Building a partial aspect system in East Aukštaitian Vilnius dialects of Lithuanian: Correlations between telic and activity verbs

Acta Linguistica Lithuanica LVII (2007), 45-97 Building a partial aspect system in East AukStaitian Vilnius dialects of Lithuanian: Correlations between telic and activity verbs* Jurcis PAKERYS Vilniaus universitetas BJORN WIEMER Johannes-Gutenberg-Universitét Mainz This paper is a pilot study based on tape-recorded and transcribed Lithuanian dialectal texts (from the northern part of the East AukStaitian Vilnius dialect group) to investigate the correlation between telic and activity verbs. We analyzed morphologically correlated (prefixed and unprefixed) verbal stems which are potential members of “gradual-terminative” (GTER) verb pairs. We conclude that the prefixed members of the pairs are ‘perfective’ in the sense that they are restricted to events, whereas the simplex verbs are functionally much less constrained (and thus aspectually diffuse). Nonetheless, this aspectual specialization of prefixed derivatives has not led to a complementary distribution of functions, as it would be required if these productive processes of morphological pairing yielded true aspect pairs. 0. INTRODUCTION The morphological structure of Lithuanian verbs is very similar to that of Slavic ones, because it is based on stem derivation (see Figure 1). Since the immediate Slavic contact languages of Lithuanian belong to East Slavic (Belarusian, Russian) and West Slavic (Polish in its local varieties, comprised by the name ‘polszezyzna kresowa’), which are all characterized by a fully de- * The research was done as a part of the project LITTERA: Lithuanian national identity in the context of cultural dialogue in 16th-20th century funded by the Lithuanian State Science and Studies Foundation. We would like to thank dr. Vytautas Kardelis and Daiva Kardelyté-Grinevigiené for the dialectal texts and numerous comments on the material. 45 Jurcis Pakerys, BJORN WIEMER veloped opposition of perfective vs. imperfective aspect (pf. : ipf.), it comes as a natural assumption that Lithuanian has developed such an opposition, too. For sure, it should be admitted that local Slavic varieties — in particular the ‘polszczyzna kresowa’ just mentioned and Belarusian dialects bordering on or even reaching into Lithuanian speaking territory - have experienced reverse influences from Lithuanian, on the substrate of which they most probably developed. However, as far as we can judge on thebasis of both the literature on the subject and fieldwork done by ourselves, these Slavic varieties do not exhibit any considerable differences in their aspect systems (“measured” either by functional oppositions or the way aspect pairs are formed) in comparison to Polish or Belarusian varieties outside this contact area. Of course, this complicated and hitherto neglected issue requires systematic investigation on the basis of reliable data. Since this cannot be the task of the present article, we, for the time being, have to leave open the question of mutual impact in the domain of verbal morphology and grammatical opposition between Lithuanian and Slavic varieties in contact with each other. On first sight, the assumption formulated above is confirmed by the observation that stem derivation in Lithuanian appears to be even more productive than in the surrounding Slavic languages. There have indeed been numerous attempts to show that Lithuanian has grammatical aspect as have the latter ones, often by just projecting functional principles of the Russian aspect system onto Lithuanian. However, the expression of aspectually relevant oppositions in Lithuanian is considerably less grammaticalized than it is in its nearest Slavic neighbours, even if we admit that aspect oppositions can at least in part be based on other functional distinctions than in Russian or Polish (cf. Wiemer 2002: ch. 4.1). To show this it does not suffice to look at morphology itself; the stem-derivational nature of Slavic aspect does not belong to the canonical examples of grammaticalization, which, first of all, include processes of morphologization. Slavic aspect as well as the “half-way” grammaticalized Lithuanian aspectual derivation can be adequately described only if we understand it as a process of tightening of temporal (and other) functions paralleled by a consequent re-distribution of morphologically related and lexically identical stems that are mapped onto opposite functional values (cf. Wiemer 2002: 4.1.2; 2003: 41-45; 2006; 2008). Looked at from this perspective, the de46 Building a partial aspect system in East AukStaitian Vilnius dialects gree of grammaticalization should be “measured” on the basis of how far morphological operations fulfil the following criteria, which originate from Lehmann (1999: 208): (a) With regard to the lexical stems of a given syntactic class (noun, verb, etc.) the distribution of grammatical markers (here: derivational affixes) has reached its maximum. (b) Both formal distinctions (here: derivation patterns) and functions are obligatory. (c) The formal distinctions consist of regular oppositions. (d) The functions are maximally abstract (i.e., in our case, they involve not only aspectual oppositions proper, but also modal, illocutionary and textual ones). How this applies in the evolution of an aspect system, will be further discussed in 1.1. The assertion that Lithuanian has not grammaticalized stem-derivational aspect to a degree comparable to its nearest Slavic neighbours holds for any variety of Lithuanian, even for those dialects which have been in immediate contact with (or even surrounded by) Slavic, usually Belarusian, varieties as, e.g., the extinct dialect of Dzjatlava (Lith. Zietela), or the moribund dialects of Peljasa (Lith. Pelesa) and Harvjaty (Lith. Gervéciai). All these varieties fail to pass at least some stronger criteria, first of all: they lack complementary functional distribution between morphologically related stems with identical lexical meaning (= criterion (b) above); neither are these stems apt to functional neutralization in clearly definable contexts (for the standard language cf. Wiemer 2001: 39-45; 2002: 4.1.2.8; Kardelis & Wiemer 2002: 63-65, 78). These criteria are not met, for instance, in the dialect of Dzjatlava, as far as can be inferred from dictionary data (cf. Kardelis & Wiemer 2003: 59-64), but also from specialized in-depth descriptions (cf. Vidugiris 1961; 1998), which anyway lack a theory of aspect and its interaction with lexical units (stems). In order to better understand what has really been going on in different varieties of Lithuanian, it proves to be mandatory to turn to the analysis of texts, i. e. to coherent speech tape-recorded in as spontaneous circumstances as possible. Only richer contexts supplied by coherent discourse give a sufficient guarantee for a reliable enough “check” of temporal and other properties of different verb forms which are relevant for a qualified judgment 47 Jurcis Pakerys, BJORN WIEMER on the degree of grammaticalization of aspect distinctions in a particular variety. Since such work has never been done before on Lithuanian data, and since a reliable judgement concerning the functional oppositions distinguished by morphologically related stems would actually require a thorough investigation of a large amount of verbs belonging to different aspectually sensitive classes (see 1.2), we decided to begin such a work by restricting ourselves, first, to one aspectual class, namely: to telic verbs correlated with activities (see 1.3, section 3), and, second, to one clearly delimited dialect area (see section 1). In this respect, the present article is a pilot study. A similar study, though on a broader dialectal basis and concentrating on other aspectual classes, was published as Kardelis & Wiemer (2002). This study and the present one share the same theoretical foundations and pursue the same research goals. The article is structured as follows. First, we will dwell on the question how aspect oppositions marked by stem derivation can arise. In connection with this we will discuss the derivational patterns and the functions which a full-fledged aspect opposition should display (see 1.1). After that we will give a general idea of the ILA-theory (‘Interaktion von Lexik und Aspekt’), which has been developed by Walter Breu in a couple of publications since the late 1980s (1.2) and which will be applied by us to Lithuanian dialectal data. In 1.3 we will focus on the correlation of telic verbs with verbs denoting activities. This correlation is of particular significance for a derivational aspect system, since telic and correlated activity verb stems can easily render “gradual-terminative” (GTER) verb pairs, which give a starting point in the rise of such an aspect system. This type of “pairing” between morphologically correlated stems will become the proper subject of the main part, namely: the analysis of potential GTER pairs in the material (section 3). Before this data section we will give some general information on the dialects investigated, the type of data used and the way they were collected and prepared for linguistic analysis (section 2). Section 4 gives some conclusions. 48 Building a partial aspect system in East AukStaitian Vilnius dialects 1. BUILDING AN ASPECT SYSTEM VIA STEM DERIVATION 1.1. General outline: morphological patterns and aspectual classes In general, we speak of grammatical aspect in all cases in which there is a stable correlation between oppositions of verb forms and their functions concerning the inherent temporal structure of situations. Notice that such an opposition can involve not only verb forms organized into a paradigm in the usual sense, i.e. as a set of inflected forms applied to the same stem (simple or affixed)', but it may also consist in a regular relation between two stems of which one is derived from the other (see Fig. 1 below). In any case grammatical aspect is to become manifest in morphology. For this reason, so-called “aspectual composition”, often described in formal semantics, should not be considered as an instantiation of grammatical aspect. This is a matter of aspectual interpretation only on clause level. Consequently, the labels ‘perfective’ : ‘imperfective’ (verbs, aspect) will be used strictly as indications of the grammatical status of verbs (verb forms), not in a purely semantic sense. This accepted, aspect markers should be treated as operators on the lexical content of verb stems, which, in turn, should be viewed as operanda. Such an operator—operandum relationship holds regardless of the morphological form by which aspect oppositions are expressed, i.e. whether these forms have an inflectional status or not, or whether they are coded by bound or free morphemes (cf. also Breu 2007: 138-141). What we thus need is a theory of grammatical aspect which takes into account the interaction between morphological marking devices and the lexical meaning of verbs, and which allows to group the inventory of lexical verb stems (as the operanda) with reference to the “output” received from the application of aspect markers (as the operators). Up to date there are several such theories, and essentially all of them are based on the notion of borders of situations (events or states) and the possibility to focus or disfocus them (cf. the overview given by Sasse 2002, especially pp. 222-225). The ILA-theory developed by Breu belongs among these theories. ‘This includes analytic forms as, ¢.g., the English progressive or the East and West Slavic analytic future (for ipf. verbs). 49 JurRGis PakERYS, BJORN WIEMER Figure 1: Rise of patterns of aspect derivation I. productive affixation Ja. Russian (i) simplex stem = prefixed stem : pisat’ => na-pisat’ ‘to write’ (=> + napis-yva-t’ ‘the same’) (ii) stem = suffixation with {nu}: dostigat’ => dostig-nu-t’ ‘to reach’ (iii) prefixed stem = (secondarily) suffixed stem: (pisat’ =>) s-pisat’ = spis-yva-t’ ‘to copy’ Ib. Lithuanian Gi) simplex stem = prefixed stem: rasyti = pa-rasyti ‘to write’ (ii) stem = suffixation with {telé / teré}: Sokti ‘to jump’ => Sok-telé-ti to jump (once)’ (iii) prefixed stem = (secondarily) suffixed stem: (rodyti =>) j-rodyti ‘to prove’ = jrod-iné-ti ‘to (try to) prove’ Il. functional reinterpretation (a) imperfective = perfective verb (pair) (b) perfective > imperfective verb (pair) Before we go on explaining ILA-theory (see 1.2-1.3), let us comment on linguistic forms expressing aspect distinctions. How can an aspect opposition be built on something different from inflection (as in, e.g., Romance past tenses) or analytic forms (as, e.g., with the English progressive), namely: on derivation? To understand this, let us look at Figure 1, which represents the way so-called aspect pairs are created in Slavic languages. The upper part (I.) subsumes the basic patterns of affixation productive in Slavic verbal morphology (Ia); these are paralleled by Lithuanian (Ib). From a morphotactic viewpoint these patterns are independent from inflectional distinctions, they thus apply also for indefinite (untensed) forms. They create derived stems whose lexical meaning is either identical to that of their deriving bases (stems), or the lexical meaning is somehow modified and/or acquires another aspectual (phasal etc.) character. A necessary condition of becoming an aspect pair is however that deriving and derived stem share an identical lexical meaning; part Ia. of Fig. 1 illustrates such cases. Here it is essential to notice that lexical identity need not be changed by prefixation; 50 Building a partial aspect system in East AukStaitian Vilnius dialects see the pairs Russ. pisat’ => na-pisat’ ‘to write’ (telic), stroit’ => po-stroit’ ‘to build’, contrary to, e.g., pisat’ ‘to write’ => za-pisat’ ‘to take a note’, stroit’ ‘to build’ => pere-stroit’ ‘to reconstruct’. In part II. we see the basic patterns of aspect pairs in Slavic. These are reinterpretations of those derivationally related stems from part I. which are (or can be, under certain circumstances) identical in lexical meaning (cf. Kardelis & Wiemer 2002: 53f.). Further, it is crucial to understand that such paired verbs (stems) are not ordinary synonyms, because they cannot replace one another ad libitum. On the contrary, their use is constrained by the grammatical context (e.g., in the scope of verbs denoting phases, like ‘start, continue, end’, infinitives of only those verbs can be used which are qualified as ipf.), and they show more or less clear distributional preferences over functions comprising not only aspectual distinctions, but also functions in the domains of temporal location, temporal definiteness (episodicity), modality, illocution and presupposition’. The respective verbs constituting a pair show an almost complementary distribution on these functions, so that they share into a common paradigm (cf. Wiemer 2001: 37-39). If grammaticalization proceeds further, conditions arise under which verbs from a pair have to be substituted for one another. The best-known example of such a condition is the narrative present, in which in East Slavic and Polish only ipf. verbs can be used, becoing, as it were, lexical substitutes of their pf. counterparts (cf. Zaliznjak & Smelev 2000: 44, 47-49)‘. This process, which changes the grammar without changing derivation into inflection, can thus be called ‘functional expansion of complementary restrictions’. It consists in an increasingly complementary ? Suppletive pairs are left apart here (e.g., klast’” / polozit’” ‘to put down’, brat’ / vajat’” ‘to take’). Since suppletion is by definition understood as kind of exception from rule (here: the derivational pattern), the existence of such pairs just confirms the validity of the rule. * This expansion of functions beyond temporality appears to be particularly strong in East Slavic (first of all in standard Russian) and in Polish (cf. Wiemer 2008). *In Russian aspectological literature this kind of substitution has usually been named “aspect neutralization” (‘vidovaja nejtralizacija’). In fact, it should be viewed as but an extreme case of so-called “aspect rivalization” (‘vidovaja konkurencija’), in which verbs of both aspects may be used, but with slightly different shadowings of meaning (depending on the semantic or pragmatic context). 51 Jurcis PAkerys, BJORN WIEMER re-distribution of derivationally related verb stems for a growing number of semantic and pragmatic distinctions. The more verbs (of different aspectually sensitive classes) get involved into this process, the more stem derivation becomes a matter of grammar or, more precisely, of grammatical restrictions as a consequence of functional re-distribution. This process can be called ‘lexical expansion by repartition’ (more on this topic in Lehmann 1999: 203-205, 207-229; 2004). Both functional expansion of complementary restrictions and lexical expansion are necessary ingredients of a gradual grammaticalization process. Thus, the reinterpretation of derivational patterns (see Il. in Fig. 1) is an outcome of a gradual increase of complementary functional restrictions on productive affixation. Simultaneously it involves an increase of pairs of verbs with a common lexical meaning. These criteria first of all concern socalled secondary suffixation (see the example in Ia. (iii) in Fig. 1), inasmuch as prefixation in most cases leads to a modification of the lexical meaning of the simplex stem. Above we have however noticed that prefixation of a simplex stem without lexical change is possible. In section 3 it will be exactly those cases which will be of interest. All mentioned types of affixation are productive in standard Lithuanian, too; they are probably even more productive than in (standard) Russian or Polish. However, apparently there are no contextual constraints on the use of either verb from such pair, let alone rules of neutralization (obligatory substitution). Complementary distribution between derivationally related stems seems to hold only for aspectual meanings proper, i.e. for functions concerning the internal temporal contour of the situation, and only with certain telic verbs (cf. Wiemer 2001: 41f.). This can be considered as the central function of aspect oppositions (see the classical definition of aspect in Comrie 1976: 3), and it can reasonably be regarded as the diachronic starting point if grammatical aspect is to arise in the system of a language, temporal location and other domains becoming marked only later (as has been shown for Russian by Bermel 1997; see also the argument in Wiemer 2003: 41-46). In Lithuanian, however, all these domains have remained largely irrelevant for stem derivation of verbs, as until now no clear functional restrictions of this kind could be found (cf. Wiemer 2002: 4.1). 52 Building a partial aspect system in East Auk8taitian Vilnius dialects 1.2, ILA-theory, aspectual classes and the lexicon Breu’s ILA-theory aims at classifying and explaining the interaction between verb lexemes® and aspect markers; the former are understood as operanda, the latter as operators®. As we have seen, the Slavic pf. : ipf. opposition is based on the derivational relation between stems. Breu starts from the assumption that verbs (as well as other lexical units able to function as predicates) are inherently sensitive to aspectual distinctions. This sensitivity serves as a basis for their lexicon-internal classification and is in principle valid for all languages, regardless of whether they have an aspect system or not. The ILA-classification divides verbs into groups according to whether they show inherent boundaries (beginning or end) or not. If a language has aspect markers, these either focus on a lexically inherent boundary (pf. aspect), or they defocus it (ipf. aspect). This central division into aspect functions is captured as ‘focus aspect’. Below we will concentrate on this issue, although the theory also makes predictions concerning the behaviour in cases of lack of time-locatedness (iteration etc.). All remarks and illustrations in the remaining part of this section pertain to the standard language (Lith. ‘bendriné kalba’), and they are of a preliminary nature (cf. Wiemer 2002: 4.1). They serve as a starting point for the description of the dialect data. Verb lexemes can be divided into four simple ILA-classes, three of which can further combine into three complex classes. The four simple classes are the following ones: (i) ‘totally stative’ (TSTA): these typically denote inalienable properties, e. g. sverti ‘to weigh’, prilygti ‘to be equivalent’ (e.g., Viljamas Frajus padaré isvadq, jog, nusijuokus 100 karty, tai prilygsta 10 minuciy bégimo ristele ‘William Fry made a conclusion that laughing 100 times a day is equivalent to 10 minutes of jogging’). (ii) ‘relatively stative’ (RSTA): such lexemes represent temporary states presupposing a starting point which is focussed on if a pf. aspect exists. Compare, e.g., girdéti ‘to hear’, myléti ‘to love’. ’ By ‘lexeme’ we mean a verb in one lexical meaning. Furthermore we will simply speak of ‘verbs’, if there is no danger of confusion. °For the latest explication of the theory cf. Breu (2005: 46-56; 2007: 144-155). 53 Jurcis Pakerys, ByOrn WIEMER Since this was a pilot study, and we wanted to gain a comprehensive overview of the stems which are of interest to us and their usage types in the texts, we decided to analyze such stems by a random choice, taking examples from each third page of the transcripts (Vi, Det). This rendered 107 stems (types), which we could qualify as separate lexemes, with 211 occurrences (tokens) for Vin, 208 stems (types) with 416 tokens for Dats. We further used additional texts from Palii8é (henceforth P13; ca. 96.000 characters long) to search for correlating GTER pair members which we could not locate in Vin and Dats. When we were unable to find a correlate in the texts, we worked with informants of the dialect to check if such a verb was used in their dialect. We also worked with these informants to verify the lexical meaning of the potential GTER pair members. Our final list of the material includes 67 GTER pairs (see Table 1 at the end of the paper). 3. ANALYSIS OF THE DATA We have divided the potential GTER pairs into the following four semantic groups: 1) verbs with directly affected or effected objects (e.g. to close, to harness, to wake up; to weave, to bake), 2) verbs of motion and moving (e.g. to go, to ride; to drive (horses), to bring), 3) intransitive verbs denoting a change of state (e.g to dry, to turn yellow, to dawn), 4) verbs denoting social and/or mental activities or events (to bargain, to teach, to organise, to tell a story). It is generally very difficult, and often impossible, to establish an array of aspectual functions for particular verbs (lexemes, stems) on the basis of a very limited amount of data. Even though we study text data here, the token frequency of some particular functions can be considered to be high, whereas others are encountered rarely, so that they are likely to be absent in a relatively small corpus. As a consequence, the data investigated here most probably render only a fragmentary picture of the distribution of functions. Since however we chose verb stems from even intervals of pages, i.e. by a “mechanic” device not guided by a priori semantic considerations, it can at 60 Building a partial aspect system in East AukStaitian Vilnius dialects least be claimed that the selection is representative of the use (meanings) of these verb stems in natural dialect texts. We will put into square brackets those verb stems (infinitive forms) that were not found in the texts, but confirmed by informants. The forms encountered in the texts are ordered by grammatical criteria (tenses and infinite forms) and, subsequently, by their functions, as far as these can be determined with sufficient reliability. If they cannot, we will indicate this and give the relevant examples. Lack of examples for grammatical forms or functions simply means that they are not attested in our data. In this respect, we are offering here an ordered collection of representative dialect data for lexicographic and aspectological purpose. Conclusions will follow in the final section. 3.1. Verbs with directly affected / effected objects 3.1.1. [arpuiti]" : if-arpuiti ‘to winnow (out)’ Present tense, habitual: (10) timasi.na.s bi-daya. sitiém isikti.lt gru.dd.m arkli.nie.s bu.ud. gi mast.na.s paskui_ gi afpas ti ta-kis iSarpuji (Vin). ‘There used to be horse powered threshing machines, and there was that winnower, you winnow out (grain using it).’ Informants also confirm the existence of pa-arpuiti, which however means a purely temporal delimitation of the action denoted by the simplex (‘to winnow grain for a while’). 3.1.2. austi : is-austi ‘to weave’ Simplex: present tense, habitual: (11) ifi.vere Lkiék né-éu. / idviliku né-éu. / iLastuofd-lika nééu. skai.- td.s / iketufo.m / idviém nétim va // jdt / jautl. / i---/ ifvé.rta tai ti jou dré-bi. d.uge (Viv). ‘They put a number of threads, twelve or eighteen, or they thread four or two threads and weave linen cloth.’ “= LKZe gives only arpavoti with the same meaning. 61 JurGis Pakerys, BJORN WIEMER Prefixed stem: participle praet. pass. neutr. (habitual): (12) da. bitdaua. / 3t.tas keinieni.s sd.ka. / tat ké. ‘ine. Mh jdu va,véram apaéFntai // da. kop navatnal bi-daud. aghi-ti va, ifd.usta (Viv). ‘There used to be that cloth for men’s underwear trousers [...] and (that cloth) used to be woven in fir-tree pattern.’ Informants confirm the existence of a purely delimitative pa-austi. 3.1.3. [autis] : ap-si-auti ‘to put on footwear’ Participle praet. act. nom. sg. masc.: (13) dievi.idu / tas kadultnais apstevi.s klari klari klar sitois keleis jau, sé.ko.jdu / in tuf.gu. (Derg). ‘My God, that man with the clogs on [...] follows (that thief) to the market.’ Although the simplex autis is not attested in our texts, it is used in the dialect. Its basic meaning is telic. Notice that autis can also correlate with the corresponding prefixed verb of the reverse meaning: nusiauti ‘to take off footwear’. This likewise is not attested in our texts, but exists according to informants. Autis therefore represents a case of enantiosemy, and in both meanings forms a GTER pair with the respective prefixed derivative. 3.1.4. braukti : i3-braukti ‘to scutch (out), swingle’ Both simplex and prefixed derivative: present tense, habitual: (14) nitai / tad LSmina / tadi juds,ti. té&kir / brdii.ktuve.s medi.nies padari:ta skai.ta. iZbrdii.ke // brdu.--- / brdii.ke // tat i--- / i3musa (Vip). ‘And then they break it (the flax) and then they use wooden scutchers, scutch it out, scutch it and beat it.’ Only simplex: infinitive and past habitual: (15) lintiz gi mi.ndaya.m talké.z / bi.ud. / talko:si mi.ndava.m / tai_tadai gi jd kop iimini / tai brdii.kt / mézgivadindavé.m brdii.kt 62 Building a partial aspect system in East AukStaitian Vilnius dialects rai.gdaya. / [...] brdii.gdava.m / Suktisdava.m (P18). ‘We used to break flax, we would work together, and when you break the flax down, you have to scutch it, we used to say ,,to scutch“, [...] and we would scutch and then hackle (the flax).’ Also in this case the simplex braukti is in any type of use to be considered as telic. Although here we have thus a good instance of a GTER pair, it remains unclear whether the functions of its members are distributed complementarily. 3.1.5. 'daryti : az-daryti ‘to close, to lock up’ Simplex: present tense, narrative, progressive: (16) &,md.na. tievad sani / rd.uda // atajdu/ rd.udo / in pé.&du---// cé. tik bro---/ sttnu. pakavé-jd./ cé maii. [...] jéudd.ra. kalei.man (Dcis). ‘And my parents were old, they weep, I came there, they weep on the masonry heater, they just burried the son and now they (the police) are going to lock me in the prison.’ This single instance of daryti can also be read in a more specific conative meaning (‘they are trying to put me into prison’). Prefixed derivative: participle praet. pass. nom. pl. fem.: (17) 4.8ei prabunda / md.na. [...] avé.lu. nierd / avé.la.§ jdt izbé-gi. md.- na. // [...] nuveinii pifk5-fi i sakaut / md.ma / md.na. avé.lu nierd / ak bijau ait / jieska.t // nit sumd.mi més i.ainam abi // nu atai.- nam_gi mt:su. a%darito.s avé.les (P18). ‘And I wake up and my sheep are gone, my sheep have run away, L...] I come inside the hut and say: “Mummy, my sheep are gone, I’m afraid to go to look for them”. And we go together with my mummy and we come and (we see that) our sheep are locked up (inside).’ 63 Jurcis Pakerys, BsOrN WieMER 3.1.6. *daryti : pa-daryti ‘to make, produce’ Simplex: past habitual: (18) safidtt bu.ud. kd.lvei / kd.ldava. / afkius ké.usti.dava. / it r)_ratiis darédava. (P18). ‘In earlier times, there were smiths, they used to do smithery, they used to shoe the horses, and they used to make wheels.’ Prefixed derivative: present tense, participle praet. pass. neutr., both with habitual function: (19) tai bisdaya. padd.ra. padarita tokis_va Sakali's t.lgas medi.ni.s Zuva.sénai gi jdt bu.ud. medi.nei (Viv). ‘And there used to be that they make, it was made, that long splinter, (certain tools) were wooden.’ In both meanings (1. ‘to lock up’, 2. ‘to produce’) the simplex daryti has to be interpreted as telic. In both cases thus it enters into a GTER pair, again, however, with unclear distribution. Compare this with darytis : pasidaryti ‘to come into being’ (change of state, group 3) and with daryti : padaryti ‘to organize, arrange’ (social / mental activities, group 4). 3.1.7. [dzioventi] : i3-dzioventi ‘to dry (up)’ (transitive) Present tense, habitual: (20) ijd.s va. Si.te sustd.ta. tt gi bi:daya. sd.ka. in pd.lu. // vo, kap_vané-ties / sustd.ta. sustd.ta. ipaku.ré.na iz§e.vé.na (Viv). ‘There they would put it (the flax) on the benches (in the steam bath house) (...), heat the house and dry it up.’ There also exists the derivative pa-dzioventi with the meaning ‘to dry to some degree (not entirely)’. The simplex dgioventi’* thus renders two different pairs of telic stems: one with an absolute limit (dzioventi : is-dZioventi) and one witha relative limit (dzioventi : pa-dzioventi). ‘8 For the simplex cf. a Deis example from LKZe: Sienq [praes. 3] dZiovénam Dais. Cf. also diiati : i$d¥idtt (spontaneous change of state) in group 3. 64 Building a partial aspect system in East Auk8taitian Vilnius dialects 3.1.8. [galabyti] : nu-galabyti ‘to kill’ Past tense: (21) da_inemazai ti jibu.ud. a_paskui gi va.kietis jdiju3s [Zydus] nugalud.bija. (Vin). ‘There were not a few of them (sc. Jews), and then the Germans killed them.’ The simplex galabyti is not confirmed by the informants. 3.1.9, ginti : raz-ginti ‘to separate, to drive away’ This case is problematic, because ginti in the telic meaning ‘to separate’ is not confirmed by the informants, neither found with this meaning in LKZe. It might be a back-formation based on razginti (ginti). Simplex: past tense, progressive; prefixed derivative: infinitive. Both stems are attested in the same context, which we give here unabridged. (22) kai susi.ja.me. béba.(s) suveinel.s/ niekap raggt.nt nemud.zna // dabar diévaz dab5-damas iz dungdii.s ti va tvark3s niér // Svifi.tu.* ju. gi. / lipin d.rkle. i jk sutd.iki.k / kat nespestir nesmustit // tas,atjd-jo idd. [...] j5-gi sitas ginklas sant.bé.s soéku tikoki vadindava. L..] // dabar taz gine. gi:ne/ td.ike. td.ike./ kuf ti vé.lfu. su.bé-bu sutd.iki.si (Dats). ‘When the (old) women started fighting with the devils, there was no way to separate them, now the God, watching (the scene) from the skies (sees) that there is no order, (and tells) St. George: mount the horse, go and settle them so that they do not fight. He came there with his sword (...). And he tried to separate them, tried to reconcile them (with no luck). How can you reconcile a(n) (old) woman with the devil!’ Because the status of ginti is problematic, we can well treat razginti as a TTER verb. Otherwise ginti and razginti render an ideal case of aGTER pair. Ginti, as used in this context, might also be interpreted as conative (‘tried to separate’). 65, JuRGIS PAKERYS, BJORN WIEMER 3.1.10. karti: pa-karti ‘to hang, to string’ Both simplex and prefixed derivatives are attested in the infinitive, the simplex also in the present tense in a habitual context (with conative function): (23) astai_gi dabar gi jdu iseina prasma.ne. svétiis kd.rt/ kat a.ni.§ melixja / kat.d.nas ti tufti.ngaz bi.ud./ ti. ti sulnei vina./ ti / tii / ti sa-dai bit.ud. / ti kaip_atvaze.va. niéka. nerd // tai iSei.na jdu tadu sva@-tas pakd.rt/ kat neteisingaz bu.ua. (Des). ‘And this is why they introduced the habit to hang the matchmakers'*: because they tell lies, because that (particular) one lied that the groom was rich, there were wells of wine, gardens, and when they arrived (to his place), there was nothing. And it follows that, one has to hang the matchmaker, because he did not tell the truth.’ 3.1.11. [‘kavoti] : pa-kavoti ‘to hide’’® This case is likewise problematic, insofar as the simplex kavoti is usually used in RSTA function (e.g., Kur anas kavoja Zirkles? ‘Where does he hide (has he hidden) the scissors?’). Informants confirm that kavoti can also have a reading of a telic process, cf.: Kavok greiciau peilj! (‘Hide the knife now!’), Zitirék, kq jis ten kavoja? (‘Look, what is he trying to hide over there?’). Prefixed derivative: past tense: (24) atd.ja. d.nas is piftés jdui pasprdii.si.s $1. ta(s) Suvéjas/ e. d.nas pakavsZirklas (DGLS8). ‘And that tailor came back from the steam bath house after bathing, and he (the taylor’s apprentice) had hidden the scissors.’ 3.1.12. kelti : pa-kelti ‘to wake up’ (transitive) Simplex: past habitual; prefixed derivative: present tense, habitual: ‘* The verb refers to a practice of figurative hanging of the matchmaker for his lies. '’ This 1s homonymous to *kavoti ‘to bury’ (see group 4). Kavoti ‘to hide’ 1s a borrowing from Polish chowaé ‘to hide’ or Belarusian xaedys (same meaning) (Kardelis 2003: 180). 66 Building a partial aspect system in East AukStaitian Vilnius dialects (25) unksti pd.kele // fidii.gi miegd-si kai ira dd.rbd. // ké.ldava. / nedabé-dava, ka(t) tl.jaina.s md.zas // kat va jdil. pa.-augil.kos (Viv). ‘(And he) wakes me up early, how can you sleep when there is work. They used to wake (people) up (early), no matter if they were kids or teenagers.’ The simplex kelti can hardly be conceived of as atelic, this pair should thus be qualified as GTER. However, it is doubtful whether kelti can denote a telic process, so that this pair should rather be considered as belonging to TTER (both simplex and prefixed derivative denote the same telic event). 3.1.13. kepti : is-kepti ‘to bake’ Simplex: present tense, habitual: (26) isivé.fdi tairaugiene.z bi-daya. pridd.ra. // dtionu. gi namié / namié kepi (Viv). ‘You would usually make a dish of rye flour and the bread was (usually) baked at home.’ Prefixed derivative: infinitive; past habitual: (27) toi birdava. katard-s mSteras labol mS-ka diiona.3 &ké.pt// t&ke gardi diiona Zinat/ kvé.pja/ in_klé.va. Id.pu./ aba if. dliefu. iké.bdava. // [...] dle jéu labad raike Seimintke.s gera's/ kat diionu. gerai isképt// nelabat kas ma.kédava. d--- / dtiona.§ iské.pt (Doi). ‘There used to be women who could bake bread so well, the bread would be so tasty and would smell good, it was usually baked on maple or sweet flag leaves. But you need a good housewife to bake good bread, there were few who could bake (good) bread.’ With a concrete-referential object-NP the simplex kepti has to be considered as telic. There is another derivative, pa-kepti; it has merely delimitative function and should be classified as atelic. 67 JuURGIS PAKERYS, BJORN WIEMER 3.1.14. [kinkyti] : pa-kinkyti ‘to harness’ Present tense, habitual function: (28) ti masi.na.s bt-dava. Sitiérh isikti.lt gru.dd.m arkli.nies bu.ua._ gi mast.- na.s paskut gi af.pas ti tokis isi--- / ifarpuji bet / ne visi juds turé-davd. // arklei.z gi bi:daud. pakifj.kd. ist.ka // ir iist.kuli gi nd.udu, (Vip). ‘There used to be horse powered threshing machines, and there was that winnower, you winnow out (grain using it), but not eve. ryone had them, they used to harness the horses, they drive (the machine) and you thresh out the grain for yourself.’ Kinkyti is telic from the start. According to the informants, kinkyti can also correlate with a prefixed derivative with a reverse meaning, viz. iskinkyti ‘to unharness’. Kinkyti is thus another example of an enantiosemic verb (compare with autis). 3.1.15. kulti: [is-kulti] / nu-kulti ‘to thresh’ Simplex: past habitual, present tense in habitual function: (29) i tad [rugius] masini ki.ldava. na.kti. pasi.kele nud, dvié vd.landu. / d.rklus paskifjkie. privud.dan / tai dabar > idu kdp ku.le? kambd.ina.m? (PLS). ‘And then they usually threshed (the rye) using a (threshing) machine (late) at night. They get up at 2 a.m., harness the horses (and thresh the rye). And how do they thresh now? Using the combine harversters?’ Prefixed derivative: present tense, habitual function: (30) nu tai situds sé-menis vadi.nas tai / sitios / va / ta.kd-s padari:ta medi.- nies kii.ltuve.s inu.kuli Situds / jau_jtigi deflu. kap_sa.kd. (Viv). ‘And you thresh out these flax-seeds using a certain wooden bat.’ Kulti is atelic (see ex. 29). [Skulti is confirmed only by the informants. The reflexive-benefactive issikulti ‘to thresh for oneself is attested in the texts, in the present tense and with habitual meaning: 68 Building a partial aspect system in East AukStaitian Vilnius dialects (31) arklei.z gi bi-dayd. pakifj.kd. i st.ka // if iisi.kuli gi nd.udu. (Vi). ‘They used to harness the horses, they drive (the machine) and you thresh out the grain for yourself.’ The difference between the prefixes i§- and nuis not clear, the former is qualified as more common by the informants. 3.1.16. kirenti : i§-kiirenti ‘to heat (a stove)’ Both simplex and prefixed derivative: narrative present tense: (32) tadit jau moma pé.éu. ku.rd.na / nu pé.cu. ku.rd.na jau/ dtiona jdu pasi.kele and sulik Situ3 jau backeleijdu pilnu/ tadii jdu ixku.- rd.na. mo-md/ ti ti.ri jdu té.k5-san/ in pa.gale. pusiés jdu Shistu vadi.- nas/ pusinie. kd.imi sant-bd.s/ tadd Situ. pusi.ni_jdu/ moma isltioja gragei visu. pécu (P18). ‘And then (my) mom heats the (bread baking) stove, heats the stove, the bread (= the bread dough) rises up to the brims of this cask, then my mom heats the stove (up to required temperature), and then she uses a pine broom to clean the stove well.’ In this example, the progressive function of kirenti appears to contrast with the function of iskurenti denoting the completing of the heating procedure, thus an event. This would illustrate an ideal case of GTER pairing. 3.1.17. kurti : aZu-kurti ‘to make up the fire’ Both simplex and prefixed derivative are attested only in narrative present tense: (33) tadit kuri pé.éu. / a&t.kuri i ce padaré'ta to.ko* medi.nie.s / kai la-peta. va li.zie. vadi.nas // nu tai tad Situ. bd.kanu. tai / kai /pd.dedi gi in Sitd-s li. Zie.s [...] (Vip) ‘Then you ignite (start) the stove. After you have it started, then there is kind of wooden spade, it is called peel, then you put the loaf on that peel.’ To this example (and the pair kurti : agukurti) the same remark applies as for the previous one. 69 JurGIs PAKERYS, BJORN WIEMER 3.1.32. valyti : is-valyti ‘to clean (up)’ Simplex: past tense, habitual: (56) mes Sita. dirbam bii-daua. [...] a§ d&fklus valat/ kd.fves valat/ Sefti/ ma.n patifj.ka Si.tas dd.rbas (PL). ‘It used to be so that we work |[...] I clean the horses, clean the cows, feed them, I like this work.’ Prefixed derivative: participle praet. pass. gen. sg. fem.: (57) azme-ki L.. .| kiekei tris tai ke. tuPus _ti purdus / ar SeStis pu:dus ti ka: / a(r) rugu. / a(r) kvieét. va // e. gera-z gi naudd:s jdt ixvali-ta.s (Viv). ‘And then you pay [...] three or four or six poods of rye or wheat, of good grain already cleaned.’ The simplex valyti can denote atelic processes, and the derivative pa-valyti exists, which means that the cleaning has reached some degree, but has not come to its absolute endpoint (compare, for instance, with pa-dZioventi, pakepti above). 3.2. Motion verbs The motion verbs we found in our data can be subdivided into two groups: 1. self motion (to go, to ride etc.) and 2. causative motion (to carry, to drive). A common feature of all motion verbs is their deictic directivity expressed by prefixes. In most of the cases, at(a)- and nuare used with corresponding meanings of moving toward the deictic centre or away from it; cf. at(a)-eiti ‘to come (here)’ : nu-eiti ‘to go, to get (there)’. For all simplex verbs of this group holds that they are diffuse with respect to this deictic orientation. For this reason they occur several times with different prefixed derivatives. The problems this raises will be briefly discussed immediately below. 3.2.1. Verbs of self motion 3.2.1.1. eiti ‘to go’ : at(a)-eiti ‘to come’ Although from the lexicological point of view it is debatable whether this 76 Building a partial aspect system in East AukStaitian Vilnius dialects pair can be considered as representing one lexeme”’, there obviously is no further derivative of ateiti (like, e.g., atei-diné-ti in some other dialects). For this reason we decided to include it into our list. Simplex: present tense (progressive); prefixed derivative: imperative, past tense (narrative): (58) paskam.binau vd.ndai/ sakdu *vd.nda tu kat nerasivil.kus sakét atd. j L..] sd.ka. gerat aind/ taiatd.ja. (P13). ‘Tcalled Vanda and I say: ,,If you are not already in bed, please come (and help me)* [...] (she says:) ,OK, lam coming“. And she came.’ In any case, the simplex eiti can denote a process, so that together with its derivative it renders aGTER pair. 3.2.1.2. [eiti] ‘to go’ : j-eiti ‘to go in’ Narrative present tense: (59) dabat iné.ja. muzikd.ntas viduri / e. véines tka. ai,dt.ru. (Do18). ‘Now the musician came in, and the devil stayed outside.’ This case is debatable, since in the texts there is no clear example of unprefixed eiti used in the meaning ‘to go into some closed space’. Examples with the imperative, like eik vidun! ‘go inside!’, are confirmed by the informants; but in this case the direction of movement is made explicit by a petrified illative form of the noun vidus ‘inside’. 3.2.1.3. eiti ‘to go’: nu-eiti ‘to go, to get somewhere (on foot)’ Here apply the same remarks as for eiti / ateiti (see above). Simplex: imperative; prefixed derivative: past tense (narrative): (60) d.na(s) sd.ka. aé.nam *vigtiasan// jdunetéli *vizei // nuvé.ja.// dabar isirsif.k in, vi.sa. tuf.gaus d.rkli. (Deis). ‘He says: “Let’s go to Vidziai, it is already not far from here”. They "First of all, for eiti it is not clear whether its deictic orientation is rather ‘here’ or ‘there’ and whether, consequently, it can be considered as enantiosemic (see the correlation with nu-eiti below). 77 JURGIS PAKERYS, BJORN WIEMER went there, (and he says:) “Now choose any horse you like in the market.”’ As with eiti : ataeiti, eiti in this meaning can also denote telic process. 3.2.1.4. joti ‘to ride on the horseback’ : at-joti ‘to come on the horseback’ Simplex: imperative; prefixed derivative: past tense (narrative): (61) dabaF diévaz dabs-damas if dungdi.s ti vd tvarkss niér // Svifi.- tu. *jti.fgi. / lip in d.rkle. i_j3-k sutd.iki.k / kat neSpesti nesmustii- // tas atjaja (De1S). ‘Now the God, watching (the scene) from the skies (sees) that there is no order, (tells) St. George: mount the horse, go and settle them so that they do not fight. And he came there.’ The same remarks as with eiti : ataeiti and eiti : nueiti are at place here. 3.2.1.5. lipti ‘to climb, to get on’ : uz-lipti ‘to climb up, to get on’ Simplex: imperative (62); prefixed derivative: past tense (63): (62) vé.ine(s) sa.ka. lip i(n) ni.gard.s/ aX tai pé.fnesu (Der). ‘Now the devil says: “Get on my back, I will carry you over (the ditch).”” (63) nil i u.$lipe. in pé.édus i rd.da. (De18). ‘Now they got on the masonry heater and found (our hare there).’ The simplex lipti can be used to denote a telic process. 3.2.1.6. [vaziuoti] ‘to drive’ : at-vaZiuoti ‘to get, to drive here’ (i.e. toward the deictic centre) We have not found any example in which the simplex vaziuoti would have been used synonymously to atvaziuoti. An illustration of the latter (in the past tense) can be seen in (65), where it is used as an antonym to nuvaZiuoti. 3.2.1.7. vaZiuoti ‘to get somewhere, to drive’ : nu-vaZiuoti ‘to get, to drive there’ (i.e. away from the deictic centre) 78 Building a partial aspect system in East AukStaitian Vilnius dialects Simplex: present tense (progressive and habitual) (64); prefixed derivatives: present tense, narrative (65): (64) kap_vadtiaji invinédus/ tadi / dtisda pi.nigus (Deis). ‘When you go for a wedding ceremony, then they give you the money’ (65) tai atvazé.vd./ arkléz grazis/ lineikai // niitaigi / jau nuvastioja gi *daugiell. kin (Dews) ‘And he came with a carriage and a nice horse, and now they drive to Daugéliskis.’ 3.2.2. Verbs of causative motion 3.2.2.1. [nesti] ‘to carry’ : at(a)-neSti ‘to bring (here)’ Imperative, past tense: (66) aik in d3.ktafu./ atnés pazi.méjimu. ka(o_tt neste [...] // nuvejat/ atd.nesdu (Dgl8) ““Go to the doctor and bring the paper (to confirm) that you are pregnant”. [...] And I went (to the doctor) and brought (the paper).’ Again, we have not encountered examples with the simplex which would show its synonymy with the derivative atnesti explicitly stating the direction of movement toward the deictic centre. However, examples like Zitirék, kq anas ten mums neSa? ‘Look, what is he bringing for us?’ are acceptable for the informants. 3.2.2.2. nesti ‘to carry’ nu-nesti ‘to bring (there)’ Simplex: present tense (narrative, habitual) (67); prefixed derivative: past tense (68): (67) pava. sari. / labat unksci / rd.da.m zuiki.ku. mait.ti. // act.nesiem nama |...] né.Sam i dd. bil, ti i avizu. pribraii.ki. (P18). ‘Early in the spring, we found a baby hare and brought it home [...] (now) we bring clover, oat (to feed it).’ 79 JuRGIS PAKERYS, BJORN WIEMER (68) (biidavo vilky ir mama vis bijodavo, sakydavo:) vil.kas gd.l ti jdu nt.- ne& kur ma.na. vai.ku. / i dé.kui diévui né (P18). ‘(There used to be wolves and my mom was afraid and she would say:) “A wolf probably carried away my child”. Thanks God, it did not happen.’ 3.2.2.3. varyti : nu-varyti ‘to drive (an animal) somewhere’ (away from the deictic centre) Simplex: infinitive, past tense; present tense; prefixed derivative: past tense: (69) iSeina rai.ke arklis va---/ varttjdu mtim // taimd.na. téu---/ a gi tai vai.kaz buudu/ tik tévas nuvd.re. tu. d.rkli.// ddti.k/ vi.sas kd.imas mti-s vd.re./ (DG1s). ‘And we had to drive (to give away) the horse (for the army). And my father, I was still a child, my father drove that horse (there), everybody from our village drove horses (there).’ 3.2.2.4. veZti : at-veZti ‘to drive, to bring, to deliver here’ (i.e. toward the the deictic centre) Simplex: present tense (negated, habitual); prefixed derivative: future: (70) tai asima.kéi / td.u atvé¥ namd. [...] alé alé ale gi tiktai.na.s td.u né. veza gerss / td.u atves ka. kid. gi va puveése. (Dc15). ‘If you pay, then he will deliver you (the fire wood) home. [...] But he does not deliver good (fire-wood), he will bring you some piece of rotten wood.’ 3.2.2.5. vezZti : nu-veZti ‘to drive (sb, sth) there’ (i.e. away from the deictic centre) Both simplex and prefixed derivative: past tense: (71) mis ipaciiz gi kap silpni bit.vd.m / mani gi ibrsli. / tad if.gi nd.kti. vé.zie / *ceikifitiosan va [...] in ku.nigu (P18). 80 Building a partial aspect system in East AukStaitian Vilnius dialects ‘When we, me and my brother, were weak (newborn), they drove us also to Ceikiniai, to the priest (to baptize)’ (72) més kap_éjd.m (namo) imui(s) std.cei if Siti: po.ti.cininku. [...] (sulaiké) int.vegie. mits pali.cijon (Do18). ‘When we were going home, the policemen were on our way [...] they (arrested us) and drove us to the police station.’ 3.2.3. Intransitive change of state verbs 3.2.3.1. austi : [i3-austi] ‘to dawn’ Narrative present tense: (73) bi.ua. Sékei / ti netéli [...]. niki nuvejdt // atajat jau gi zd.ra diend diista (Vin). ‘There was dancing (party) not far from here. I went there, came back and (I see that) the day already dawns.’ The simplex austi here denotes a telic process. A prefixed derivative denoting the correlating telic event could not be found, but was confirmed by the informants. 3.2.3.2. daryti-s : pa-si-daryti ‘to come into being’ Simplex: infinitive (74); prefixed derivative: present tense, habitual (75): (74) ka(p)_pradé jau / Sviesa dari-tes/ jaw i(k) kd.rve.s sniegi gi sliedé. lei (pradéjo matytis) (Der8). ‘When the day light started to come into being (when it began to dawn), one could already see the track of the cow in the snow.’ (75) toi tadit st5ja. dit ZmS-ni.s // tai situ. Zmd.ful. tad vaikad. / vaikat. rasiptla. / vat pazdd.ra. Sei.ma.s (Deis). ‘Then two people started living together, then they had many children, and then (new) families (of the children) come into being.’ In (74) darytis is in the scope of the phasal verb pradéti ‘to begin’ and denotes a process. Since it denotes a change of state, its meaning is telic. In (75), the derivative pasidaryti is clearly oriented toward a telic event. 81 JuRGIS PAKERYS, BJORN WIEMER 3.2.3.3. dzititi : is-dZititi ‘to dry (up)’ (intrans.) Simplex: past tense; prefixed derivative: present tense (narrative, habitual): (76) rai.ke saki-t (toki uzkalbéjima) &ja.* jiézus jis kel / susiti.ka. tris rozes / viend Si-vo. / antra vita. / “> traéé visai prani-ka. (PLS). ‘One has to say (the following incantation): “Jesus was on his way, and he met three roses, one was drying up, another one was wilting, and the third one disappeared altogether.” (77) pirma juss nurd.uni // tad va sustatai / va Si.te va si.ta.keis ku. lu. kai(s) sustatad sustatad jdt iz%i-sta / tai tedii / st. ve%a gi jdt: ti kluonussan (Vip). ‘First, you root up the flax, then you put it in small bundles, and then it dries up, then they bring it to the barn.’ Compare with the corresponding causative pair dzioventi : iSdZioventi (group 1). 3.2.3.4. [gelsti] : is-gelsti ‘to turn yellow’ Participle praet. act. nom. pl. masc.: (78) vd.iksée.dava. die.vu.li visi izgel. ti. / utielts. apstoti (Vin). ‘My God, they used to walk all yellowish and they had louses.’ According to our informants, gelsti can be used only with the telic meaning, contrary to geltonuoti. 3.2.3.5. [geltonuoti] : su-geltonuoti ‘to turn yellow’ Participle praet. act. nom. sg. masc.: (79) iperva.sar kd.fves adga.na. vai.kas S§i.ta(s) sugelt5-na.vi.s (Vip). ‘And that kid, all yellowish (due to hard labour), pastures the cows during all summer.’ According to the informants, geltonuoti can have stative ‘to be, to look yellow’ or progressive-telic meaning ‘to turn yellow’. 82 Building a partial aspect system in East Auk8taitian Vilnius dialects 3.2.3.6. [gisti] : ad-gisti ‘to go out (about fire)’ Participle praet. act. neutr.: (80) paskati aina ina ta.idu'/ rafi.do tré.éu. kd.tilu. // jt. ti ku.ri.nta i, afgi.si. (Dais). ‘And then he goes further and finds the third caldron, and the fire is already out (under it).’ Gisti is confirmed by the informants and attested in LKZe from locations close to Vidiskés, Daugéliskis and Paliié (although the infinitive, according to LKZe, is gysti in DikStas, Linkmenys, Rim3é). 3.2.3.7. [madinti-s] : su-si-mazinti ‘to decrease (of number, quantity)’ (intrans.) Past tense: (81) paskut gi jdu / jdu,cé kai kd.roi sitié é prazdieja. visi / tad, tedu tié gi i ciginai susmd.zind. (Viv) ‘And then when these wars broke out, the number of Roma decreased.’ Maiintis is not attested in the texts, but cf. LKZe, where this verb has telic meaning: Kap vistos tipia (peri), tai kiauSiniai ma@Zinas, tuoj visai nebus (Leipalingis). The informants describe it as rarely used; cf. [maginti] : sumaginti (tr.) (see first group above). 3.2.3.8. [nykti] : is-/pra-nykti ‘to disappear, to vanish’ Past tense (with either prefix): (82) (kai) 4 a.ni.z, gi (vagys) jdu. useuvd-/ kat,d.nas vé.jas// toi kd.rvi. in | puSé.lot pri.rise./ pa.ti.s Bntkd. (Dots) ‘(When) they (the thieves) realized, that he is following them, they tethered the cow to the pine and dissapeared (ran away).’ (83) rai.ke sakét (tokj uzkalbéjimq) &ja.* jiézus jis kel / susiti.ka. iris ro 2s / viend Ztrvo. / antra vita. / U> tracé visad prani‘ka. (P18). “One has to say (the following incantation): “Jesus was on his way, 83 JurGIS PAKERYS, BJORN WIEMER and he met three roses, one was drying up, another one was wilting, and the third one disappeared altogether.” Nykti ‘to disappear, to diminish’ is not found in the texts, but confirmed by the informants. The difference between isnykti and pranykti is not clear, due to the lack of examples. 3.2.3.9. prausti-s : pa-si-prausti ‘to wash oneself (up)’ Simplex: past tense (84); prefixed derivative: participle praet. act. nom. sg. masc. (85): (84) tai vé.lnes [...] uuwpé.li. ptisi. vd.landa.s prduse.s mir-ka. undeni. (DcLS). ‘And the devil was washing himself up in the stream for half an hour and was soaking in the water’ (85) atd.ja. d.nas if piftés jati pasprdii.si.s Si.ta(s) Suvéjas (Da18). ‘He, that taylor, came from the steam bath house having washed himself up.’ 3.2.3.10. [taisyti-s] : pa-si-taisyti ‘to get better, to recover (from illness)’ Present tense (habitual): (86) tai jo. ba-ba kap apsar-ga/ [...] tai kap jdu vistiend.s me.sés pavdé-lgd. / tadui / pastai.sd. (DGLS8). ‘When his wife gets sick, [...] and when she gets some chicken meat to eat, she gets better.’ The simplex taisytis is confirmed by the informants. 3.2.3.11. temti (timti) : su-temti (su-timti) ‘to get dark’ Simplex: narrative present tense (87); prefixed derivative: past tense (88): (87) kai gafidu: (tada) aX sd.va. gi-vulus/ tai (matau, kad) dabat gi jd ti.msta (PLS). ‘I was pasturing my cattle (back then), and (I see that) it is getting dark already’. 84 Building a partial aspect system in East AukStaitian Vilnius dialects (88) atvaié: *kd.ivesalin //ti pa.,*ignaliniy [...] kd.imas// bé.n grdjé. gréjé.ti jduku./ kie(g), grajd./ ku_dd.re.// tadi jai. skai.tai / isutt.- ma. (Dais). ‘They arrived in Kalvésalis, a village close to Ignalina, and they played the music, and it got dark.’ The simplex cannot be used with reference to state (‘to be dark’). It therefore behaves like gelsti, but not like geltonuoti (see above). 3.2.4. Social / mental activities The verbs of this subsection refer to mental and social events. It was hardly possible to verify whether simplex verbs of this subgroup can denote ongoing processes, although it is plausible to assume that at least some of them can (e.g., ‘derintis ‘to accommodate oneself’, mokytis ‘to learn’, taikyti ‘to reconcile’). 3.2.4.1. *daryti : pa-daryti ‘to organize, to arrange (party), to prepare’ Simplex: past tense (89), narrative past tense (habitual) (90); prefixed derivative: past habitual (91): (89) mez dabat dd.re.m vesé.lu.// keturezdé%imdevintai.s mé.tais (Des). ‘We were arranging our wedding party in 1949’. (90) idd.re.m spektakiis// *Zemd.ities rast. .jo.s im.davau kni-gu.// j5-sti aprastta taki idé-mus [...] (P18). ‘And we did (staged) performances, we used to take some book of Zemaité, she has some good stories.‘ (91) nile.as pa--- / pd.skaitas bi:dava. padart-davau/ tai ape. Svifi.tu. *kazi.mieru. papd.saka.davau (P13). ‘And I used to prepare and give lectures, I used to tell them stories about St. Casimir.’ 3.2.4.2. deréti-s : su-deréti ‘to bargain, to make a bargain’ Simplex: narrative present tense (habitual) (92); prefixed derivative: present tense (habitual) (93): 85 JuURGIS PAKERYS, BJORN WIEMER Table 1. 1. Verbs with directly affected / effected objects . [arpuiti] : is-arpuiti ‘to winnow (out) . austi : is-austi ‘to weave’ . [autis] : ap-si-auti ‘to put on footwear’ . braukti : is-braukti ‘to scutch (out), swingle’ . ‘daryti : az-daryti ‘to close, to lock up’ . *daryti : pa-daryti ‘to make, produce’ . [dzioventi] : is-dZioventi ‘to dry (up)’ (transitive) . [galabyti] . nu-galabyti ‘to kill’ Oo AnN A OF & WO NHN 18 19. 20. a1. dle 23. 24. 295. 26. ai. 28. 29. 30. 31. 32. . ginti : raz-ginti ‘to separate, to drive away’ 10. Ti, 12. 13, 14. 15. 16. 17. karti : pa-karti ‘to hang, to string’ [‘kavoti] : pa-kavoti ‘to hide’ kelti : pa-kelti ‘to wake up’ (transitive) kepti : is-kepti ‘to bake’ [kinkyti] : pa-kinkyti ‘to harness’ kulti : [is-kulti] / nu-kulti ‘to thresh’ kurenti : is-ktirenti ‘to heat (a stove)’ kurti : aZu-kurti ‘to make up the fire’ [mazinti] : su-mazinti ‘to decrease (tr.)’ melzti : pa-melZti ‘to milk’ minti : is-mint ‘to break (flax)’ [muryti] : [is-muryti] ‘to build of bricks’ plauti : [is-plauti] ‘to wipe (floor), to wash (clothes)’ [ruosti] : pa-ruosti ‘to prepare’ risti : pri-risti ‘to tether’ seti : pa-seti ‘to sow’ [sodinti] : pa-sodinti ‘to place, to put (into prison)’ statyti : pa-statytt ‘to build, to erect’ Sukuoti : is-Sukuoti ‘to hatchel, hackel (flax)’ [tapyti] : nu-tapyti ‘to deceive, to cause sb’s bad life’ tvarkyti : su-tvarkyti ‘to put in order, to take care of, to repair’ ugenti : uz-Ugenti ‘to bring up kids’ valyti : is-valyti ‘to clean (up)’ 92 Building a partial aspect system in East AukStaitian Vilnius dialects Continuation of table 1 2. Motion verbs 1. Verbs of self motion Letti ‘to go’ : ata-eiti ‘to come’ 2. [eiti] ‘to go’ : 3. eiti ‘to go" : nu-eitt ‘to go, to get somewhere (on foot)’ ieiti ‘to go in’ 4. joti ‘to ride on the horseback’ : at-jott ‘to come on the horseback’ 5. lipti ‘to climb, to get on’ : uz-lipn ‘to climb up, to get on’ 6. [vaziuoti] ‘to drive’ : at-vaziuoti ‘to get, to drive here’ (i.e. toward the deictic centre) 7. vaziuoti ‘to get somewhere, to drive’ : nu-vaziuoti ‘to get, to drive there’ (i.e. away from the deictic centre) 2. Verbs of causative motion 1. [nesti] ‘to carry’ : at(a)-nesti ‘to bring (herey’ 2. nesti ‘to carry’ nu-nesti ‘to bring (there)’ 3. varyti : nu-varyti ‘to drive (an animal) somewhere’ (away from the deictic centre) 4. veiti : at-ve%ti ‘to drive, to bring, to deliver here’ (i.e. toward the deictic centre) 5. vedti : nu-vegti ‘to drive (sb, sth) there’ (1,e. away from the deictic centre) 3. Intransitive change of state verbs 1. austi : [i§-austi] ‘to dawn’ 2. daryti-s : pa-si-daryti ‘to come into being’ 3. dzidei i8-d#idei ‘to dry (up)’ Gintrans.) 4. [gelsti] i&-gelsti ‘to turn yellow’ 5. [geltonuott] : su-geltonuoti ‘to turn yellow’ 6. [gisti] : az-gisti ‘to go out (about fire)’ 7. [maéinti-s 8. 9. : su-si-maginti ‘to decrease (of number, quantity)’ (intrans.) . [nykti] . is-/pra-nyktt ‘to disappear, to vanish’ |. prausti-s : pa-si-prausti ‘to wash oneself (up)’ 10. [taisyti-s 11. temti (tmti) : su-temti (su-timti) ‘to get dark’ a-si-taisyti ‘to get better, to recover (from illness)’ 8 4. Social / mental activities 1. deréti-s su-dereti ‘to bargain, to make a bargain’ 2. *daryti : pa-daryti ‘to organize, to arrange (party), to prepare’ 3. [‘derinti-s] : da-si-derinti ‘to accomodate oneself to sb, to get into close contact with sb’ 93 JurGcis PAKERYS, BJORN WIEMER Continuation of table 1 4. [*derinti(-s)] : pa-derinti ‘to catch, choose a moment’ 5. [*kavoti] : pa-kavoti ‘to bury’ 6. laikyti : at-/is-laikyti (misias) ‘to serve (the Mass)’ 7. mokyti : ts-mokyti ‘to teach’ 8. mokyti-s : ts-si-mokyti ‘to learn’ 9. pasakoti : pa-pasakoti ‘to tell a story’ 10. [rinkti-s] : 1S-si-rinkti ‘to choose’ 11. skaityti : pra-skaityt ‘to read (through)’ 12. taikyti : su-taikyti ‘to reconcile’ 13. tikrinti : pa-tikrinti ‘to check, to verify’ ABBREVIATIONS AND SYMBOLS Dai8 Daugeliskis LKZe _—_Lietuviy kalbos zodynas (t. I-XX, 1941-2002), elektroninis variantas, redaktoriy kolegija: G. Naktiniene (vyr. redaktore), J. Paulauskas, R. Petrokiene, V. Vitkauskas, J. Zabarskaité, Vilnius: Lietuviu kalbos institutas, http://www.l|kz. lt PLS Paluse VID Vidiskes = += direction of morphological operation (stem derivation) INTRANS. intransitive stem TRANS. transitive stem PF., IPF. perfective, imperfective (aspect, stem — regarding Slavic) ILA-CLASSES 1) simple classes : ACTI ‘activity’ RSTA ‘relatively stative’ TSTA ‘totally stative’ TTER ‘totally terminative’ 2) complex classes: 94 Building a partial aspect system in East AukStaitian Vilnius dialects GTER ‘gradual terminative’ ISTA ‘inceptive stative’ INCO ‘inchoative’ REFERENCES Baceviéioré, R., IvANAusKIENE, A., LeskausKaite, A., TRumpA, E. 2004: Lietuviy kalbos tarmiy chrestomatija. Vilnius: Lietuviy kalbos institutas. Bere, N. 1997: Context and the Lexicon in the Development of Russian Aspect. Berkeley—Los Angeles-London: University of California Press. Breu, W. 1996: Komponentenmodell der Interaktion von Lexik und Aspekt. In; W. Girke, ed., Slavistische Linguistik 1995. Miinchen: Sagner, 37-74. 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