Digital Profiling als Methode der frühmittelalterlichen Diplomatik. Ausgehend von einer Urkunde Ottos I. aus St. Petersburg

MARIE-LUISE HECKMANN University of Potsdam ORCID i d: orcid.org/0000-0001-6924-8942 Research fields: medieval history, church, military and environmental history, constitutional and intellectual history, auxiliary sciences of history, especially diplomatics and manuscript studies. DOI: doi.org/10.35321/all90-02 DIGITAL PROFILING AS A METHOD OF EARLY MEDIEVAL DIPLOMATICS. BASED ON A DOCUMENT OF OTTO I IN ST. PETERSBURG¹ For Prof. Dr. Vladimir Ivanovič Mažuga on his 75th birthday, 15 April 2024 Digital profiling as a method of early medieval diplomatics. Based on a document of Otto I from St. Petersburg². Dedicated to Prof. Dr. Vladimir Ivanovič Mažuga, celebrating his 75th anniversary on 15 April 2024 ¹ This article originated as a lecture delivered at the international conference “West European Manuscripts and Charters from Late Antiquity to the Early Modern Period in Saint Petersburg Collections. Research, Catalogization and Digitization” (St. Petersburg, 19–22 September 2019). It corresponds to the jubilarian’s and his academic milieu’s interest in the form and content of charters and legal texts. Vgl. Mažuga 2000; Čirkova 2019. ² This article was prepared on the basis of the international conference “Western European Manuscripts and Historical Documents from Late Antiquity to the Early Modern Period in the St. Petersburg Collections. Research, Catalogization and Digitization,” held in St. Petersburg on 19–22 September 2019. Straipsniai / Articles 23 MARIE-LUISE HECKMANN ANNOTATION On the basis of a series of external and internal criteria, a charter preserved in St. Petersburg, a document of Otto I, is analyzed and assigned to one of the 39 named scribes of the imperial chancery. The identification is based on the signa as well as the size, format, folds, layout, and script of the imperial diploma. It also concerns the linguistic coloring of personal and place names, the formulaic material of the Corro ratio, and itinerary comparison. The method of Digital Profiling employed here is then tested, using comparative examples, for its suitability for identifying scribes. Findings from Italian, Russian, and German research are helpful in this regard. KEYWORDS: scribe profiling, early medieval diplomatics, royal and imperial charters, scribe identification, materiality, literacy and signs. ANNOTATION On the basis of a number of external and internal criteria, a document of Otto I kept in St. Petersburg is analysed and assigned to one of 39 scribes of the imperial chancellery known by name. The basis of the identification is the signa as well as the size, format, folds, layout and font of the imperial diploma. But it is also about the linguistic colouring of proper and place names as well as the formulas of corroboratio and itinerary comparison. The digital profiling method used for this purpose is then tested for its suitability for writer identification on the basis of comparative examples. Findings from Italian, Russian and German research are helpful. KEYWORDS: Digital profiling, Early medieval diplomatics, Imperial charters, Identification of scribes, Materiality, Writing and Signs. 24 Acta Linguistica Lithuanica XC Digital Profiling als Methode der frühmittelalterlichen Diplomatik. Ausgehend von einer Urkunde Ottos I. in St. Petersburg 1. ON THE TRAIL OF THE UNKNOWN SCRIBE Fig. 1: D O I. 371 (969 IV 18, Cassana)³ The charter shown makes several things clear at first glance: it is a document that is wider than it is high. Moreover, in earlier times it was evidently not stored unfolded (that is, “flat”), but rather folded into 4 X 3 fields. Two scripts can also be distinguished in the text: one with letters drawn far upward in height (Elongata), the other with tiny letters on the baseline, provided with loops in the ascenders and ending at varying lengths in the descenders. In addition, in the lower part of the document there is a sign consisting of a peculiar combination of two capital T’s, a darkly discolored quadrangular hole surrounded by two lighter circles, and a circular impression adjoining it farther to the right. The irregular outline is also striking ³ Scan created after: Bolʾšakov 2012: 201. Straipsniai / Articles 25 MARIE-LUISE HECKMANN and several holes (mostly visible at the edges). The parchment is dark yellow in color. In its clearly structured, though at first glance scarcely comprehensible basic arrangement, the charter makes a hieratic impression and, because of its unfamiliarity, perhaps even inspires awe in some viewers. The scribe initially remains unknown, because neither a signature nor any other indication of his individuality seems to be present. The question therefore arises: how can one get on the trail of this scribe? Previous research on early medieval royal and imperial charters relies above all on paleographical⁴, graphic, rhetorical, semiotic, and symbolic features (that is, the overall impression and the meaning of individual elements)⁵, on formula analyses (for example, of the Intitulatio, Arenga, and Narratio)⁶, on the connections between origin, law, administration, and politics (Dispositio and intervention formulas)⁷, and on analysis of the exercise of power by medieval kings and emperors (based on Actum and Datum as means of itinerary analysis)⁸. The production of a royal or imperial charter is also discussed⁹. This concerns, not least, the contribution of issuers and recipients to the so-called dictation of a diploma¹⁰. Symbols and acts of signification in the use of the charter as a symbol of power¹¹ are discussed in previous research, as are signa and other symbols of rulership¹². The significance of personal names, which are often taken from charters, is, by contrast, addressed only sporadically¹³. Studies of episcopal charters, which ⁴ Sredinskaja 2014. On early medieval literacy, vgl. also Hoffmann 1986; Ganz 1990: 36–80; Methoden 1999; Hoffmann 2005; 2012: 160–216. ⁵ Bautier 1984; GS 1996; Kölzer 1998; Worm 2004; Mersiowsky 2015: 44–114, 190–215, Teil 1. ⁶ Fichtenau 1960, 1986; Patt 2016. On the Intitulatio: Wolfram 1973. On the Arenga: Fichtenau 1957; Neumann 1978; Hausmann, Gawlik 1987. On the Narratio: Merta 1994; Burkhardt 2000; Zwierlein 2016; Heckmann 2014. ⁷ Schetter 1935; Codea 2008. Vgl. Finckenstein 1989; Schieffer 1998. ⁸ Müller-Mertens 1980; Bernhardt 1993; Huschner 2003, 2006. ⁹ Mersiowsky 2015: 661–706, 720 f., Teil 2. ¹⁰ Kruisheer 1979; Johanek 1990; Mersiowsky 2015: 114, Teil 1. ¹¹ Keller 1998. ¹² Rück 1996; Keller 1997. ¹³ Schlaug 1962; Tiefenbach 1984. 26 Acta Linguistica Lithuanica XC Digital Profiling als Methode der frühmittelalterlichen Diplomatik. Ausgehend von einer Urkunde Ottos I. in St. Petersburg which are used below for comparison, were generally produced in regional historical research14. Against this background, a synthesis that systematically records the internal and external features of a basic corpus of early medieval charters, evaluates them comparatively, and places the results in a broader context proves to be a desideratum of research. The royal and imperial charters of the late ninth and first half of the tenth centuries constitute a particularly suitable source corpus for such an investigation, but because of their high complexity15 they also pose a particular challenge. The method of scribe profiling (Digital Profiling), developed in a recent auxiliary-historical study, aims to overcome this hiatus. Its fundamental question is whether a particular scribe can be identified on the basis of one, several, or all features of a particular royal or imperial charter. First, the new method is presented. Then, using the new method, the responsible scribe of a diploma of Emperor Otto the Great, now preserved in St. Petersburg, is identified. Finally, several applications of the method pave the way for a summary concerning bishops of the early Ottonian period as scribes of royal and imperial charters. The concluding assessment concerns the scope and limitations of the new method. 2. SCRIBE PROFILING (DIGITAL PROFILING) Scribe profiling (Digital Profiling) is based on a set of fifty criteria applied to diplomas of the five kings or emperors Arnulph, Louis the Child, Conrad I, Henry I, and Otto I. In this way, continuities and breaks in the diplomatics of early medieval royal and imperial charters are to be made clear. The study focuses particularly on the scribe’s contribution to the production of a charter. It reaches the following conclusion: “The author of the diploma—or rather, of an individual work of art—is recognizable by his style alone. Some recipients even seem to have placed value on receiving the masterpieces of particular artists. Their 14 E.g. Wisplinghoff 1954; Johanek 1969; Ludwig 2008; Die ältesten Urkunden 2008. 15 On the complexity of Ottonian charters, vgl. Rück 1991; Schulze 2007: 23–40. Straipsniai / Articles 27 MARIE-LUISE HECKMANN Skill [that is, that of the scribes] is most clearly manifested in signs entered with extensive practice. Yet the master always paid attention to small changes, so that each piece became unique. Differences also emphasize that the scribes wished to continue developing as artists without abandoning their unmistakable ductus.” 16 If one follows this thesis, the producers of the charters were members of a highly specialized and aesthetically sophisticated educated elite. According to the study cited, the key to assigning individual charters to particular scribes lies in a unique combination of several features in each case. Three signa found on most royal and imperial diplomas of this period are especially informative: Chrismon, Monogram, and Recognition sign, that is, the signs for invoking the triune God, for the ruler’s signature, and for acknowledging the formal correctness and completeness of the charter. The formal components of the Corroboratio (confirmation formulas), as well as the number and arrangement of the elements of the Eschatocol (the final section of a charter), are also helpful for identifying scribes. The linguistic coloring of the usually Latin personal and place names is additionally useful for assigning charters to a scribe (with Saxon-Low German, Franconian-Upper German, and Italian phonetic formation being discernible from the orthography). According to the author, peculiarities of Actum (the time of the legal act) and Datum (the time of the issuance), as well as selected graphic and paleographic features (such as the design of the signa, the use of abbreviations, the deployment of lowercase and uppercase letters, or the use of Tironian notes—a form of ancient shorthand—or Greek letters in the Recognition sign) also provide valuable clues for “getting on the trail” of an unknown scribe. 3. THE CHARTER FROM ST. PETERSBURG The charter analyzed below was produced on 18 April 969 in Cassana. The date and place of issuance enable rapid identification of the item as Otto I’s diploma no. 371. For a long time, the charter was known only from 16 Schnase 2019: 82. 28 Acta Linguistica Lithuanica XC Digital Profiling als Methode der frühmittelalterlichen Diplomatik. Ausgehend von einer Urkunde Ottos I. in St. Petersburg two later copies. According to the MGH editor Emil von Ottenthal, its wording is based on a collaboration between the Italian scribes B and D. The dictation is associated above all with It D (that is, Otto the Great’s fourth scribe in Italy)17. The original diploma was printed once more in 1913, likewise on the basis of one of the two copies18. In 1937 it was critically edited in Russia and in 2012 in Austria, in both cases based on the original preserved in St. Petersburg19. At some point in the nineteenth century, the charter reached Russia from Upper Italy and there entered the collection of the auxiliary-historical scholar Nikolaj Petrovič Lichačëv (1862–1936). This member of the Russian Academy of Sciences is regarded as an acknowledged specialist in watermark studies20, which fits well with his interest in charters from different periods. 4. FORMAL ANALYSIS The charter displays the following external and internal features: 1) With a width of 564 mm and a height of 414 mm (according to Ghignoli), it covers an area of 0.32 m² and has the landscape format customary for the period. Under Otto the Great (936–976), royal and imperial charters from Italy were often between 500 and 549 mm wide, while north of the Alps widths of 350 to 499 mm were common. Italian charters also tend to be somewhat larger in height21; 2) The charter is folded four times in height and four times in width. This has been a standard procedure since the late ninth century and occurs at least twice more in the case of It B, one of the two presumed scribes involved in the charter22; 17 ÄdG 508 f. (= MGH D O I. 371). 18 Gabotto et al. 1913: 102–104, Nr. LXV. 19 Anninskij 1937: 141–150 (Russian), 151–160 (Latin). Ghignoli 2012: 245–247 (Latin). Vgl. Nowak, Weigl 2017: 396, Nr. 13 f. 20 Bol’šakov 1993: 201, Nr. 481; 2012: 259; Sredinskaja 2014: 113. 21 Schnase 2019: 281 f., Tabelle 129: DD O I. 243 (428: 500), 334. 356 (434: 467), 357. 378 (470: 520), 390. 407. 408. 410. D O II. 17 (470: 551). Vgl. auch ebd.: 121 f. 22 Ebd.: 154, 190, 342, Tabelle 49, 99, 149. Straipsniai / Articles 29 MARIE-LUISE HECKMANN 3) The Chrismon, paleographically speaking, consists of a rolled diagonal stroke and a simple shaft intersected by an isosceles diagonal cross²³; 4) The Signum line (identifying the formal correctness and completeness of the charter) begins offset from the Recognition line (identifying the formal counter-checking of the charter), approximately at the same position as the centrally placed Monogram; 5) It is also indented to the right and additionally marked by a vertical stroke; 6) The Monogram has a diamond-shaped O and no stem; 7) The word subscript is located between the ruler’s name and the epithet; 8) Both a Recognition sign and the et ligature are absent; 9) The originally impressed seal was located to the right of the Signum and Recognition lines. Its diameter was approximately 47 mm and it is supposed to have been identical either with the second or the fourth royal seal of Otto I²⁴; 10) The seal impression to the right of its former position suggests that the seal was lost over time. The Signum line indented to the right (4), the absence of the Recognition sign (8), the abbreviated form of the word subscript (7), and the stepped arrangement of the Signum and Recognition lines (5) identify Italy as the scribe’s place of origin²⁵. Not only the form of the Chrismon (1) and the marking of the Signum line (4), but also the letter S, which forms a kind of staff curve, begins at the descender, and is often finished with a loop in the ascender²⁶, is helpful for identifying the scribe. The sought scribe’s typical confirmation formula must also be considered. It should be noted that the Corroboratio in Otto I’s chancery consists of up to seven components. These include: 1) resolution formula; 2) activity formula; 3) eternity formula; 4) faithful formula; 5) writing command; 6) authentication formula; and 7) sealing command. The more solemn the ruler’s charter, the more components the Corroboratio contains. For analysis, the Corroboratio can also be represented by typical numerical combinations. The rule is: the longer the sequence of digits, the more solemn the diploma. But there are ²³ The most important features for identifying a scribe are set in italics. ²⁴ Ghignoli 2012: 239 f. Differently: Schnase 2019: 265, Tabelle 117. According to this, the fourth seal of Otto I is usually found in charters of scribe S O I. 22. ²⁵ Schnase 2019: 133 f. ²⁶ Ebd.: 105. 30 Acta Linguistica Lithuanica XC Digital Profiling als Methode der frühmittelalterlichen Diplomatik. Ausgehend von einer Urkunde Ottos I. in St. Petersburg there are also individual differences, depending on the scribe’s linguistic ability and sense of style²⁷. Folds Chrismon Positions of the Signum, Recognition, and Apprection lines as well as the form of the Monogram (Eschatocol) Positioning of the seal impression Fig. 2 a–d: D O I. 371 (details) In the present case, the confirmation formula has four members and reads: Et ut verius credatur diligentiusque ab omnibus observetur, manu propria roborantes anulum nostrum inferius imprimo iussimus. In English, this means approximately: “So that it may be believed to be true and carefully observed by all, we have ordered the charter to be confirmed by our own hand and our seal to be impressed below.” With regard to the schema mentioned, the Corroboratio begins with the resolution formula (1) Et ut verius credatur. It is followed by the faithful formula (4) diligentiusque ab omnibus observetur, the activity formula (2) manu propria roborantes and the sealing command (7) anulum nostrum inferius imprimo iussimus. The wording is quite typical of the scribe sought²⁸ and can, for the sake of simplicity, be coded with the sequence 1, 4, 2, 7. As the number of four members shows, the Corroboratio of the diploma also indicates a certain solemnity of the grant of rights. ²⁷ Vgl. ebd.: 70–72, 84–86, 139–146. ²⁸ Ebd.: 307 f., Tabelle 141. Vgl. ebd.: 105 f. Straipsniai / Articles 31 MARIE-LUISE HECKMANN 5. SCRIBE IDENTIFICATION As a synthesis of the features mentioned and others demonstrates, the scribe of charter no. 371 was Humbert of Parma. Humbert is not unknown in diplomatics. He authored not only several diplomas but also some episcopal charters, whose script features are discussed in detail by a recent study from Italy29. On the basis of a reconstruction of the royal itinerary and other indications, research had long suspected that the scribe designated by Sickel as It B was identical with the bishop and later archbishop of Parma. Since then, the conception of the scribe as a “subaltern chancery assistant” has increasingly been called into question30. The analysis presented here reinforces this assumption. Thus, the St. Petersburg find fits well into the itinerary of the scribe in question31. Evidence for this scribe’s activity indicates Upper and Central Italy as his field of activity, while the dates 31 January 965 and 29 July 972 mark the temporal limits of charter production on behalf of the ruler32. Including the charter from St. Petersburg, Humbert of Parma wrote just under twenty (that is, approximately four percent of all) of Otto I’s charters and at least one diploma of Otto II33. As further evidence for identifying the scribe in question with Humbert of Parma, another diploma from his scriptorium may briefly be presented. The design of the Chrismon and Monogram, as well as the arrangement of the three constitutive lines (Signum line, Recognition line, Apprec a tio) in the Eschatocol of D O I. 356, is entirely comparable with the findings for D O I. 37134. 29 Ghignoli 2015. 30 Huschner 2003: 101–112; 2006: 362–364; 2015: 208. Differently: Hoffmann 2005: 461–463. 31 Schnase 2019: 192, Tabelle 102: DD O I. 274, 334, 356, 357, 378, 390, 407, 408, 410; D O II. 17. 32 Ebd.: 244 f., Tabellen 102 f.: Dates and places of the legal act: San Ambrogio: D O I. 274, Benevent: D O I. 356. D O II. 17; County of Penne: D O I. 357; Cassano: D O I. 371; Percena: D O I. 378; Ravenna: DD O I. 407, 410; Rome: D O I. 408. 33 DD O I. 274, 334, 356, 357, 378, 390, 407, 408, 410; D O II. 17. Vgl. Schnase 2019: 243, Tabelle 101 bzw. 244, Tabelle 102. According to Huschner 2003: 101 f., also DD O I. 239, 243, 337, 339, 371, 373, 401 (?), 413, 414. 34 D O I. 356; Lichtbildarchiv (= LBA) 3835. These and the following images of charters (partly slightly modified) according to: https://lba.hist.uni-marburg.de/ (last consulted: [accessed 5 December 2023]). The Lichtbildarchiv Älterer Originalurkunden is thanked for these and further public-domain illustrations. 32 Acta Linguistica Lithuanica XC Digital Profiling als Methode der frühmittelalterlichen Diplomatik. Ausgehend von einer Urkunde Ottos I. in St. Petersburg Fig. 3: D O. I. 356 (968 II 15, Benevent)35 The seal was also preserved on the diploma for Hersfeld Monastery dated 15 February 968. In this case, it is Otto I’s fifth seal. Fig. 4: Fifth seal of Otto I (968 II 15, Benevent)36 35 LBA 3835. 36 HStAM Best. Urk. 56 Nr. 2844. For identification of the seal, vgl. Posse 1909: Tafel 41. The Marburg State Archives is thanked for providing the model for publication. Straipsniai / Articles 33 MARIE-LUISE HECKMANN 6. SCRIBAL PECULIARITIES A cursory overview of eight additional diplomas of Otto I and several contemporary episcopal charters is intended to demonstrate the consistency of the method of scribe profiling as a tool for identifying previously unknown scribes. All the royal or imperial charters now presented can easily be distinguished from Humbert of Parma’s products by the form of the signa and the arrangement of the three lines of the Eschatocol. As can be shown, they were produced by the archbishops Brun of Cologne37, Henry of Trier38, and Willigis of Mainz39. Each of these three scribes produced more than twenty imperial charters. They were active during the early, middle, and late periods of Otto I’s reign, respectively, which, owing to a greater number of pieces of evidence in each case, makes them a kind of “index fossils” for the investigation. The first case concerns two diplomas of Otto I supposedly produced by his younger brother Brun. Brun is probably concealed behind the siglum BA40 used in diplomatics. If this equation is correct, Hesse, Saxony, and the Middle Rhine may be regarded as his preferred areas of activity. Brun thus had a comparatively large supraregional range of movement, which fits well with his activity documented by other sources41. Brun is attested in the king’s chancery as chancellor, archchancellor, and archchaplain. Following his activity as the king’s scribe (943–953), if the identification is correct, he served as archbishop of Cologne (953–965). During his pontificate, he elevated several clerics from his circle, as well as monks of the “Gorze Reform,” to bishops of his diocese. Moreover, entirely in keeping with the connection between Regnum and Sacerdotium, he served as archduke of Lorraine42. Analysis of the Corroborationes of the royal charters probably produced by Brun underscores that the scribe mastered the elevated to solemn charter style43. Formulated in the elevated style, for example, is the 37 On Brun of Cologne, vgl. Wolf 1989; Schwenk 1995 and Schwenk 1995a. 38 On Henry of Trier, vgl. Ries 1969. 39 On Willigis of Mainz, vgl. Büttner 1975; Heinemeyer 1976; Goez 1990; Hehl 2000; Heckmann 2011; Haarländer 2014. 40 Scribe no. 4, after: Schnase 2019: 242, Tabelle 101. 41 The sources concerning Brun’s activity as a young cleric are otherwise rather sparse; Schwenk 1995a: 100. 42 Schwenk 1995 and Schwenk 1995a. 43 Cf. Schnase 2019: 303 (1267), 305 f. (13267), 306 (1234276, 1423267), 307 (14267, 124267), 308 (567), 310 (127), 316 (56713242), Table 141. 34 Acta Linguistica Lithuanica XC Digital Profiling als Methode der frühmittelalterlichen Diplomatik. Ausgehend von einer Urkunde Ottos I. in St. Petersburg Formula of corroboration of a diploma by which, on 7 February 950 in Worms, the king granted three estates to the monastery of St. Gall. It reads: Iussimus quoque inde hoc presens preceptum conscribi per quod volumus firmiterque iubemus, ut hec nostre traditionis condonatio amodo et deinceps omni tempore firma stabilisque permaneat sine ullius contradictionis obstaculo, manu propria nostra firmatum anuliq ue nostri inpressione (!) sigillatum (5, 1, 2, 4, 5, 6, 7)⁴⁴. Only two days later, the confirmation of a charter followed by which the king confirmed the right of election and immunity of the monastery of Pfäfers. In this case, the formula taken over from a prior charter reads: Et ut hec auctoritas huius emunitatis [probably corrected from imunitatis] ac confirmationis nostre firmior habeatur et per futura tempora a fidelibus nostris verius credatur et diligentius observetur, manu propria subter eam confirmavimus et anulo nostro [nostro above the line] sigillari iussimus (1, 2, 3, 4, 2, 7, 6)⁴⁵. • Code 127: D O.I. 97 – exchange of property, Magdeburg, 948 III 30 • Code 1267: D O.I. 77 – transfer of sovereign rights (regalia), Frohse, 946 V 30 • Code 13267: D O.I. 100 – donation of an abbey, Aachen, 948 IV 30 • Code 124267: D O.I. 164 – transfer of sovereign rights (regalia) and donation, Quedlinburg, 953 IV 21 • Code 1423267: D O.I. 64 – donation of a royal fief, Allstedt, 945 V 1 Fig. 5: Solemnity and legal act in selected charters of Otto I. The formulaic material of the corroboratio also reveals not only the personal preferences of a scribe but also relationships of exchange between individual or several scribes⁴⁶. A more detailed ⁴⁴ ÄdG 202 (D O.I. 119). ⁴⁵ ÄdG 203 (D O I. 120). ⁴⁶ The four-member formula 1, 2, 6, 7 is also used by scribes 1, 2, 5, 11, 15, 29 and 30; the five-member formula 1, 3, 2, 6, 7 is also used by scribes 1, 2, 3, 11, 23, 25, 30, 32, 33 and 35; the six-member formula 1, 2, 3, 4, 2, 7, 6 is also known to scribes 12, 24, 30 and 36; 1, 4, 2, 6, 7 is used particularly frequently by scribes 22, 23, 24, and also by scribes 3, 4, 16, 26, 27, 28 and 32; 1, 2, 4, 2, 6, 7 is also used by scribes 22, 24 and 26. Cf. Schnase 2019: 302–317: Table 141. Stráipsniai / Articles 35 MARIE-LUISE HECKMANN The question of whether particular formulas were preferred for particular legal acts requires closer examination. Two further examples follow of charters by the scribe Brun of Cologne. Abb. 6: D O I. 120 (950 II 9, Worms)⁴⁷ The following can be identified as distinctive external features of the diplomas that Brun of Cologne produced for his brother Otto I: The layout shows that the entire charter text is written flush left. The context and eschatocol are clearly set apart from one another. The seal and recognition sign occupy the right third of the (entirely or largely) empty central band, which separates the protocol and context from the eschatocol. When the design of the eschatocol of the royal charters attributable to Brun as scribe is compared, several things become apparent: in ten cases, the signum and recognition lines are on the same ⁴⁷ St. Gallen, Abbey Archives, Pfäfers Charters (861–1500) 0000.32, in: Monasterium.net, URL </mom/CH-StiASG/StiAPfae/0000.32/charter>, accessed at 2024-02-26Z. The Abbey Archives of St. Gallen are thanked for permission to publish. 36 Acta Linguistica Lithuanica XC Digital Profiling als Methode der frühmittelalterlichen Diplomatik. Ausgehend von einer Urkunde Ottos I. in St. Petersburg in eleven further cases, the lower band of the signum line bounds the recognition line above; only in one example is the recognition line much lower than the signum line48. In 14 cases, the monogram is found between the ruler’s name and epithet, and in only one case within the epithet49. The royal seal is or was located to the left of the recognition sign in 18/22 cases50. In 15 cases, Otto the Great’s first seal is used. This corresponds to the early drafting date of the diplomas51. The Chrismon, consisting of a bow and shaft, is readily distinguishable from other Chrisma: the bow has a pretzel-shaped ornamentation that ends in the four legs of an “X.” The shaft consists of a serpentine line, often provided with individual Tironian notes. It generally contains a central parting with a field of notes below52. The recognition sign is two-, four- or five-tiered. In 10/20 cases, a central parting, an eight-loop band and a field with Tironian notes can be recognized. The remaining ten recognition signs are similarly designed53. The king’s monogram consists of two large T’s connected by a longitudinal bar. This is intersected in the middle by a horizontal line that ends above and below in a small diamond-shaped O (hereafter designated T8T)54 Little stands out in the palaeography: the first line, the signum line and the recognition line always appear in elongata, while the dating line, like the rest of the charter text, is in diplomatic minuscule. Capital letters are often used for abbreviated day and month designations55. A and G may be identified as distinctive letters: in twelve cases, the letter A is open and has a rounded left and rounded right shaft; in a further nine cases, it is likewise open, but with a curved left and right shaft respectively56. In 19/24 cases, the letter G is round and has a closed upper and rounded lower bow; in a further three cases, it is likewise 48 Cf. Schnase 2019: 286, Table 133. 49 Cf. ibid.: 285, Table 132. 50 Cf. ibid.: 287, Table 135. 51 Cf. ibid.: 344 f., Table 148. 52 Cf. ibid.: 317, 319 f., Table 142. 53 Cf. ibid.: 327, 329, 333, Table 145. 54 Cf. ibid.: 325, Table 143: “no shaft, diamond-shaped o[,] T8T” (4 charters), […] “left-curving shaft, diamond-shaped o[,] T8T” (14 charters). 55 Cf. ibid.: 269 f., Table 117. 56 Cf. ibid.: 266, Table 114. Straipsniai / Articles 37 MARIE-LUISE HECKMANN round and has a closed upper and a bowed lower curve57. Fig. 7: D O I. 126 (950 VII 16, Nimburg)58 57 Cf. ibid.: 263, Table 112. 58 LBA 2666. 38 Acta Linguistica Lithuanica XC Digital Profiling als Methode der frühmittelalterlichen Diplomatik. Ausgehend von einer Urkunde Ottos I. in St. Petersburg Fig. 8: Charter of Archbishop Brun of Cologne for St. Caecilien (962 XII 25, Cologne)59 When the diplomas mentioned are compared with a charter that Brun issued as archbishop for the Cologne monastery of St. Cäcilien, the palaeographic evidence shows a high degree of agreement in the st ligature. In the bishop’s charter, as in the royal charters, an open, round a is also used, apart from very few exceptions60. The writing ductus is likewise comparable; in all three cases, the letters are oriented steeply upward, and there are loops in the ascenders of f and s. By contrast, the ascenders of b, d and l always end in curves running to the right. The line spacing is 59 HStA Cologne HUA no. 3a. Cf. Oediger 1978: 138, no. 449. LBA 9174. 60 Thus in the word mancipia and in the name Hartger in the witness list. Straipsniai / Articles 39 MARIE-LUISE HECKMANN in all three charters arranged uniformly. In each case, there is sufficient space between the descenders of one line and the ascenders of the following line. The positioning of the lines, the flush-left alignment of the text and the similarly designed chrismons of the bishop’s charter and the diplomas of Otto I. attributed to Brun make the identification of Brun as scribe plausible. The bishop’s charter, however, with its differing script, indicates that Chancellor Meginhero wrote it and that the archbishop authenticated it in his own hand. It reads: Ego Bruno dei gratia archiepiscopus hanc cartam a Meginhero cancellario scriptam manu propria sigillo impresso confirmavi. This aspect will be discussed below. Fig. 9: D O I. 200 (959 IV 9, Quedlinburg)⁶¹ ⁶¹ LBA 10560. 40 Acta Linguistica Lithuanica XC Digital Profiling als Methode der frühmittelalterlichen Diplomatik. Ausgehend von einer Urkunde Ottos I. in St. Petersburg Fig. 10: D O I. 206 (960 II 12, Frankfurt)⁶² In the second case to be presented, the later Archbishop Heinrich of Trier (956–964) proves to be a charter producer. In diplomatics, he has hitherto borne the siglum LF⁶³. The charters of Heinrich of Trier can be recognized by the following features: 1. the Chrismon and the recognition sign form the endpoints of a diagonal axis from upper left to lower right; 2. hedgehog-shaped Chrismon; 3. multi-tiered recognition sign whose fields are filled with various hatching and ornamental patterns; 4. the ⁶² LBA 10031. ⁶³ Identification according to Schnase 2019: 242, Table 101. Straipsniai / Articles 41 MARIE-LUISE HECKMANN monogram consists of two T’s ending below in diamonds (for the letter o) and connected to one another by a crossbar; 5. protocol, context, signum and recognition line, or appreciation line, are clearly set apart from one another; 6. signum and recognition lines stand on one line; 7. the signum line is shifted to the left; 8. the second line from the top is indented to the right; 9. the c contains an upper loop as an ornament. A bishop’s charter of Heinrich I of 964 is used for comparison. Fig. 11: Charter of Bishop Heinrich I of Mainz (964)64 In the palaeographic evidence (ductus, abbreviations and ornamentation of the diplomatic minuscule and elongata), it shows a certain similarity to the king’s two diplomas65. The script of the corroboratio and the Chrismon, by contrast, are distinctly different in design. In the corroboratio, the following text appears largely in majuscule script: Ego Heinricus dei gratia Trevirorum licet indignus archiepiscopus hoc signum propriis manibus feci. 64 LBA 7262. 65 On the role of ductus in palaeography, cf. Mažuga 2022. 42 Acta Linguistica Lithuanica XC Digital Profiling als Methode der frühmittelalterlichen Diplomatik. Ausgehend von einer Urkunde Ottos I. in St. Petersburg In the third case, intended to underscore scribe profiling as a method for identifying a scribe, the subject is three diplomas of Otto I or his son Otto II that can be assigned to Willigis of Mainz (975–1011) during his period of activity as a scribe. To date, his siglum was WC66. Fig. 12: D O I. 423 (972 X 18, Nierstein)67 66 Identification according to Schnase 2019: 242, Table 101. 67 LBA 2700. Straipsniai / Articles 43 MARIE-LUISE HECKMANN Fig. 13: D O II. 27 (972 X 18, Nierstein)68 LBA 2701. 44 Acta Linguistica Lithuanica XC Digital Profiling als Methode der frühmittelalterlichen Diplomatik. Ausgehend von einer Urkunde Ottos I. in St. Petersburg Abb. 14: D O II. 44 (973 VI 27, Worms)69 For the three diplomas produced by Willigis of Mainz as scribe, major correspondences can be observed in the design of the Chrismon, the monogram, and the signum and recognition lines. The palaeographic evidence is also readily comparable. Among other things, it is characterized by loop formation in abbreviations and ligatures. In all three charters, the Chrismon consists of a bow with three s-notes and superimposed wavy strokes. The shaft likewise bears wavy strokes70. The monogram consists on the left and right respectively of a 69 LBA 2705. 70 Cf. Schnase 2019: 317 f., Table 142 (S O I. 32). Articles / Articles 45 MARIE-LUISE HECKMANN large T’s, connected by an equal-armed cross. The vertical bar of the cross ends at the top and bottom in a small o. This form of the monogram is, however—and this should be noted—attested for at least 16 of the approximately fifty known scribes under Otto the Great71. In all three cases mentioned, the signum and recognition lines extend over two lines and fill the space between the context and the apprecatio. They begin flush left on the same line as the text block comprising the protocol and context. Archbishop Willigis of Mainz (975–1011) served as a scribe for Otto I from 11 April 965 to 25 January 97572. For the confirmation of royal charters, he preferred formulaic material consisting in only one case of two members, but otherwise of five, six or even eight members73. This finding not only underscores the scribe’s considerable linguistic ability but also points to extensive exchange with other scribes of the late period of Otto I. Formulas ending with the codes 2, 6, 7; 5, 6, 7 or 5, 7, 6 were particularly popular among the scribes of this period. 7 OTTONIAN BISHOPS AS SCRIBES As a conclusion from what has been said so far, it is appropriate to consider the scribes as a group as well. The case studies presented—as already indicated by the term “index fossils”—clearly represent three generations of scribes who succeeded one another under Otto I. The scribes changed each time the rule of the king of the Saxons and Franks expanded: once after the move to Italy in 951; then at the imperial coronation in 962; and finally through the marriage and elevation in rank of Otto II with the Byzantine princess Theophanu in 967. Most scribes came from the high nobility and were eventually appointed bishops. Their service in producing royal or imperial charters took place sequentially, either when the king visited a particular region annually, or whenever he summoned the prelates to accompany him for a specific period74. 71 Cf. ibid.: 325, Table 143. 72 Cf. ibid.: 244, Table 102. 73 Cf. ibid.: 302 (12), 305 (13267), 308 (124267), 309 (12567), 312 (12576, 132576), 313 f. (1242576), 314 (14323267), 315 (12342567, 143242567). 74 Cf. ibid.: 246–249, Table 104. 46 Acta Linguistica Lithuanica XC Digital Profiling als Methode der frühmittelalterlichen Diplomatik. Ausgehend von einer Urkunde Ottos I. in St. Petersburg In keeping with this conclusion, the scribes of Arnulf of Carinthia, Louis the Child, Conrad I and Otto the Great are listed below in tables and the respective findings evaluated. Fig. 15: The scribes of Arnulf of Carinthia, Louis the Child and Conrad I. It emerges that the king’s scribes at the turn of the 9th to the 10th century originated either from monasteries or episcopal schools. The following conclusions can be drawn from the two tables presented below for comparison with the reign of Otto I: the majority of Otto I’s scribes worked for him for one to five, and sometimes even ten, years. The longest documented service is that of Tuto of Paderborn, with thirty years of writing activity for the king. Numerous scribes, by contrast, appear only once, attributable on the one hand to the accidents of transmission, but on the other also to the large number of scribes not yet identified (at least 32/67). Strai̯psniai / Articles 47 MARIE-LUISE HECKMANN Fig. 16: Number of scribes and charters under Otto I (some scribes also active under Heinrich I or Otto II) Approximately thirty of the roughly fifty scribes under Otto I were or became bishops; one of them even rose to become pope, seven were monks, including two abbots, or secular clergy. Two are documented as chancellors. Although these figures can indicate only tendencies, the overlaps between the dates of issue of the imperial diplomas and the bishops’ terms of office show that there was indeed responsibility for both activities. The fact that the production of rulers’ diplomas could occur both before and during a scribe’s tenure as bishop shows that charter production was not a distinct stage of a career. If, by contrast, one considers the temporal aspect for comparison and views the court as a mobile association of persons, the bishops prove to be a regional element of royal governance, remaining tied to their respective dioceses through the granting of church property and sovereign rights. At the same time, the bishops belonged to a highly specialized elite whose education, training and further education took place at episcopal schools and in the surroundings of episcopal sees. To what extent the same scribes were responsible for legal as well as liturgical documents remains an open question. Book and administrative scripts 48 Acta Linguistica Lithuanica XC Digital Profiling als Methode der frühmittelalterlichen Diplomatik. Ausgehend von einer Urkunde Ottos I. in St. Petersburg differ considerably in some cases, and the number of examples from one and the same episcopal see is generally “rather small”⁷⁵. Fig. 17: The scribes of Otto I and their terms of office as bishops (some scribes also active under Heinrich I or Otto II) Taken as a whole, the bishops of the Ottonian period represent a close interweaving of Regnum and Sacerdotium, which had been taking shape since the early 9th century and reached its peak in the middle of the 11th century. This close connection did not begin to break apart until the turn of the 12th century with the Gregorian Church Reform. This development gradually gave rise to the two basic forms of the papal charter (bull, mandate), which—from the pontificate of Leo IX (1049–1954) onward—display special seals, their own signa, a fixed format (portrait rather than landscape), specific folds, standardized scripts depending on use, and established formulas⁷⁶. ⁷⁵ Worthwhile for comparison would be, for example, the holdings in Bamberg, Cologne, Karlsruhe, Magdeburg, Munich and Trier, perhaps also in Friuli, Merseburg, Naumburg and Zurich. ⁷⁶ May 1995; Frenz 2000: 15–58; Rück 2000; Čirkova 2007, 2010. Straipsniai / Articles 49 MARIE-LUISE HECKMANN 8. OPPORTUNITIES AND LIMITS OF SCRIBE PROFILING The central thesis of the study presented is that early medieval royal or imperial diplomas are individual works of art and that their producers are unique artists who can be identified by name. This central thesis can be substantiated above all when a larger ensemble of comparative pieces is available that can be assigned to a scribe on the basis of several concordant features. An indispensable prerequisite for scribe profiling is therefore a large number of different features and a certain number of comparative pieces. For the reign of Otto the Great, the signa (usually the recognition sign, often the Chrismon, and occasionally the monogram) and the arrangement of the signum and recognition lines proved constitutive for scribe identification. In addition, the Actum and Datum, evaluated by means of an itinerary analysis, are particularly suitable for further supporting the identification of a scribe. The scripts, the use of upper- and lowercase, abbreviations and ligatures—that is, the palaeographic features of early medieval royal and imperial charters—appear less individualized. Nevertheless, recording the features made it possible to identify preferences for particular letter types or certain writing styles (ductus) in one or more scribes. Against this background, the scriptorium thesis known from manuscript studies (Bernhart Bischoff) should in future also be taken into account for charter production. In other words: what initials, display scripts, the design of the writing space or discoloration of the parchment signify for locating a scriptorium may perhaps also be said for the regional assignment of a group of charters. The respective set of upper- and lowercase letters, abbreviations and ligatures, and perhaps also the use of display scripts (elongata) and the loop formation of particular letters, are helpful for this purpose. One observation of its own must be recorded: the two bishop’s charters of Brun of Cologne and Heinrich of Trier used for comparison each display a divergent script within the corroboratio. The 50 Acta Linguistica Lithuanica XC Digital Profiling als Methode der frühmittelalterlichen Diplomatik. Ausgehend von einer Urkunde Ottos I. in St. Petersburg associated text emphasizes in both cases the authenticity of the authentication⁷⁷. The linguistic coloring of place and personal names, as well as the use of Tironian notes and Greek letters in the recognition sign, still requires closer investigation. At a minimum, however, it permits the conclusion that the scribes concerned proceeded deliberately and were very well trained. More precise localization of a presumed charter producer near a corresponding episcopal school could further sharpen the argument here. In the study presented, the formulaic material of the corroboratio represents the breadth of stylistic abilities and may correlate with the legal act. It corresponds more closely to the stylistic habits of groups of scribes than to individual modes of speaking or writing. There are, however, exceptions. Scribe profiling as a method has nevertheless opened up new questions and perspectives. Thus, the “self-dictation in the arenga” attested from the Salian period—that is, an individual feature hitherto attributed to the issuer—may perhaps constitute another application of scribe profiling. Or, provocatively put: Was the bishop (Leo of Vercelli), rather than the king (Henry II), the scribe of the well-known diploma D H II. 34⁷⁸? Appendix⁷⁹ SOI. 4: Fourth scribe of Otto I. Identification: Brun of Cologne⁸⁰ Siglum: BA Examples: DD O I. 120, 126 ⁷⁷ Cf. also Ghignoli 2015: 69–78. ⁷⁸ Differently: Hoffmann 1988: 415. ⁷⁹ The appendix provides, by way of example, some data for two scribe profiles. Accumulations of features or other special characteristics are set in italics. ⁸⁰ Cf. Schnase 2019: 242, Table 101. Straipsniai / Articles 51 MARIE-LUISE HECKMANN Internal features A total of 25 originals known⁸¹ → Scribe of approximately five percent of all charters of Otto I. Date and places of issue: Frankfurt (5), Aachen (2), Allstedt (2), Balgstädt (1), Busendorf (1), Dahlum (1), Elten (1), Frohse (1), Ingelheim (1), Kissenbrück (1), Magdeburg (3), Nimburg (1), Quedlinburg (1), Salz (1), Wallhausen (1), Worms (2)⁸². → Hesse, the Middle Rhine, and Saxony as preferred areas of activity (relatively large radius of movement) Stays: Balgstädt: D O I. 55 (943 V 24); Kissenbrück: D O I. 56 (944 II 29); Allstedt: D O I. 57 (944 V I); Elten: D O I. 59 (944 VII 18); Allstedt: D O I. 65 (945 V 4); Magdeburg: D O I. 69 (945 VI 11); Frohse: D O I. 77 (946 V 30); Frankfurt: D O I. 83A and B (946 XI 28, 2 originals), Salz: D O I. 87 (947 II 14); Magdeburg: D O I. 96 (948 III 27), D O I. 97A and 97B (948 III 30, 2 originals); Aachen: D O I. 100 (948 IV 30), D O I. 102 (948 V 2); Ingelheim: D O I. 103 (948 VI 11); Frankfurt: D O I. 109 (949 II 2); Dahlum: D O I. 116 (950 I 1); Busendorf: D O I. 117 (950 I 18); Worms: D O I. 119 (950 II 7), D O I. 120 (950 II 9); Nimburg: D O I. 126 (950 VII 16); Wallhausen: D O I. 134 (951 VII 28); Frankfurt (with Otto I.’s 6th seal): D O I. 159 (952 XII 30), D O I. 160 (953 I 1)⁸³. → Almost ten years of writing activity (943–953) before rising to become archbishop of Cologne (953–965) Formulary Intervention formulas: (adire) nostram postulantes regalitate (1), interventionibus obtemperatoris (1), interventionibus, cum consensu (1), ⁸¹ Cf. ibid.: 243, table 102. In addition, DD O I. 64 (Allstedt, 945 V 4) and 164 (Quedlinburg, 953 IV 21) as copies attributed to BA on the basis of the dictation. ⁸² Cf. ibid.: 244, table 103. ⁸³ Cf. ibid.: 244 f., table 103; 246, table 104. D O I 59 was written jointly with Friedrich of Mainz. D O I. 134 is a contemporary copy. 52 Acta Linguistica Lithuanica XC Digital Profiling als Methode der frühmittelalterlichen Diplomatik. Ausgehend von einer Urkunde Ottos I. in St. Petersburg interventum (1), nos adiit (1), obtulerunt nostris obtutibus (1), per interventum (3), petitionem (1), peticioni obtemperantes (1), pulsaverunt nostras aures (1), veniens ad nos detulit preceptum, deprecatus est (1)84. → Involvement of members of the court in the granting of privileges Interveners: Edith (1), Otto’s brother Brun (4), Otto’s brother Heinrich (2), Otto’s son Liudolf (3), Duke Hermann (3), Archbishop Friedrich of Mainz (1), Abbot Thieto of St. Gallen (1), Abbot Hadamar of Fulda (2), Abbot Berthold of Inde (1), Abbot Rodwig of Hornbach (1), Abbot Ansfried of St. Arnulf at Metz (1), Bishop Adalbert of Metz (2), Bishop Baldric (1), Margrave Gero (2), Count Konrad (2), Duke Konrad (2), fideles (1)85. → Brun of Cologne’s close contacts, as the king’s younger brother and a high-ranking cleric, with the royal family and with high secular and ecclesiastical officeholders at court, including many abbots and several bishops → Involvement of members of the court in the granting of privileges Recipients: Abbot Hadamar of Fulda (1), the brothers Folcmar and Richbert (1), Eberhard (1), the faithful Rudolf (1), the church of Cambrai (1), the monastery of Corvey (1), the monastery of St. Moriz at Magdeburg (2), the monastery of Hersfeld (2), the monastery of Hornbach (1), the monastery of Kornelimünster (1), the monastery of Pfävers (1), the monastery of Reichenau (3+), the monastery of S. Gallen (1), the monastery of Senones (1), the monastery of St. Emmeram at Regensburg (1), Margrave Christian (1), Margrave Gero (2), Matron Helmburc (1), Megingoz (1), steward Wetti (1), monks of St. Arnulf at Metz (1), the monastery of Essen (1)86. → Regional mobility of the recipients, including representatives of many monasteries, toward the itinerant royal court in order to obtain a charter produced through the king’s younger brother Corroboration formulas: Components: 1 (= dispositive formula) auctoritas (9), condonatio (3), praeceptum (7), stipulatione subnixum (1), vicissitudo (1). 2 (= activity formula) firma & stabilis permaneat (4), firma et inconvulsa permaneat (1), firma permaneat (1), firma permaneat, veriusque credatur (1), firma stabilisque perduret (1), firma stabilisque permaneat (2), firma 84 Cf. ibid.: 294, table 139. 85 Cf. ibid.: 255–257, table 109. 86 Cf. ibid.: 258–260, table 110. Straipsniai / Articles 53 MARIE-LUISE HECKMANN stabilisque permaneat verius credatur (1), firmavimus stabile permaneat (1), firmior habeatur verius credatur. & diligentius observetur (1), irrefragabiliter (sic!) firmiorem in di (sic!) nomine obtineat vigorem (1), pleniorem indi (sic!) nomine obtineat stabilitatem (1), potestate habeat (1), valeat inconvulsa manere (1), verius credatur ac diligentius observetur (1). 3 (= eternity formula) a modo & deinceps (1), futura tempora (1), nostris futurisque temporibus (2), succedentium curricula temporum (1), succedentium temporum curricula (3). 4 (= formula for the faithful) cunctis retro farculis (sic!) (1), fidelibus (2), fidelium (1). 5 (= writing instruction) conscribi (5). 6 (= authentication formula) manu confirmavimus (1), manu firmato (1), manu firmatum (6), manu firmavimus (13), manu firmum (1), manu roboratum (1). 7 (= sealing instruction) anulo corroborari praecipimus (2), anulo insigniri iussimus (5), anulo insigniri praecipimus (3), anulo insignito (1), anulo roboratum (2), anulo sigillari iussimus (3), anulo sigillari praecipimus (1), anulo sigillatum (5), praecipimus (1). Combinations: 1, 2, 7 (1), 5, 6, 7 (3), 1, 2, 6, 7 (8), 1, 3, 2, 6, 7 (4), 1, 4, 2, 6, 7 (1), 1, 2, 4, 2, 6, 7 (1), 1, 3, 2, 4, 2 (2), 1, 2, 3, 4, 2, 7, 6 (1), 1, 4, 2, 3, 2, 6, 7 (1)⁸⁷. → Dividing the formulas according to motifs (codes) permits semantic analyses extending beyond literal comparison of the dictation → The scribe’s use of two standard formulas indicating a certain solemnity of the act; the scribe was also capable of producing charters across the entire range of solemnity → Complexity of the formulas as a reflection of the degree of solemnity → Degree of solemnity as an indication of the recipients’ rank in the king’s eyes or of the nature of the legal act Semantics Pronunciation of vernacular names: Personal names: brun (15+), Brun (5), hoholt (1), brunonis (1), Fridurici (8+), fridurici (8), Herolti (1), rodbberti (3+)⁸⁸. Place names: aquisgrani (1), Altsteti (2), altsteti (1), balgesteti (1+), ⁸⁷ Cf. ibid.: 295, 301–307, 310, 316, table 140 f. ⁸⁸ Cf. ibid.: 251, table 106. 54 Acta Linguistica Lithuanica XC Digital Profiling als Methode der frühmittelalterlichen Diplomatik. Ausgehend von einer Urkunde Ottos I. in St. Petersburg Busen (1), dalaheim (1+), eltnon (1), Franconofurt (1), Franconof (1), Frosa (1), Ingilenheim (1+), Krissenbruka (1), Magedeburg (1+), magedaburg (2+), magidaburc (1+), niuunburg (1+), Salze (1), Uualahuson (1+), vuormacia (2+)⁸⁹. → Conclusions about the regional origin of scribes based on linguistic features → In this case: Rhenish fan (Ripuarian)? (b instead of p initially, f instead of p initially, c instead of t between vowels, k instead of ch finally, softening of the vowels before and after g, diphthongs ai and iu) External features State of preservation Formats (generally writing space): Height (in mm): 250–299 (2), 300–349 (2), 350–399 (8), 400–449 (8), 450–499 (5); width (in mm): 400–449 (2), 450–499 (15), 500–549 (1), 550–599 (5), 600–649 (2); area (in mm or m²): DD O L. 55 (279 X 472 ~ 0,13 m²), 57 (330 X 459 ~ 0,15 m²), 59 (350 X 400 = 0,14 m²), 65 (440 X 550 ~ 0,24 m²), 69 (373 X 462 ~ 0,17 m²), 77 (387 X 463 ~ 0,18 m²), 83A (446 X 473 ~ 0,21 m²), 83B (468 X 458 ~ 0,21 m²),⁹⁰ 87 (364 X 462 ~ 0,17 m²), 96 (450 X 460 ~ 0,21 m²), 97A (437 X 458 ~ 0,2 m²), 97B (371 X 486 ~ 0,18 m²)⁹¹, 100 (386 X 552 ~ 0,21 m²), 102 (433 X 545 ~ 0,24 m²), 104 (360 X 580 ~ 0,21 m²), 109 (465 X 605 ~ 0,28 m²), 116 (268 X 465 ~ 0,13 m²), 117 (447 X 470 ~ 0,21 m²), 119 (460 X 570 ~ 0,26 m²), 120 (440 X 620 ~ 027 m²), 126 (397 X 468 ~ 0,19 m²), 159 (444 X 576 ~ 0,26 m²), 160 (344 X 464 ~ 0,16 m²)⁹². → Preference for a pronounced landscape format when a portrait format is present ⁸⁹ Cf. ibid.: 253 f., table 108. ⁹⁰ LBA 2806. External dimensions. ⁹¹ LBA 15901. External dimensions. ⁹² Cf. Schnase 2019: 281, table 129. Straipsniai / Articles 55 MARIE-LUISE HECKMANN Folding: 1 X 4 fields (1), 2 X 4 fields (2), 2 X 5 fields (1), 2 X 6 fields (2), 2 X 7 fields (3), 2 X 8 fields (1), 3 X 3 fields (1), 3 X 6 fields (2), 3 X 8 fields (1), 4 X 3 fields (1), 4 X 4 fields (4), 4 X 5 fields (1), 4 X 6 fields (4), 4 X 9 fields (1), 5 X 3 fields (1), 5 X 4 fields (1)⁹³. → Preference for small-format, but only rarely very small-format, folding Layout Cutouts and pricking: Cutout for the monogram in the signum line (3), cutout for the monogram in the recognitional line, cutout for the recognitional sign in the text block (1), cutout for the monogram in the signum line, pricking of the signum line (1), cutout for the monogram, pricking of the recognitional line (1), cutout for the monogram in the signum line, pricking of the signum line, pricking of the recognitional line (9). Cutout for the monogram in the signum line, cutout for the recognitional sign in the text block, cutout for the seal in the text block, pricking of the signum line (2), cutout for the monogram in the signum line, cutout for the recognitional sign in the text block, cutout for the seal in the text block, pricking of the signum line, pricking of the recognitional line (4), cutout for the monogram in the signum line, pricking of the signum line, pricking of the recognitional line, pricking of the seal in the text block (1), pricking of the signum line, pricking of the recognitional line, later addition of the monogram between the signum and recognitional lines (1)⁹⁴. Marking of the signum line: Two dots, one comma, triangular (6), three dots, one comma, quadrangular (5), absent (4), three dots, one comma (3), three dots one above the other (2), one dot in the middle (1), one dot to the right, one dot to the left of the recognitional sign (1), two dots next to each other, one comma beneath them (1)⁹⁵. ⁹³ Cf. ibid.: 282 f., table 130. ⁹⁴ Cf. ibid.: 289–291, table 137. ⁹⁵ Cf. ibid.: 326, table 144. 56 Acta Linguistica Lithuanica XC Digital Profiling als Methode der frühmittelalterlichen Diplomatik. Ausgehend von einer Urkunde Ottos I. in St. Petersburg Design of the eschatocol: signum and recognitional lines at the same height (10), lower band of the signum line bounds the recognitional line above (11), recognitional line lies much lower than the signum line (1)96. → Organization of the writing space with a compass Damage: oversignature, seal intact: et-ligature and actum line oversigned (1), oversignature, seal partially destroyed: recognitional sign partially oversigned (1), oversignature, seal partially destroyed: descenders of the corroboration partially discolored, actum line oversigned (1), oversignature, seal destroyed. Wax discoloration: actum line partially discolored (1)97. → Indication of the production process: seal evidently affixed last → Overall, little damage because of careful preservation to maintain legal validity98 Signs Chrismon: arch: pretzel-shaped ornament and “X”, shaft: often figure-eight loop band, wavy or serpentine lines, Tironian notes; haste: preferably left-curving, diamond-shaped “o”, T8T (18), occasionally straight (2) or absent haste (4)99. Recognitional sign: preferably 2, 4, or 5 stories high. Central crest, figure-eight loop band, note field (10), central crest, figure-eight loop band, figure-eight loop band, note field (3), often central crest, figure-eight loop band, cross field or note field or 2 note fields, once arcades with z-sign, figure-eight loop band, note field, row of wavy strokes, once crest, note field100. 96 Cf. ibid.: 284, table 131. 97 Cf. ibid.: 292, table 138. 98 DD O I. 83B and 97B as examples of fair copies without legal validity. 99 Cf. Schnase 2019: 317, 320, table 142. 100 Cf. ibid.: 327, 328, 329, 333, table 145. Straipsniai / Articles 57 MARIE-LUISE HECKMANN Seal: First seal of Otto I (14)101. Script Capital letters (for typographical reasons without reproducing abbreviation marks): Signum (7+), Invictissimi (1+). Brun (1+). Anno (3+), Incarnationis (1), Incarnat (1). Indictione (1), Indictione (1). Regnante (7+), Serenissimo (1+), Ottone (3+), Ottonis (1). Actum (4), Actvm (1), Actu (5), here without reproducing the abbreviation mark), Fel (1+), ameN (15)102. Abbreviations (for typographical reasons without reproducing abbreviation marks): Signum line: signu (3+), advice (4+). Date line: Indication of days: KL (3), Kl (15+), KAL (1), ID (2), Id (2), Non (1), NoN (1). Month indications: IAN (1+), FEB (4+), Mart (2+), Mai (6+), IVN (1), Ivn (1), Ivnii (2+), Aug (1+), DECEb (2+). Indiction indication: Indict (1), indict (16+), in (1). Regnal years: dni (10+), dom (1+), pio (8+). Actum line: Actu (5), actu (7+), d (19+), no (19+), am (1+). Indication of days: KAL (1), Kl (15+), KL (3), ID (2), Id (2), NON (2+). Month indications: IAN (1+), FEB (4+), MART (2+), APR (1+), MAI (6+), IVN (2+), IUN (1), AUG (2+), DECEB (1+)103. Decorative letters at line beginnings (capitals): Letter S: shaft−“S” with upper loop, central attachment to the left and left-curving descender (19), round, rounded arch, right and upper arch sections fused and curved (swelling stroke) (12), round, rounded arch (3). Letter A: Open, rounded left shaft, rounded right shaft (12), open, curved left shaft, curved right shaft (9)104. → Whether the design habits described represent period trends or the preferences of a particular scribe would have to be established by comparison with the other information in the tables. Brun of Cologne seems to have favored a pronounced elongata as display script, a finely written diplomatic minuscule with short ascenders, and, in the layout, the separation of line beginnings and signs. The chrismon, monogram, and recognitional sign correspond 101 Cf. ibid.: 344, table 148. 102 Cf. ibid.: 267, tables 115. 103 Cf. ibid.: 275–279, tables 124–128. 104 Cf. ibid.: 263 f., 266, tables 112–114. 58 Acta Linguistica Lithuanica XC Digital Profiling als Methode der frühmittelalterlichen Diplomatik. Ausgehend von einer Urkunde Ottos I. in St. Petersburg on the other hand, like the positioning of the eschatocol and its lines, probably more to contemporary notions of taste and symmetry than to the scribe’s personal peculiarities Greek signs are found in the recognitional signs of at least 19 charters of Brun of Cologne. They may represent a dating of the execution (Actum) of the charters105. → Knowledge and appreciation of Greek and of Greek numerals point to a very good education in the trivium. The presumed mathematical abilities would moreover permit the conclusion that the scribe had a solid education in the quadrivium, especially in the basic operations of addition and multiplication, perhaps using the abacus. Comparison with other scribes shows that Adalbert of Magdeburg, Biso of Paderborn, Dietrich of Metz, Ernust, Friedrich of Mainz, Petrus of Pavia, Rather of Verona, Wido of Modena, and Wigfried of Verdun also possessed rudimentary knowledge of Greek S O I. 22106 Twenty-second scribe of Otto I (fourth scribe from Italy) Identification: Humbert of Parma Status: Bishop, archbishop Siglum: It B Examples: DD O I. 356, 371 Internal features Number: At least nineteen charters: DD O I. 239. 243. 274. 334. 337. 339. 356. 357. 371. 373. 378. 390. 401 (?). 407. 408. 410. 413. 414. D O II. 17. 105 Cf. ibid.: 336, table 147. 106 Editions from copies: ÄdG 508 f. (= MGH D O I. 371); Gabboto et al. 1913: 102–104, no. LXV; from the original: Anninskij 1937: 141–150 (Russian), 151–160 (Latin); Chignoli 2012: 245–247. Cf. Huschner 2003: 101 f.; Chignoli 2015; Schnase 2019: 242–249, 258–265, 284–287, tables 101–104, 110–113, 131–133. Straipsniai / Articles 59 MARIE-LUISE HECKMANN → Humbert, scribe of approximately four percent of all charters of Otto I, also scribe of episcopal charters, including several with a personal signature Activity as scribe: 965 I 31 to 972 V 25. Date and place of issue: San Ambrogio: D O I. 24 (962 VII 29). Together with the scribe S O I. 24 (= Ambrosius of Bergamo): Vada: D O I. 334; Ferrara: D O I. 390; Benevent: D O I. 356, D O II. 17; County of Penne: D O I. 357; Cassano: D O I. 371; Percena: D O I. 378; Ravenna: DD O I. 407, 410; Rome: D O I. 408. → Activity area in Upper and Central Italy Stays documented by original charters107: Orta: D O I. 243 (962 VII 29)108; S. Ambrogio: D O I. 274 (965 I 3); Vada: together with S O I. 24 (= Ambrosius of the Mainland): D O I. 334 (966 XII 2); Benevent: D O I. 356 (968 II 15); Benevent: D O II. 17 (968 II 15); On the River Ricaria in the territory of Penne: D O I. 357 (968 V 4); Percena: D O I. 378 (969 VIII 10)109; Ferrara: together with the scribe S O I. 25 (= Ambrosius of the Mainland): D O I. 90 (970 III 22); Ravenna: together with S O I. 25 (= Gumbald of Mantua): D O I. 407 (972 I 8); Rome: D O I. 408 (972 IV 22); Ravenna: D O I. 410 (972 V 25). 107 Cf. Schnase 2019: 354–357. 108 Cf. http://archivista.icar.beniculturali.it/fonds/30447/units/715399 [accessed 8 December 2023]. 109 Access: https://www.beweb.chiesacattolica.it/istituticulturali/istituto/2717/Archivio%20storico%20diocesano (inquiry of 8 December 2023 about the whereabouts of the charter as yet unanswered). 60 Acta Linguistica Lithuanica XC Digital Profiling als Methode der frühmittelalterlichen Diplomatik. Ausgehend von einer Urkunde Ottos I. in St. Petersburg ABBREVIATIONS DD H II. – Charter(s) of Henry II DD O I. – Charter(s) of Otto I HStAM – Marburg State Archives LBA – Photographic Archive of Older Original Charters; access: https://lba.hist.uni-marburg.de/. mm – millimeter m² – square meter StiASG – Abbey Archives of St. Gallen SOURCES AND BIBLIOGRAPHY ÄdG – The Charters of Conrad I, Henry I, and Otto I, ed. by T. Sickel, Hanover: Hahnsche Buchhandlung, 1879–1884. Access: https://www.dmgh.de/mgh_dd_ko_i_dd_h_i__dd_o_i/index.htm#page/III/mode/1up. 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The Chancellor’s Line and Its Graphic Design on the Ruler’s Charters of the Eighth and Ninth Centuries, Marburg an der Lahn: Universitätsbibliothek Marburg. Zwierlein Susanne 2016: Studies on the Arengae in the Charters of Emperor Louis the Pious (814–840), Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz. Digital Profiling as a Method of Early Medieval Diplomatics. Based on a Document of Otto I from Saint Petersburg. Dedicated to Prof. Dr. Vladimir Ivanovich Mažuga, celebrating his 75th anniversary on April 15, 2024 ABSTRACT Based on external and internal criteria, the article analyzes a document of Otto I preserved in Saint Petersburg and attributes its authorship to one of the 39 known scribes of the imperial chancery. The basis for the identification consists of the signatures and the document’s size, format, layout, and imperial script. Equally important are the linguistic nuances of personal and place names, as well as the complete corroboration formula. Subsequently, the suitability of the digital profiling method employed here for identifying the scribe is tested on the basis of comparative examples. The study revealed that the documents of King and Emperor Otto I are complex and characterized by numerous distinctive and informative features, such as the horizontal 68 Acta Linguistica Lithuanica XC Digital Profiling als Methode der frühmittelalterlichen Diplomatik. Ausgehend von einer Urkunde Ottos I. in St. Petersburg format, chrismon, identifying sign or abbreviations, which are no longer found in later documents. Furthermore, in order to identify the scribe reliably, the ruler’s documents must be connected with known persons active in his environment by gathering more information about them. During the rule of the Ottonian dynasty, bishops constituted the largest group of such persons meeting the relevant requirements and were characterized by a high level of literacy. It is therefore particularly likely that many documents of King and Emperor Otto I were prepared by bishops who may have worked as scribes in his chancery. This thesis has already been formulated in one part of the study. If the hypothesis of profiling bishops as scribes were confirmed, the identifications presented would substantially alter the picture of the systems of significance, writing, and communication at the end of the 9th and beginning of the 10th century. Or, figuratively speaking: the trail of the scribes who carried out the urgent commissions of the anointed king would lead from their activity in three mists toward the well-understood and brightly shining cathedral. Submitted on March 18, 2024. M A R I E - L U I S E H E C K M A N N University of Potsdam, Historical Institute Am Neuen Palais 10, D-14469 Potsdam [email protected] Straipsniai / Articles 69