace visai pranika. (P13). ‘One has to say (the following incantation): “Jesus was on his way, and he met three roses, one was drying up, another one was wilt- ing, and the third one disappeared altogether.” (77) pirma juds nurd.uni // tadū va sustatad / va ši.te va ši.ta.keis ku.lu. kai(s) sustatai sustatai jau ižšiūsta / tai tedū / sū.veža gi jai ti kluo- nūosan (Vip). First, you root up the flax, then you put it in small bundles, and then it dries up, then they bring it to the barn.’ Compare with the corresponding causative pair dZioventi : iSdZioventi (group 1). 3.2.3.4. [gelsti] : is-gelsti ‘to turn yellow’ Participle praet. act. nom. pl. masc.: (78) vd.iks¢e.dava. die.vu.li visi izgel.ti./ utieltl. apst>ti (Vip). ‘My God, they used to walk all yellowish and they had louses.’ According to our informants, gelsti can be used only with the telic meaning, contrary to geltonuoti. 3.2.3.5. [geltonuoti] : su-geltonuoti ‘to turn yellow’ Participle praet. act. nom. sg. masc.: (79) i perva.sar kd.fves adgd.na. vai.kas $i.ta(s) sugeltina.vi.s (Vip). ‘And that kid, all yellowish (due to hard labour), pastures the cows during all summer.’ According to the informants, geltonuoti can have stative ‘to be, to look yel- low’ or progressive-telic meaning ‘to turn yellow’. 82 Building a partial aspect system in East Aukštaitian Vilnius dialects 3.2.3.6. [gisti] : až-gisti ‘to go out (about fire)’ Participle praet. act. neutr.: (80) paskdti ai.na aina ta.ldu / raf. da tré.éu. kd.tilu. // jai ti kurinto i, ažgi.si. (Daiš). “And then he goes further and finds the third caldron, and the fire is already out (under it).’ Gisti is confirmed by the informants and attested in LKZe from locations close to Vidiškės, Daugėliškis and Palūšė (although the infinitive, according to LKZe, is gysti in Dūkštas, Linkmenys, Rimšė). 3.2.3.7. [mazinti-s] : su-si-maZinti ‘to decrease (of number, quantity)’ (intrans.) Past tense: (81) paskui gi jdu / jdu_cé kai ka.rai Sitié prazdieja. visi / tai tedu tié gi i ci- ginai susmd.zind. (Vip) ‘And then when these wars broke out, the number of Roma de- creased.’ Mažintis is not attested in the texts, but cf. LKZe, where this verb has telic meaning: Kap vištos tūpia (peri), tai kiaušiniai mazinas, tuoj visai nebus (Lei- palingis). The informants describe it as rarely used; cf. [mažinti] : sumažinti (tr.) (see first group above). 3.2.3.8. [nykti] : is-/pra-nykti ‘to disappear, to vanish’ Past tense (with either prefix): (82) (kai) d.ni.z gi (vagys) jdu uščuva:/ kat d.nas vé.jas// tai kd.rvi. in pu- šė.lb.. pririse./ pd.ti.§ isnikd. (Dos) ‘(When) they (the thieves) realized, that he is following them, they tethered the cow to the pine and dissapeared (ran away).’ (83) rai ke sakit (tokį uzkalbéjimq) é&ja.* jiezus jis kelū / susiti.ka. tris ro- žės / viena širvo. / antra vita. / W tračė visai pranika. (Piš). ‘One has to say (the following incantation): “Jesus was on his way, 83 JURGIS PAKERYS, BJORN WIEMER and he met three roses, one was drying up, another one was wilt- ing, and the third one disappeared altogether.” Nykti ‘to disappear, to diminish’ is not found in the texts, but confirmed by the informants. The difference between išnykti and pranykti is not clear, due to the lack of examples. 3.2.3.9. prausti-s : pa-si-prausti ‘to wash oneself (up)’ Simplex: past tense (84); prefixed derivative: participle praet. act. nom. sg. masc. (85): (84) tai vé.Ines [...] uu.pė.li. pi.si. vd.landa.s prdise.s mirka. undeni (DaLš). "And the devil was washing himself up in the stream for half an hour and was soaking in the water’ (85) atd.ja. d.nas iš piftés jau pasprdi.si.s ši.ta(s) šuvėjas (DLs). ‘He, that taylor, came from the steam bath house having washed himself up.’ 3.2.3.10. [taisyti-s] : pa-si-taisyti ‘to get better, to recover (from illness)’ Present tense (habitual): (86) tai jo. baba kap apsarga/ [...] tai kap jau vistiend.s me.sd-s pavd-lgd. / tadū / pastai.sd. (DGL3). ‘When his wife gets sick, [...] and when she gets some chicken meat to eat, she gets better.’ The simplex taisytis is confirmed by the informants. 3.2.3.11. temti (timti) : su-temti (su-timti) ‘to get dark’ Simplex: narrative present tense (87); prefixed derivative: past tense (88): (87) kai gafidu (tada) aš sd.va. givulus/ tai (matau, kad) dabar gi ji ti.msta (P13). I was pasturing my cattle (back then), and (I see that) it is getting dark already’. 84 Building a partial aspect system in East Aukštaitian Vilnius dialects (88) atvažd: *kd.lvesalin //ti (pa. *ignalinir [...] ka.imas// bé.n grėjd. gra- jd.ti jau kit./ kie(g). grajd./ ku. dd.re.// tadū jaū. skaitai / i suti.- ma. (Daiš). ‘They arrived in Kalvésalis, a village close to Ignalina, and they played the music, and it got dark.’ The simplex cannot be used with reference to a state (‘to be dark’). It there- fore behaves like gelsti, but not like geltonuoti (see above). 3.2.4. Social / mental activities The verbs of this subsection refer to mental and social events. It was hardly possible to verify whether simplex verbs of this subgroup can denote ongo- ing processes, although it is plausible to assume that at least some of them can (e.g., 'derintis ‘to accommodate oneself’, mokytis ‘to learn’, taikyti ‘to reconcile’). 3.2.4.1. *daryti : pa-daryti ‘to organize, to arrange (party), to prepare’ Simplex: past tense (89), narrative past tense (habitual) (90); prefixed de- rivative: past habitual (91): (89) mez dabar dd.re.m vesé.lu.// keturezdésimdevintai.s mé.tais (DGLS). ‘We were arranging our wedding party in 1949’. (90) i dd.re.m špektaklūs// *žemd.ities rasi-to. jo.s im.davau knt'gu.// js ti aprasi-ta tyki ida-muw.s [...] (P13). ‘And we did (staged) performances, we used to take some book of Žemaitė, she has some good stories.“ (91) nū e. aš pa--- / pa.skaitas bi-dava. padari-davau/ tai ape. SViAL. tu. *kazi.mieru. papd.saka.davau (P13). ‘And I used to prepare and give lectures, I used to tell them stories about St. Casimir.’ 3.2.4.2. deréti-s : su-deréti ‘to bargain, to make a bargain’ Simplex: narrative present tense (habitual) (92); prefixed derivative: present tense (habitual) (93): 85 JURGIS PAKERYS, BJORN WIEMER (92) zajiedli bu.ud. virai // jau br3-/ i tiek dé.raz gi/ i kap dé.ras/ i kiek kas duot/ i kap dist (Das). ‘The men were hard (on bargaining). Oh man, they bargain a lot on how much, how and what has to be given’. (93) im.dava. tarnd.ut [...] // nu tai / tai kiek su.dera gi kiek piidu./ ti tiek i ma.kiedava. (Vip). ‘They used to to hire [...], and they used to pay the number of poods (of grain) which they agree (had agreed) upon.’ 3.2.4.3. ['derinti-s] : da-si-derinti ‘to accomodate oneself to sb, to get into close contact with sb’ Present tense (habitual): (94) tad a. nas neva:gdavd. ūu.baga. // išeina kur vargūold./ ale [ va-gdavd. ] kur in panu. dazdé.rina (Daiš). ‘He would not rob a poor man, but he would rob when he could get close to some rich man.’ Derintis and derinti are confirmed by the informants of the dialect. Cf. also LKZe ‘to try to accomodate oneself to somebody’: Marti kiek galėdama prie visų derinasi (The daughter-in-law tries to accommodate herself to everyone as well as she can (Geistarai)). See also derinti(s) : paderinti immediately below. 3.2.4.4. [*derinti(-s)] : pa-derinti ‘to catch, choose a moment’ Participle praet. act. nom. sg. masc.: (95) tai Stas [...] ti kadū padé.rini.s mud.mentw./ inlifi.dd. / paldve.n (Daiš). ‘And he [...] once caught a moment and got under the bed’. Derinti(s) is not found in the texts, and no adequate meaning is provided in LKZe either®. Derintis and derinti are confirmed by the informants of the dialect; compare with "derinti : dasiderinti. '8 Cf. LKZe, where derinti is recorded in a meaning close to ketinti ‘to have plans, to be going to’: Šitą vištą dérinam pjaut (‘We are going to kill this hen’) (Dusetos). One example comes from Daugeliskis: Dievas dérina suSaldyt visus (‘The God is going to freeze everyone’). 86 Building a partial aspect system in East Aukštaitian Vilnius dialects 3.2.4.5. [*kavoti] : pa-kavoti ‘to bury’ Past tense: (96) i vaikū(s) saptifius turd.u [...] / e._ke.tufus pakav3.u (Daiš). ‘I had seven children [...] and I burried four of them.’ The simplex kavoti is confirmed by the informants, cf.: Siandien kavoja Juozapą (‘The funeral of Juozapas is held today’). 3.2.4.6. laikyti : at-/is-laikyti (mišias) ‘to serve (the Mass)’ Both simplex and prefixed derivative (at-laikyti): narrative present tense (ha- bitual). Simplex also: past habitual (97). Derivative with prefix {i$}: infinitive (98), with prefix {at}: present tense (narrative): (97) len.kiskai pa.maldas va laiki-dava.// desimti- va.lundu. [...] (PL). ‘At 10 a.m., they used to serve the Mass in Polish’. (98) tai vat / bu.ud. vagis // tai a.nas md.kieja. / i mises islaikit // [...] tai a.nas [...] prist. meta kat d.nas ki.nigas/ [...] ni i mi.šu. atlai.- ka./ nu tai tadu nuzdab3-jo kur pinigou / (ir pavagia) (Daiš). ‘There was a thief who knew how to serve the Mass. He [...] pre- tends to be a priest [...] he serves the Mass, and then finds out where the money is (and steals it).’ We could not establish any noticeable difference between atlaikyti and išlaikyti, both verbs are attested in the same passage of the text. 3.2.4.7. mokyti : is-mokyti ‘to teach’ Simplex: past habitual (99); prefixed derivative: future, past tense (100): (99) par miz bu.ud. kd.imi viena mo.terd.le./ tai ana mus m3-ki.davo. skaiti-t malda.kni.gie (P13). ‘There was a woman in our village who used to teach us to read a prayer book’. 87 JURGIS PAKERYS, BJORN WIEMER (100) mes nžri eš tdil iSmdki.Su va i. nuo kifme.l&'s kalbėt L. / i nuo ak va // tai iSm3-kie ana mani (P13). ‘If you want, I will teach you the incantation against worms or (the evil) eyes, and she tought me.’ Compare with mokytis : iSsimokyti immediately below. 3.2.4.8. mokyti-s : i§-si-mokyti ‘to learn’ Simplex: infinitive (101); prefixed derivative: past tense (102): (101) dd.rba. md.n né.raikie. jieska.t/ aš dd.rbu. namié turéjau// galé.u su ta.tukū gi kd.lt galé.u// m-ki.tis kd.lt (PLS). ‘There was no need for me to look for a job, I had a lot to do at home, I could do smithery with my dad, (I could) learn smith- ery.’ (102) padab3-davau padab3-davau i / dd. bi.ski. pars-di.dava. / kri kstama.- me. nū i. isimd-kau (austi ir verpti) (P13). ‘I would look (how other women spin and weave), and my god- mother would show me a bit, and (this way) I learned (to spin and to weave).’ 3.2.4.9. pasakoti : pa-pasakoti ‘to tell a story’ Simplex: past habitual (103); prefixed derivative: future (104): (103) ce pavardie bit.ua. pirma ne_*kitjiskie / ale *kiL.nigiskie / a.hd. / *kiL.- nigiskie// ale kai cé bu.ua. md.na. tievad / toi md.n tievai pd.saka. dava. (Daiš). ‘Earlier, this village was called not Kūjiškė, but Kunigiškė, but (it was earlier) when my parents (lived there) and they used to tell me a story (why the name changed).’ (104) na._ku._a$ jim papdsaka.Su sandve.i // jau ka(s) san3ve.i bil.- ud. / daugdu nebegri-s (Daiš). ‘What will I tell you (about the past?), what was in the past, it will not come back any more.’ 88 Building a partial aspect system in East Aukštaitian Vilnius dialects 3.2.4.10. [rinkti-s] : is-si-rinkti ‘to choose’ Imperative, past tense: (105) dabar isiretj.k in visa. tuf.gaus d.rkli // kurés td.u patiks [...] // baba isirifj.kd./ ama.ké ažu ši.tu. d.rkli. (Daiš). ‘(And he says:) „Now choose any horse you like in the market”. And the (old) woman chose one and he paid for it.’ The informants confirm that the simplex rinktis is also used. 3.2.4.11. skaityti : pra-skaityti ‘to read (through)’ Simplex: past habitual (106); prefixed derivative: past tense (107): (106) tievas labai skaiti-dava. kni-gu. dauk (PL3). ‘My father used to read a lot of books’ (107) tik d.tmifti. turé-davau/ jau ku. praskaiédu kas ceka.va to. neaž- miršū (DGLS). ‘I had good memory and what I read through and what I found interesting, I will not forget.’ 3.2.4.12. taikyti : su-taikyti ‘to reconcile’ Simplex: past tense; prefixed derivative: future: (108) dabar taz gine. gine/ td.ike. td.ike./ kuF ti vé.lfiu. su bd-bu sutd.i- ki.si (Das). ‘And he tried to separate them, tried to reconcile them. How can you reconcile a(n) (old) woman with the devil!’ Here the progressive (maybe even conative) function of the simplex is strengthened by the reduplication. 3.2.4.13. tikrinti : pa-tikrinti ‘to check, to verify’ Simplex: narrative present (109); prefixed derivative: infinitive (110): (109) iSei.na ti.krina / ar ti miegi // kap_arkli's tudpsi/ tai / tai ar tit mie- gi (Das). 89 JURGIS PAKERYS, BJORN WIEMER ‘And it follows that that he is checking if you are asleep by tramping like a horse’ (110) dabar ata.ja. ru.su. laikai.s pé.kla.n ravi.zija kap i vi.sadu pati.k- rint / ka(p) pe.kla.i kdké tvarka (Daiš). ‘During the Russian (Soviet) times, the inspection commitee came to hell to check the order.’ 4. CONCLUSIONS In the present paper we have been interested in establishing a representative sample of pairs of verbs which correspond to each other morphologically as simplex and prefixed derivative. Since in these cases prefixation does not lead to a change in lexical meaning, they can be considered as good candi- dates of gradual-terminative aspect pairs. We saw that their qualification as GTER pairs crucially hinges upon whether the simplex is able to denote a telic process. Very often we were unable to find appropriate examples, and not always replies from informants rendered satisfying results, either. An even more serious problem arises if we ask whether the two morphologi- cally correlated stems are distributed complementarily over temporal (and other) functions. No such tendency could be disclosed, but the restrictedness of our data should prevent us from any more far-reaching assumptions in this regard. What we can however affirm is the following. Prefixed stems are often used to denote habitual events, both in the context of past tense and present tense forms (sometimes marked additionally by the past habitual form budavo ‘(it) used to be/happen’); compare ex. 10, 14, 19, 25, 28, 30, 31, 51, 75, 77, 86, 93, 94, 98. Although simplex stems are also encountered in this function, their prefixed derivatives seem to be used in the present tense only for the purpose of denoting iterated (in particular, habitual) events; in these cases processes (or states) are excluded. An analogous observation was made already in Kardelis/Wiemer (2002: 63f.) on the basis of a broader area of Eastern Lithuanian dialects with reference to verbs denoting speech acts and various ways of talking. These verbs predominantly belonged to other ILA classes than GTER. These observations taken together make us inclined to assume that, if simplex stems by prefixation render extended stems with identical lexical 90 Building a partial aspect system in East Aukštaitian Vilnius dialects meanings, the prefixed member of the pair is ‘perfective’ in the sense that it 1s restricted to events, whereas the simplex verbs are functionally much less constrained (and thus aspectually diffuse). Nonetheless, as far as we can judge, this aspectual specialization of prefixed derivatives has not led to a complementary distribution of functions, as it would be required if these productive processes of morphological pairings rendered true aspect pairs. Apart from this, the following conclusions can be drawn from the ana- lyzed textual material: 1) Many simplex stems can be prefixed with {pa}. They mostly were not attested in the texts, but given by informants on request. More often than not these derivatives denote a merely temporal delimitation of atelic processes (named by the simplex stems), e.g. pa-arpuiti ‘to winnow grain (for some time)’. Exceptions are sodinti = pa-sodinti in the meaning ‘to plant’ and kelti => pa-kelti ‘to wake up, raise’. However, since with the latter the progressive function of the simplex seems doubtful, the pair kelti—pakelti should rather be considered as belonging to the TTER class (i.e. both members of the pair denote the same event). 2) In connection with this we can observe that simplex stems are often diffuse (underdetermined) with regard to telicity. Their telic vs. atelic inter- pretation correlates with differences in prefixation: {pa}, as a rule, renders atelic derivatives, other prefixes, e.g. (iš), telic ones. Cf. the remarks, for instance, on austi ‘to weave’, dZioventi ‘to dry’ (trans.), kepti ‘to bake’, valyti ‘to clean (up). 3) In contrast to the previous group, a couple of simplex stems are inher- ently telic, so that prefixation does not add this feature to the stem. Corre- sponding stem pairs are ideal cases of GTER pairs. See, for instance, braukti ‘to scutch, wipe’, 'daryti ‘to lock up’, ?daryti ‘to produce’, ruoštis ‘to prepare oneself’, ūgenti ‘to raise children’, gelsti ‘to turn yellow’, temti ‘to get dark’. 4) A few verbs from this latter group show enantiosemy, which can be disambiguated by different prefixes. Here belong autis ‘to put on/off foot- wear’, kinkyti ‘to harness/unharness (a horse)’, possibly also risti(s) ‘to teth- er/untether’. 91 JURGIS PAKERYS, BJORN WIEMER Table 1. 1. Verbs with directly affected / effected objects . larpuiti] : is-arpuiti ‘to winnow (out) . austi : iš-austi ‘to weave’ lautis] : ap-si-auti ‘to put on footwear’ . braukti : is-braukt1 ‘to scutch (out), swingle’ "daryti : az-daryti ‘to close, to lock up’ “daryti : pa-daryti ‘to make, produce’ [dZioventi] : iS-dZioventi ‘to dry (up)’ (transitive) [galabyti] . nu-galabyti ‘to kill’ © ® NO UA WN 18 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 24. 25, 26. 27. 28. 29. 30. 31. 32. . ginti : raz-gint1 ‘to separate, to drive away’ 10. Il 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. karti : pa-karti ‘to hang, to string’ ['kavoti] : pa-kavoti ‘to hide’ kelti : pa-kelti ‘to wake up’ (transitive) kepti : iš-kepti ‘to bake’ [kinkyti] : pa-kinkyti ‘to harness’ kulti : [is-kulti] / nu-kulti ‘to thresh’ kūrenti : iš-kūrenti ‘to heat (a stove)’ kurti : ažu-kurti ‘to make up the fire’ [mazinti] : su-mazinti ‘to decrease (tr.)’ melžti : pa-melZti ‘to milk’ minti : iš-minti ‘to break (flax)’ Įmūryti) : [iš-mūryti) ‘to build of bricks’ plauti : [is-plauti] ‘to wipe (floor), to wash (clothes)’ [ruosti] : pa-ruosti ‘to prepare’ rišti : pri-risti ‘to tether’ seti : pa-seti ‘to sow’ [sodinti] : pa-sodinti ‘to place, to put (into prison)’ statyti : pa-statyti ‘to build, to erect’ šukuoti : is-Sukuoti ‘to hatchel, hackel (flax)’ [tapyti] : nu-tapyti ‘to deceive, to cause sb’s bad life’ tvarkyti : su-tvarkyti ‘to put in order, to take care of, to repair ūgenti : uz-tugenti ‘to bring up kids’ valyti : is-valyti ‘to clean (up)’ 92 , Building a partial aspect system in East Aukštaitian Vilnius dialects Continuation of table 1 2. Motion verbs 1. Verbs of self motion l.eiti ‘to go’ : ata-eiti ‘to come’ 2. [eiti] ‘to go’ : j-eiti ‘to go in’ 3. eiti ‘to go’ : nu-eit1 ‘to go, to get somewhere (on foot)’ 4. joti ‘to ride on the horseback’ : at-jot1 ‘to come on the horseback’ 5. lipti “to climb, to get on’ : už-lipti ‘to climb up, to get on’ 6. [važiuoti] ‘to drive’ : at-vaZiuoti ‘to get, to drive here’ (i.e. toward the deictic centre) 7. važiuoti ‘to get somewhere, to drive’ : nu-vaZiuoti ‘to get, to drive there’ (i.e. away from the deictic centre) 2. Verbs of causative motion 1. [nesti] ‘to carry’ : at(a)-nesti ‘to bring (here)’ 2. nešti ‘to carry’ nu-nesti ‘to bring (there)’ 3. varyti : nu-varyti ‘to drive (an animal) somewhere’ (away from the deictic centre) 4. vežti : at-veiti ‘to drive, to bring, to deliver here’ (i.e. toward the deictic centre) 5. vežti : nu-vezti ‘to drive (sb, sth) there’ (1.e. away from the deictic centre) 3. Intransitive change of state verbs 1. austi : [is-austi] ‘to dawn’ 2. daryti-s : pa-si-daryti ‘to come into being’ 3. džiūti : iš-džiūti ‘to dry (up)’ (intrans.) 4. [gelsti] : iš-gelsti ‘to turn yellow’ 5. [geltonuot1] : su-geltonuoti ‘to turn yellow’ 6. [gisti] : az-gisti ‘to go out (about fire)’ 7. [maZinti-s] : su-si-maZinti ‘to decrease (of number, quantity)’ (intrans.) 8. [nykti] . i§-/pra-nykt: ‘to disappear, to vanish’ 9. prausti-s : pa-si-prausti ‘to wash oneself (up)’ 10. [taisyti-s] : pa-si-taisyti ‘to get better, to recover (from illness)’ 11. temti (timti) : su-temti (su-timti) ‘to get dark’ 4. Social / mental activities 1. deréti-s : su-dereti ‘to bargain, to make a bargain’ 2. 'daryt: : pa-daryti ‘to organize, to arrange (party), to prepare’ 3. ['derinti-s] : da-si-derinti ‘to accomodate oneself to sb, to get into close contact with sb’ 93 JURGIS PAKERYS, BJORN WIEMER Continuation of table 1 4. [*derinti(-s)] : pa-derinti ‘to catch, choose a moment’ 5. [*kavoti] : pa-kavoti ‘to bury’ 6. laikyti : at-/is-laikyti (mišias) ‘to serve (the Mass)’ 7. mokyti : is-mokyti ‘to teach’ 8. mokyti-s : is-si-mokyti ‘to learn’ 9. pasakoti : pa-pasakoti ‘to tell a story’ 10. [rinkti-s] : iš-si-rinkti ‘to choose’ 11. skaityti : pra-skaityt1 ‘to read (through)’ 12. taikyti : su-taikyti ‘to reconcile’ 13. tikrinti : pa-tikrinti ‘to check, to verify’ ABBREVIATIONS AND SYMBOLS DaLš Daugeliškis LKZE Lietuvių kalbos žodynas (t. I-XX, 1941-2002), elektroninis variantas, redaktorių kolegija: G. Naktinienė (vyr. redaktorė), J. Paulauskas, R. Pet- rokienė, V. Vitkauskas, J. Zabarskaitė, Vilnius: Lietuvių kalbos institutas, http://www.lkz.lt PLš Palūšė Vip Vidiskes = <= direction of morphological operation (stem derivation) INTRANS. Intransitive stem TRANS. transitive stem PF., IPF. perfective, imperfective (aspect, stem — regarding Slavic) ILA-CLASSES 1) simple classes : ACTI ‘activity’ RSTA ‘relatively stative’ TSTA ‘totally stative’ TTER ‘totally terminative’ 2) complex classes: 94 Building a partial aspect system in East Aukštaitian Vilnius dialects GTER ‘gradual terminative' ISTA ‘inceptive stative' INCO ‘inchoative’ REFERENCES BAceviCIOTE, R., IVANAUSKIENE, A., LESKAUSKAITE, A., TRumpA, E. 2004: Lietuvių kalbos tarmių chrestomatija. Vilnius: Lietuvių kalbos institutas. BermEL, N. 1997: Context and the Lexicon in the Development of Russian Aspect, Berkeley-Los Angeles-London: University of California Press. Breu, W. 1996: Komponentenmodell der Interaktion von Lexik und Aspekt. In: W. GirkE, ed., Slavistische Linguistik 1995. Miinchen: Sagner, 37-74. Breu, W. 1998a: Komplexe aktionale Verbklassen, insbesondere Inchoativa. In: T. Berger & J. Raecke, eds., Slavistische Linguistik 1997. Miinchen: Sagner, 55-80. Breu, W. 1998b: Sopostavlenie slavjanskogo glagol’'nogo vida i vida romanskogo tipa (aorist : imperfekt : perfekt) na osnove vzaimodejstvija s leksikoj. In: M. Ju. Certkova, ed., Tipologija vida (problemy, poiski, reSenija). Moskva: Skola «Jazyki russkoj kul’tury», 88-99. Breu, W. 2005: Verbalaspekt und Sprachkontakt. Ein Vergleich der Systeme zweier slavischer Minderheitensprachen (SWR/MSL). In: S. Kempgen, ed., Slavistische Linguistik 2003. Miinchen: Sagner, 37-95. Breu, W. 2007: Der Verbalaspekt im Spannungsfeld zwischen Grammatik und Lexikon. Sprachwissenschaft 32-2, 123-166. Comrie, B. 1976: Aspect. Cambridge etc.: Cambridge University Press. Karperis, V., Wiemer, B. 2002: Ausbildung von Aspektpaarigkeit in litauischen Grenz- und Inseldialekten (am Beispiel von Sprechverben). Linguistica Baltica 10, 51-80. 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