Family diversity and reconciliation strategies. A comparative study. DIVERSIA final report

Innovation for Societal Change European Union European Regional Development Fund FAMILY DIVERSITY AND RECONCILIATION STRATEGIES. A COMPARATIVE STUDY DIVERSIA FINAL REPORT Family Diversity and Reconciliation Strategies. A comparative Study Diversia. Final Report Study Authors: M. -Mar González (Main Researcher) Marta Díez Francisca López Eloísa Martínez Beatriz Morgado Partners of Diversia Project Andalusia (Spain) Women Institute of Andalusia (Lead Partner) Director: Soledad Pérez Project Managers: Olga García Dolores Leal Team: María Osuna Malopolska (Poland) Association of Cities and Counties of Malopolska Director: Wieslaw Misztal Project Manager: Bartosz Lipszyc Team: Anna Goral, Ewa Krzaklewska University of Seville Director: Joaquín Luque Project Managers: M. -Mar González Isabel Vázquez Team: Marta Díez, Francisca López, Eloísa Martínez, Beatriz Morgado, Nerea Sanchís, José Manuel Sevillano Stockholm Region (Sweden) Municipality of Sodertalje Director: Ulla-Marie Hellenberg Project Manager: Paki Holvander Team: Eva Bjurholm, Oscar Hultaker Diseño y producción: Trama Gestión, S.L. 5 Index 1. Summary 7 2. Introduction 9 3. Theoretical Basis: Reconciliation and family diversity 13 3.1. New Families on the European panorama 13 3.2. The challenge of reconciliation in the new family panorama 15 3.3. Reconciliation and life satisfaction 17 3.4. Andalusia, Malopolska and Stockholm in terms of Family Diversity, Reconciliation Policy and Life Satisfaction 20 4. Reconciliation in family diversity study 29 4.1. Method 29 4.1.1. Participants 29 4.1.2. Procedure to access the participant families 31 4.1.3. Socio-demographic characteristics of the participants 32 4.1.4. Instruments and procedure 44 4.2. Results 45 4.2.1. Caring for the children 46 4.2.2. Resources to care for the children 60 4.2.3. Reconciliation measures at the workplace 67 4.2.4. Other reconciliation strategies 77 4.2.5. Domestic co-responsibility 86 4.2.6. Personal life reconciliation 93 4.2.7. General remarks about reconciliation 100 4.2.8. Life satisfaction and its relationship with reconciliation 109 6 4.3. Conclusions and Discussion 114 4.3.1. Native heterosexual families: men are involved in family life, but not equally 114 4.3.2. Immigrant heterosexual families: the more traditional gender role patterns and less access to reconciliation resources at the work place 117 4.3.3. Same-sex parent families: reconciliation from a joint responsibility of the couple 118 4.3.4. Single mother families: reconciliation through a greater use of resources 120 4.3.5. Reconciliation in Malopolska: Limited resources, little co-responsibility within the couple and low satisfaction 122 4.3.6. Reconciliation in Stockholm: Good resources, equalitarian involvement, high life satisfaction 124 4.3.7. Reconciliation in Andalusia: Highs and Lows in reconciliation 126 4.3.8. Reconciliation and life satisfaction 128 5. Good practices in reconciliation 133 5.1. Methodology for detection and transference of best practices relative to reconciliation between women and men in Europe 133 5.2. Examples of good practice in reconciliation in Andalusia 135 5.3. Examples of good practice in reconciliation in Malopolska 146 5.4 Examples of good practice in reconciliation in Stockholm 149 5.5 Conclusions of Good Practices on reconciliation 154 6. General recommendations for promoting reconciliation between working, family and personal life in diverse families 157 6.1. Institutional measures linked to child care 158 6.2. Measures related to work conditions 160 6.3. Time policies 160 6.4. Promote changes in the shared social representations with regards to gender and family 162 6.5. Attention to groups with special needs 163 7. References 167 Annex (interview) 174 FINAL REPORT 7 DIVERSIA is the short name of the subproject “Family diversity and reconciliation strategies,” integrated in the PEOPLE program that seeks to approach sub-objective 1 of this project: Reconciliation of career, family and personal life. Partners from three European regions participated in this project: Andalusia (Spain), Malopolska (Poland) and Stockholm (Sweden). The aims of DIVERSIA are to deepen into the difficulties in reconciling career and personal life that new family models face, as well as to perform a comparative analysis of difficulties and resources for reconciliation between the several family models studied, across the three regions involved. A total of 330 families participated in this study; of these, 164 were from the region of Andalusia (Spain), 97 from the region of Malopolska (Poland) and 67 from the region of Stockholm (Sweden). Considering the family diversity, 135 participants were native heterosexual parents from each region, 69 gay/lesbian parents, 67 single mothers and 59 immigrant heterosexual families. The families participating in this study were phone interviewed by specifically trained experts on the subject. The interview (semi-structured) was designed specifically for this study. When the different family models were compared, the following results were found: in native heterosexual families the men were involved in family life, but not equally; immigrant heterosexual families presented the most traditional pattern and had less access to reconciliation resources at the work place; in the case of two same-sex parent families, the reconciliation of working, family and personal life was a joint responsibility of the couple; finally, the single mother families reconciled mainly through the greatest use of resources. Comparisons between regions report that in Malopolska the resources for reconciliation were limited; there were little co-responsibility within the couples and families showed low life satisfaction. In Stockholm, families were highly satisfied with children care resources; Swedish couples showed the most equal patterns of all those studied and families had high life satisfaction. In Andalusia, same-sex couples were much more equalitarian than heterosexual ones, families were relatively satisfied with children care resources and showed life satisfaction scores in intermediate positions between those obtained in the other two regions studied. Finally, we provide recommendations for the improvement of reconciliation in the several family models, based on the conclusions extracted from both the study and the analysis of good practices in the three regions, included in this report too. 1. Summary FINAL REPORT 9 PEOPLE Innovation for Societal Change is a European mini-programme led by the Junta de Andalucia (Andalusian Regional Government) co-funded under the Interregional Cooperation programme INTERREG IVC. This European programme involves seven European regions: Andalusia (Spain), South East England (UK), Venice (Italy), Noord-Brabant (Netherlands), Malopolska (Poland), Stockholm (Sweden) and Timis (Romania). The general aim of PEOPLE is to explore opportunities for new forms of employment and improving well-being and cohesion within the context of demographic and societal changes. This way, PEOPLE will contribute to reinforce the cohesion and social welfare in the participating regions and find solutions to address some of the consequences of the economic downturn. There are six themes open under PEOPLE: • Sub-objective 1 - Reconciliation of work and private life • Sub-objective 2 - E-healthand Independence • Sub-objective 3 - Silver economy • Sub-objective 4 - Social and e-inclusion • Sub-objective 5 - Social entrepreneurship • Sub-objective 6 - Civil society empowerment DIVERSIA is the short name of the subproject “Family diversity and reconciliation strategies”, a subproject integrated in the PEOPLE programme that seeks to approach sub-objective 1 of this project: Reconciliation of career and personal life. Partners from three European regions participated in this project: Andalusia, Malopolska and Stockholm. Partners of Diversia Project in Andalusia are: Andalusian Women´s Institute (lead partner) and University of 2. Introduction DIVERSIA SUB-PROJECT FAMILY DIVERSITY AND RECONCILIATION STRATEGIES 16 Logically, the movement women have begun towards working outside their households has driven a movement of men towards the home (Durán, 1998). If, in the past, men in charge of the domestic and caretaking tasks were the exception, today, there are a growing number of men involved in the daily care-related tasks of the home and the children. To a great extent, this has been prompted by the necessity of taking charge of responsibilities previously undertaken by women. The fact that men have started performing domestic chores does not mean that their implication is identical. It certainly continues to be inferior, as has been verified in studies carried out in a number of countries, even when mothers have full time careers (Bianchi, Milkie, Sayer and Robinson, 2000; Craig, 2006; Gálvez-Muñoz, Rodríguez-Modroño and Domínguez-Serrano, 2011; Meil, 2005; Tobío, 2005). As Craig (2006) outlined in his analysis of the models of child care that mothers and fathers perform in Australia, the fact that women have “masculinised” (in a traditional sense) their working patterns did not have as consequence that the men have “feminized” nor that the women have “masculinised” their care patterns. If this happens in conventional families, under the responsibility of a man and a woman, one could wonder what is happening simultaneously with new family models. Obviously, there is much less data about how the domestic and care-related tasks are allotted in gay/lesbian families, where children grow up with two lesbian mothers or two gay fathers. However, the available information is reasonably similar in all the countries where studied. According to the accumulated scientific evidence, in gay/lesbian families, lesbian mothers or gay fathers perform very equal roles within the family, so that in many cases, they share the domestic chores, care for their children and make decisions jointly (Bos et al, 2007; Chan, et al, 1998; González, Chacón, Gómez, Sánchez, and Morcillo, 2003) while at the same time, contribute to the maintenance of the family (Fulcher, Sutfin, and Patterson, 2008). It is the adoptive gay/ lesbian families who show the sharpest tendency towards balanced equality, especially in child care (Ciano-Boyce and Shelley-Sireci, 2002). Possibly due to the more equitable character of the couples, the lesbian mothers or gay fathers in the studies carried out in other countries are more satisfied with the allotment of tasks than heterosexual couples or they show greater satisfaction with their partner’s role as “co-mother or co-father” (Bos, van Balen, and van den Boom, 2004; Patterson, 1995, 2002). An indirect confirmation of this statement can be gained from the fact that in heterosexual families, disparity in the allotment of domestic chores is one of the clearest reasons for dissatisfaction in marriage and one of the risk factors for the rupture of the couple’s project of sharing a life together (Meil, 2005). FINAL REPORT 17 If the focal point of the previous paragraphs was on the families with two progenitors, whether the same or different sex, the focus will now be on single parent families, which tend to usually be mothers (more than 8 out of every 10, in Europe). If the reconciliation between the various spheres and roles involved in the daily life of men and women leads to a major source of tension and conflicts for two-parent families, it is easy to imagine what it must be like for the mothers who are on their own. Undoubtedly, the tensions of reconciliation are one of the main pitfalls in the experience of maternity for these women, because the coordination between work and family is more difficult when there are only two hands to do everything, paraphrasing the title of an article by Hertz and Ferguson (1998). This was made clear by the studies carried out about the experience of single motherhood, both those performed with single mothers who had not sought this state in advance (Jiménez, González and Morgado, 2005; Tobío, 2005) as well as those who voluntarily embarked on the adventure of being single mothers by choice (González, Jiménez, Morgado and Díez, 2008). The results in the studies with single mothers show that, conscious of their need for help, they demand, more than other parents, family support and institutional support resources, where these exist, usually with a combination of both (González et al, 2008; Hertz and Fegurson, 1998; Jiménez et al, 2005; Tobío, 2005). No research has been found that compares the use of resources by single mother families in different circumstances. However, it could possibly be deduced from the different studies that the women who chose to be single mothers seek institutional and paid resources more frequently, while those who have been forced into this circumstance depend more upon family resources; this may also be due to their different economic resources, clearly less in the latter. Therefore, and in summary, the tensions of reconciliation between career and family life seem to impregnate the life of new European families. However, studies are still lacking to perform in-depth and comparatively research into the problems and difficulties, but also the resources and strategies used by European families with different structures and composition. To cover this evident deficiency in the literature, the project DIVERSIA was designed, as have been explained in the introduction of this report. 3.3. Reconciliation and Life Satisfaction In previous sections, reference has been made to new family circumstances, the objective needs to reconcile family and career life and the resources that parents count on to this end. This section seeks to DIVERSIA SUB-PROJECT FAMILY DIVERSITY AND RECONCILIATION STRATEGIES 18 analyze the more subjective aspect of these new realities, the relationship of these objective conditions with the perception of quality of life and psychological well-being of the parents. Obviously, the daily stress of reconciling a career and family life is farm from insignificant in the lives of European mothers and fathers; therefore, it can be supposed that this affects their psychological wellbeing or discomfort. This is an area of study that has only recently begun to be explored, about which interesting conclusions can already be drawn; nevertheless, there are still a number of unresolved questions. It is some of these that this study aspires to explore. In recent decades, the study of psychological well-being and quality of life has been strongly present in scientific literature. This coincides with an increase of what has been identified as “Positive Psychology,” a change of focus in the discipline of psychology, which has, for decades, been more concerned with discomfort and pathology than for well-being. Although the initial studies about happiness and other components of well-being can be found the 1930s, as clearly stated by Wilson (1967) in his crucial review, in fact, it was not to be until four or five decades later that there was a proliferation of studies in this field, as attested by the reviews by Diener (1984; Diener, Suh, Lucas and Smith, 1999). One of the most frequently used indicators for perceived psychological well-being and quality of life is known as “Life Satisfaction.” This would be its most cognitive and evaluative component, since it is a subjective judgement about whether an individual life fits the standards that each person wants for themselves. Therefore, it is not a direct consequence of the objective conditions, although it is related; rather, it is fruit of a purely subjective comparison between the circumstances of the individual’s life and their aspirations. It could be defined as “satisfaction with life as a whole;” in other words, the individual and subjective global evaluation of one’s individual life, which is something more than the sum of the satisfaction with different parts of life, as is postulated by Diener (1984), who is a person of reference in this field and author of one of the most utilized evaluation scales, the Satisfaction with Life Scale (Diener, Emmons, Larsen, & Griffin, 1985). The relationship between life satisfaction and the stress of reconciliation between career and family life has been approached in the scientific literature only recently. Traditionally, studies analyzed two types of determinants for life satisfaction, as is stated by Bönke (2005). On one hand, psychology of a more clinical nature was occupied with the influence of personality determinants, such as certain temperamental dispositions, the degree of extroversion or the neuroticism, among others. On the other hand, FINAL REPORT 19 Sociology and Social Psychology professionals essentially analyzed the influence of life circumstances, such as educational levels, income, type of employment and social relationships. Conventionally, the balance between career and family life had not been included in these life circumstances as a condition that could affect life satisfaction, based on whether it was perceived as being in balance or leaning more towards one side or the other. The first attempts at analyzing the subjective experience of reconciliation conditions only touched upon its negative aspects and only in women: it was found that the conflicts caused by reconciliation difficulties and the associated stress had pernicious effects on the health of women (Farmer, 1984; Gove, 1984). This focus should not be surprising, since the reconciliation needs began being seen as a female matter, and the fact that negative effects were sought out somehow fit with the social perception that the established order was being upset. Later on, however, a series of studies tinged these statements, and noted that the pernicious effects on health appeared in those cases in which both career and family demands were very high and therefore, difficult to reconcile, such as in the case of single mothers with dependent children who worked full-time (Macran, Clarke, & Joshi, 1996). In fact, the study by Fokkema (2002) demonstrated how a specific combination of career life - family life promoted the best standards of health in women, both married and divorced; this being especially evident in the case of those who worked part-time or had older children. It would not be until some time later that the first studies appeared, in which the link between career life - family life relationship was explored, with psychological well-being or quality of life measurements. Initially, the relationship continued to be formulated in terms of “conflict” between career and non-career life (Rice, Frone, & McFarlin, 1992). However, later on, in the last decade, thinking moved towards more positive terms, using expressions such as “equilibrium,” “balance” or “reconciliation” between both (Hobson, Delunas & Kesic, 2001; Schoon, Hansson, & Salmela-Aro, 2005, Böhnke, 2005). From among the studies carried out, this work would like to highlight the First European Quality of Life Survey (Böhnke, 2005) due to the complexity of its methodological approach, the breadth of samples and the diversity of European countries involved. In this study, the perceived quality of life was analyzed (life satisfaction, happiness and sense of belonging) in 28 European countries (the 27 current EU coun- DIVERSIA SUB-PROJECT FAMILY DIVERSITY AND RECONCILIATION STRATEGIES 20 tries as well as Turkey), which analyzed four major determinants including career-life balance and the use of time. The results of this macro-survey clearly demonstrate the variations taking place in the life satisfaction of the European citizens depending on their reconciliation circumstances: those who perceived more difficulties when confronting family responsibilities, or who dedicated less time to the family or social relationships than they would like, had lower scores for life satisfaction. In fact, reconciliation difficulties contributed specifically and significantly to explain life satisfaction even when other important determinants were introduced into the equation, such as material resources or the social relationships the person had. 3.4. Andalusia, Malopolska and Stockholm in terms of Family Diversity, Reconciliation Policy and Life Satisfaction The three regions included in this study are not only distant in cultural and geographic terms, but also with regards to family diversity as well as in policies of equality and of family reconciliation. There are certainly major differences in the recent history of the countries where the three participant regions are located. While Sweden has enjoyed full democracy since at least 1921, it was not until 1978 when Spain drafted a democratic constitution after almost 40 years of dictatorship. Poland, on the other hand, has enjoyed democracy only since 1989, after more than four decades of a communist regime. Therefore, these societies all have extremely different democratic background in which concerns for family diversity and reconciliation policies between family and career life have lead equally distinctive routes, as will be explained. Table 1 shows a comparative data from the three regions, which is extremely illustrative of the differences between these regions and on several levels. Some of these comparative data, those most related with family diversity and reconciliation, appear in table 1 of this report and will serve to offer an overview about the differences between these regions. It must be clarified that the data refers to the three countries where the regions included in this study are located. In some cases, the issues compared are regulated at the national; in other cases, it is not simple to find comparable statistical indices for the three regions. Nevertheless, there are some reliable sources that compare the countries in the issues at hand. FINAL REPORT 21 Table 1. Comparative data on family diversity and reconciliation in Poland, Spain and Sweden Poland Spain Sweden Same-sex marriage No 2005 2009 Assisted reproduction open to single mothers and same-sex couples No 2006 2006 Adoption open to single parents 1964 1987 ----- Adoption open to same-sex couples No 2005 2003 Total Fertility Rate 1,23% 1,46% 1,97% Female Activity Rate 52,8% 53% 70,2% Male Activity Rate 62.7% 66,6% 75,1% GDP expenditure rate in family-related benefits 0,8% 1,2% 3% Schooling rate 0-3 years/3-6 years 3% / 35% 38% / 95% 49% / 95% Maternity Leave 5 months 4 months 2 months Paternity Leave 1 week 2 weeks 2 months Parental Leave ------- ------- 12 months Starting with the attitude these three countries have towards family diversity, substantial differences were found among them with regards to the legitimacy enjoyed by the different family models. Both Spain and Sweden have, for example, in recent years, revised their legislations to allow same-sex marriages, as well as joint parenthood of their sons and daughters. In Poland, the constitution itself establishes marriage as the union between a man and a woman; same-sex marriages performed in other countries are not even recognized. Obviously, joint adoption by a same sex couple is also not possible in Poland, while it is in Sweden and Spain. Likewise, both the legislation of Spain and Sweden, but not the Polish, contemplates the possibility of single women, or even a lesbian couple to use assisted reproduction techniques to become mothers. DIVERSIA SUB-PROJECT FAMILY DIVERSITY AND RECONCILIATION STRATEGIES 22 However, there is something in common in the three countries with regards to family diversity: in all three countries, the laws contemplate the possibility of singles adopting. Thus, with regards to attitudes and legitimacy of family diversity, the differences, in this study, are basically between Poland and the other two countries. It is more than probable that it is the fundamental role played by the Catholic Church in Polish society throughout history that is behind these differences, holding together the Polish identity when the country has been occupied by foreign forces, as Eberts (1998) states in a very illustrative article. According to this same author, this was also the case during the communist period, when the Church played an essential role supporting the opposition, which conferred it with moral authority that was fundamental for the transition process towards democracy. At the same time, it justified its preponderant role in the configuration of the new democratic institutions and in the political decisions-making centres in various areas. Thus, although Poland is constitutionally a nonconfessional state, the influence of the Catholic Church is felt in social and political life. In this sense, the legal non-recognition of same-sex unions or the difficulties of access to assisted reproduction in general, and in particular for single mothers, would be a political stance that are fully coincides with Catholic doctrine, which continues enjoying a preponderance in Poland that it no longer has in Spain, after 30 years of democracy, and that it possibly never had in democratic Sweden. Continuing with comparison between the three countries with regards to the family life-career reconciliation policies (See table 1), this study has taken three different indicators for illustration purposes: family benefits, maternity/paternity leave and child-care resources. For this task, the reports published on the web-site of the European Alliance for Families about the way the various European countries approach their policies for reconciliation between family and career life is of great use, especially with regards to Poland, Sweden and Spain. Starting with family benefits, and as can be observed in the table, these three countries dedicate a clearly different percentage of their Gross Domestic Product to these benefits. While the investment in benefits in Poland and Spain fail to even, or hardly reach 1%, respectively, Sweden dedicates 3% and the European Union average is 2.1% according to the European Alliance for Families reports (2011 a, b and c). Obviously, this different level of investment is reflected in the economic aid received by families in the three countries, as is indicated in those aforementioned reports. Swedish families universally enjoy considerable economic support when it comes to parental responsibilities, both under normal, as well FINAL REPORT 23 as exceptional circumstances. In Spain, this type of family support is reduced, almost exclusively, to situations of extreme poverty or special children’s needs, although economic support measures have recently been established for all families with children under the age of three, whose mothers have careers. In Poland, economic support from the government is equally scarce and exclusively dedicated to families with extremely difficult economic circumstances or disabled children. These varying economic, family support systems have an inverse correlation on the rates of child poverty in the three countries studied, as can be observed in the report recently published by the Directorate-general for Employment, Social Affairs and Inclusion of the European Commission: while Sweden has one of the lowest poverty rates of the European Union and UNICEF considers it among the most worthy nations with regards to child well-being, the rates of child poverty in Spain and Poland are above the European average (Bradshaw & Meyer, 2011). The second indicator to be researched herein is maternity and paternity leave. Spain and Poland have similar patterns, which could be described as scarce when compared to other EU countries; in short, with Sweden. Mothers in Poland and Spain, after childbirth or adoption, enjoy 20 and 16 weeks of maternity leave, respectively, while fathers can enjoy only one week of paternity leave in Poland and two in Spain. Nevertheless, in both countries, there are plans to double paternity leave to increase to, in the near future, two and four weeks respectively. Sweden, on the other hand, has developed a generous and flexible paternity leave system, in the words of the Alliance for Families (2011c) that these authors support. This system helps and encourages both parents to be involved with their children. Jointly, the parents can enjoy up to 16 months of paternity leave with their children. Of this 16-month total, each parent has two non-negotiable months of leave, while the remaining 12 months can be distributed as the parents consider best. In addition, as explained in the chapter about Good Practices in this report, a “Gender Equality Bonus” as recently been established. This Bonus is an incentive, in the form of a tax discount, for those couples who share, equally, their maternity/paternity leave. The third indicator considered to be of interest for this research is related to childcare services prior to compulsory school attendance. While in Poland only 3% of the children under the age of 3 have access to public nursery school (daycare centre), this figure rises to 38% in Spain and reaches 49% in Sweden. As can be seen in table 1, the differences among the three countries in the 3-6 year-old range are DIVERSIA SUB-PROJECT FAMILY DIVERSITY AND RECONCILIATION STRATEGIES 24 even more significant: while 35% of children are in school in Poland, the figure reaches almost 100% in both Spain and Sweden. Therefore, Poland is far from reaching the 2010 objectives established by the European Council with regards to child care at early ages, known as “Barcelona targets” (28% for 0-3 years and 38% for 3-6 years), while Sweden and Spain appear to have achieved these goals, at least in absolute terms. Nevertheless, while in Sweden public childcare is guaranteed to all parents and operates on a whole-day basis (open from 6:30 am – 6:30 pm), in Spain, a very high percentage of these children are only enrolled part-time (between three to five hours/day); therefore these figure, in reality, “mask a significant shortfall in care provision,” using the exact words from the European Alliance for Families (2011a) report. In fact, and although it translates as an advance in comparison with previous decades, the data published by Spain’s Ministry of Education with regards to the use of the school cafeteria, indicates that only 42% of the pupils between 3-6 years of age make use of this possibility. Therefore, and in synthesis, this study has been carried out in three countries that offer different support to reconcile family and career life. As shown, the differences appear, above all, between Sweden, pioneer in promoting reconciliation policies and generous in its support of families, and Poland and Spain, countries that have incorporated these policies much more recently and that offer the families less resources. Obviously, this diversity of reconciliation support systems is reflected in two fundamental indices: female employment rate and fertility rate. As can also be confirmed in table 1, there are almost 20 points of difference between the female employment rates in Sweden (70.2%) and those of Spain (53%) and Poland (52.8); these last two falling below the Lisbon target for female employment (60%). This could lead one to conclude that these differences might be due to the different employment levels in the three regions, but, as has already been seen, although in Sweden there are less than 5 points of difference between the male and female employment rates, in Spain this difference is more than 12 points. Likewise, there are substantial differences between the three countries with regards to fertility rates: while this rate for Sweden is 1.97 children per woman—well above the European average (1.53)—in Spain and Poland, the fertility rate is clearly below the European average: 1.46 and 1.23 respectively. If this data is coupled with the previous data, one of the usual suppositions about the cause of the fall in the fertility index is found to be at fault: obviously this is not due to the incorporation of women in the workplace, since Swedish women are clearly working in a greater proportion than the Poles or Spaniards. Therefore, answers must be sought in the different support systems that these countries offer FINAL REPORT 25 for reconciliation, as these are at least part of the reason for these differences. As Inés Alberdi (1998) stated, “it is when there is no sharing of tasks between spouses and childcare services are expensive and scarce that women seeking to coordinate their careers and maternity decide to reduce the number of children.” (page 86) In the concluding paragraphs of this section, these three regions will be compared in terms of life satisfaction. To do this, the aforementioned study by Bönke (2005) will be of great use. As was exposed previously, the quality of life perceived by people from 28 European countries was evaluated in this research, analyzing, among other indicators, their life satisfaction. The data obtained indicated that, on a scale of 1 to 10, both in Sweden (7.8) and in Spain (7.5), the citizens scored their life satisfaction above the European average of the 25 (7.1). However, Poles showed a life satisfaction below the European average (6.2). It is probably not by chance that the scores of the three regions appear scaled; the highest being Sweden, followed by the scores for Spain and in last place, those for Poland. As this same report clearly shows, the life satisfaction of Europeans is closely related to their standards of life, both in terms of GDP per capita and the Human Development Index. In these indexes, the three countries included in this study are indeed in the same positions on the gradient as observed for their life satisfaction. A similar gradient was found in three of the four determinants for life satisfaction analyzed in this study: material resources, social integration, and the quality of their social distribution. As stated by Schoon et al. (2005), this data suggests that the variations found in the life satisfaction throughout the various countries must be related, at least in part, to the different objective conditions of life in each country. Surprisingly, Böhnke (2005) found that Sweden, Spain and Poland hardly differed in the fourth determinant analyzed: the reconciliation difficulties between family and career life. This is a fact that these authors find surprising in the light of what has previously been discussed in this section. Possibly, these results are related to the fact that, of the four indicators analyzed, none referred to the resources available for reconciliation. Nevertheless, two indicators are related to the distribution of work hours and social life, which is an aspect, due to life ambitions, the participants from the three countries seem to have similar levels of satisfaction. In fact, a recent Eurostat report (2009) that analyzes the satisfaction of people from the various European countries with the balance between career life and private life, the data was relatively coincident. DIVERSIA SUB-PROJECT FAMILY DIVERSITY AND RECONCILIATION STRATEGIES 32 In Malopolska, contact with heterosexual families was carried out mainly through the snowball sampling procedures; in other words, the actual families recommended one another from their direct circle of friends, acquaintances, neighbours, families attending the same school as their children, etc. With regards to contacting single mother families, the contact process followed was similar to the previously described process for heterosexual families and 26 single mothers were included in the sample. Lastly, to contact with the immigrant families, the collaboration of non-government organizations working with the immigrant population in the country was also fundamental in the case of Malopolska. This sample was characterized by a difficult recruitment, since many of the families refused to collaborate in the research. Most of the immigrant families were from Russia, Kazakhstan, Ukraine and Belarus. In Stockholm, contact with heterosexual families was made through the court register, from which the member of the couple who was legal guardian of the child was selected. The selection was randomly carried out from among 2000 people. Gay/lesbian families were reached the same as heterosexual parents; through a random selection from 186 people from the court register. Because the number of gay/lesbian families in the municipality of Södertälje was too small to reach the desired number of interviews, the selection was enlarged to cover the entire region of Stockholm. Of the 40 families interviewed, 39 were made up of women, while only one was formed by men. 4.1.3. Socio-demographic characteristic of the participants With regards to the general socio-demographic characteristics of the families participating in the study, it can be said that the average age both of the interviewees and their partners was 37 (see table 3). There were significant differences between the three regions in terms of participant age: the youngest were in Malopolska, both in the case of the interviewees and their partners (see table 5). FINAL REPORT 33 Table 3. Socio-demographic data of the people interviewed (I) and their partners (P) I P M(SD) M(SD) Age 37.5(7.2) 37.3(6.3) Hours work per week 35.6(8.2) 40.6(9.6) I P % % Educational level Elementary school studies and less 5.2 8.8 Lower secondary 8.5 7.3 Upper secondary/high school 28.5 33.6 University 57.9 50.4 Employment situation Employed 81.8 75 Self Employed 10.3 16.9 Internship/Vocational training 0.9 0.4 Without legal contract 77.7 Type of work schedule Continous shift 63 49.8 Split shift 6.4 16 Rotating shift 3.7 10.6 Morning and 1-2 evenings 6.7 3.5 Flexible 18 17.5 Others 2.1 2.3 Monthly income < minimun salary 12.8 4.2 1 MS – 2 MS 46.1 43.9 2 MS3 MS 24.8 29.6 3 MS4 MS 13.6 13.8 4 MS5MS 2.3 5.8 Above 5 MS 0.4 2.6 DIVERSIA SUB-PROJECT FAMILY DIVERSITY AND RECONCILIATION STRATEGIES 34 When a comparison was made between the ages of the interviewees from the different family types, it was found that single mothers were older when compared with all others interviewed. These differences were statistically significant. In relation to the age of the partners, no differences were found across the family types (table 4). With regards to the educational level, most of the interviewees and their partners had studied at university, although there was a distribution throughout the various educational levels. When comparing the educational level according to the family type, significant differences were found both between the interviewees as well as between their partners. The differences were found in the fact that the single mothers had a higher rate of university studies while participants from immigrant families showed lower educational levels. Table 4. Socio-demographic data of the people interviewed (I) and their partners (P) by family type Two heterosexual parents Two same sex parents Inmigrant parents Single mothers I P I P I P I I P M (SD) M(SD) M (SD) M (SD) M (SD) M (SD) M(SD) F F Age 36.1 (6.4) 37.4 (6.3) 39.8 (6.3) 37.6 (6.2) 34.4 (5.7) 36.8 (6.3) 40.9 (8.5) 14.5** 0.2 Hours work per week 35.2 (8.2) 42.1 (9.2) 36.7 (6.4) 38.4 (10.6) 34.8 (12) 39.6 (9.08) 36.01 (6.03) 0.7 3.7* % % % % % % % χ2χ2 Educational level Elementary school studies and less 5.9 9.6 1.4 2.9 13.6a13.6 0 37.02** 17.5** Lower secondary 11.9a5.9 4.3 4.4 15.3a13.6 0 Upper secondary/high school 25.9 36.3 26.1 25 37.3 37.3 28.4 University 56.3 48.1 68.1 67.6 33.9b35.6 71.6a Employment situation Employed 81.5 76.7 86.8 77.9 67.8b67.8 89.6 50.8** 30.9** Self Employed 14.1 21.89 11.8 14.7 3.4b8.5b7.5 Internship/Vocational training 0.7 0 0 0 1.7 1.7 1.5 Without legal contract 3.7 1.5b1.5 7.4 27.1a22a1.5 FINAL REPORT 35 Type of work schedule Continous shift 57.8 42.5b69.6 53.7 64.9 62.5 65.2 19.8 34.4** Split shift 9.6a17.9 2.9 13.4 8.8 14.3 1.5 Rotating shift 2.2 65.8 16.4 5.3 16.1 3 Morning and 1-2 evenings 5.2 34.3 35.3 5.4 13.6a Flexible 22.2 28.4a14.5 9b15.8 1.8b15.2 Others 32.2 2.9 4.5 0 0 1.5 Monthly income < minimun salary 8.7 26.9 6.9 33.9a6.8 3b 83.8** 49.1** 1 MS – 2 MS 56.3a34.7b13.8b13.8b59.3a74.6a32.8b 2 MS3 MS 21.4 31.7 51.7a48.3a6.8b16.9b34.3a 3 MS4 MS 11.7 17.8 20.7 24.1 0b1.7b25.4a 4 MS5MS 1.9 8.9 6.9 6.9 0 0b43 Above 5 MS 0 5a0 0 0 0 1.5 * p <.05 ** p <.01 a. Corrected standardized residuals over 1,96 b. Corrected standardized residuals below - 1,96 When taking into consideration the type of region, it was found that there were significant differences in the educational level, both in the case of the interviewees and their partners (see table 5). DIVERSIA SUB-PROJECT FAMILY DIVERSITY AND RECONCILIATION STRATEGIES 36 Table 5. Socio-demographic data of the people interviewed (I) and their partners (P) by region I P I P M (S.D) M (S.D) F F Hours work per week Andalusia 33.7 (7.9) 40.7 (8.1) 9.5** 0.1Malopolska 37.2 (9.4) 40.9 (12.3) Stockholm 38.0 (5.8) 40.1 (8.9) Age Andalusia 40.1 (6.8) 39.87 (5.8) 48.3** 23.9**Malopolska 32.3 (5.9) 34.15 (6.2) Stockholm 38.9 (5.54) 36.1 (5.2) % % χ2χ2 Educational level Andalusia Elementary school studies and less 10.4a16.3a 58.9** 40.5** Lower secondary 15.9a14.6a Upper secondary/high school 15.2b25.2b University 58.5 43.9b Malopolska Elementary school studies and less 0b1.4b Lower secondary 2b1.4b Upper secondary/high school 43.4a45.2a University 54.5 52.1 Stockholm Elementary school studies and less 0b3 Lower secondary 0b0b Upper secondary/high school 38.8a36.4 University 61.2 60.6 Employment situation Andalusia Employed 78b67.5b 6.8 10.1 Self Employed 11 22a Internship/Vocational training 1.2 0.8 Without legal contract 9.8a9.8 Malopolska Employed 84.8 78.9 Self Employed 8.1 16.9 Internship/Vocational training 1 0 Without legal contract 6.1 4.2 Stockholm Employed 86.4 84.8a Self Employed 12.1 7.6b Internship/Vocational training 0 0 Without legal contract 1.5b7.6 FINAL REPORT 37 Type of work schedule Andalusia Continous shift 63.4 33.6b 63.5** 69.9** Split shift 11.8a32.8a Rotating shift 3.1 14.3 Morning and 1-2 evenings 12.4a5 Flexible 9.3b14.3 Others 0b0b Malopolska Continous shift 62.6 67.1a Split shift 2b0b Rotating shift 0b1.4b Morning and 1-2 evenings 2b2.7 Flexible 29.3a24.7a Others 44.1 Stockholm Continous shift 62.7 60 Split shift 0b3.1b Rotating shift 10.4a15.4 Morning and 1-2 evenings 0b1.5 Flexible 22.4 15.4 Others 4.5 4.6 Monthly income Andalusia < minimun salary 12.4b4.2 41.3** 15.3** 1 MS – 2 MS 32.3b36.7b 2 MS3 MS 31.1a29.2a 3 MS4 MS 19.9a18.3a 4 MS5MS 3.7a9.2a Above 5 MS 0.6 2.5 Malopolska < minimun salary 13.4 4.3a 1 MS – 2 MS 69.1a56.5 2 MS3 MS 14.4 30.4 3 MS4 MS 3.1a5.8 4 MS5MS 0 0b Above 5 MS 0 0 * p <.05 ** p <.01 a. Corrected standardized residuals over 1,96 b. Corrected standardized residuals below - 1,96 DIVERSIA SUB-PROJECT FAMILY DIVERSITY AND RECONCILIATION STRATEGIES 38 Although in all regions there were a larger proportion of people with university studies, in Malopolska however, there was a higher percentage with high school studies and in Andalusia there were more participants with primary studies. Within each region, the comparisons by family types yielded some significant differences in Andalusia and Stockholm. Single Andalusian mothers had a higher rate of university studies than the other interviewees, while immigrant participants more frequently showed the lowest levels of education. In Stockholm, the homosexual partners had university studies in higher percentages than the heterosexuals. Interestingly, there were no differences in the educational level in the Malopolska sample, even in the comparison between immigrant and not immigrant families. Interestingly, there were clear differences between the educational level of the immigrant families from Malopolska and Andalusia (lower in these last) and also in the single mother in these two regions (higher in Andalusia this time). With regards to the employment situation, the most predominant and significant situation was to be working for others, both the person interviewed as well as the partner (81.8% and 75% respectively). The comparison between family types shows that there are significant differences between them. This is mostly due to the fact that the immigrant participants work without regulated contracts at higher rate than others interviewees (see table 4). There were no significant differences in the simple comparison by regions, but there were differences when the comparison was made based on region and family type. Both in Andalusia and in Malopolska, the immigrant participants in the study had greater probabilities of working without a contract. Single, Andalusian mothers worked more as employees while heterosexual, Andalusian participants tended to be self-employed. In Stockholm, no differences appeared in the employment situation among the various family types (see table 6). In terms of work schedule, the continuous shift was the most common both in the case of interviewees and their partners, followed by a flexible schedule, by a large difference (57.8% and 22.2% respectively). There were no differences between the different types of families in terms of the interviewees work schedule, but there were differences when the partners’ work schedule was compared. In these cases, the differences appeared more in the flexible work day, which was more commonplace among native heterosexual couples and clearly less among immigrant families. In terms of regional comparisons, there were significant differences both in the work day of the interviewees as well as their partners. Thus, a split shift, although marginal, it was more common among Andalusian interviewees than those from the other two regions. Likewise, in Malopolska, the possibility of a flexible work day was seen more frequently, while in Stockholm, the interviewees tended to work rotating shifts more frequently than in the other two regions. FINAL REPORT 39 With regards to the comparisons of the type of work schedule among the family types in each region, despite the fact that a continuous shift prevailed for the people interviewed from the three regions, some significant differences appeared. In Andalusia, it was found that people who were members of a heterosexual family enjoyed a higher rate of flexible work days than the partners of gay-lesbian families who worked a continuous shift more often and there were a larger proportion of immigrants who worked a rotational day. These differences were statistically significant. In the case of Malopolska, it was found that, for the most part, the partners of heterosexual families worked a flexible day while immigrants worked a continuous day. Finally, in Stockholm, it was found that the partners from gay/lesbian families worked, for the most part, in a rotating shift. Upon analyzing the work day based on regions and family type, the results showed that in Andalusia, the differences arose from the fact that the partner of immigrant families worked more rotating shifts than any other group; both members of heterosexual families have flexible schedules more frequently. The partner of gay/lesbian couples performed more continual shifts than the other couples and immigrants enjoy less flexible work days. In Malopolska, differences also arose in flexible schedules, which was more frequent for the partners of native heterosexual families than for immigrant families. On the other hand, in Stockholm the differences appeared only in the partner’s work schedule: it was more common place to see gay/lesbian partners working rotating shifts than heterosexual partners. Upon studying the average number of hours worked per week, there was a difference of 5 points between the person interviewed and the partner, in favour of this latter, which demonstrated that it continued to be the men who worked longer hours outside the home in the three regions. However, in the case of the person interviewed, significant differences were found between the regions: on average, in Andalusia, the interviewees worked less hours per week than in the other regions. There were no differences in the hours per week that the partners worked in the different regions. The comparisons by family type showed that the heterosexual partners worked significantly more hours per week than the homosexuals. In terms of monthly income, one aspect must be noted with regards to this variable: there is no minimum established wage in Stockholm. Therefore, this issue could not be included in these analyses. Bearing the aforementioned in mind, most families were distributed around the intermediate levels of monthly incomes, although if the two regions are taken into consideration, differences were found between them: in Andalusia, the partners are represented more within the highest salaries, while in Malopolska this distribution was similar to that for the interviewees. DIVERSIA SUB-PROJECT FAMILY DIVERSITY AND RECONCILIATION STRATEGIES 40 Table 6. Socio-demographic data of the people interviewed (I) and their partners (P) by family type and region Two heterosexual parents Two same sex parents Immigrant parents Single mothers I P I P I I P I P M (SD) M (SD) M (SD) M (SD) M (SD) M (SD) M (SD) F F Age Andalusia 37.9 39.6 40.8 40.6 35.8 39.5 46.2 9.6** 1.08 (5.1) (5.5) (7) (6.3) (5.9) (6.3) (4.9) Malopolska 31.6 34.06 --- --- 32.9 34.2 32.6 (6.4) (6.8) (5.2) (5.2) (5.9) Stockholm 36.1 37.2 39.1 35.4 --- --- --- (5.7) (5.1) (5.7) (5.2) Hours work per week Andalusia 32.7 42.9 35.4 36.6 31.6 39.9 35.6 1.6 1.6 (7.05) (7.4) (7.9) (9.1) (11.8) (7.3) (5.1) Malopolska 37.1 42.1 --- --- 37.9 34.4 36.6 (9.3) (13.5) (11.3) (10.6) (7.3) Stockholm 38.6 40.4 37.7 39.8 --- --- --- (7.02) (3.2) (4.9) (11.5) % % % % % % % χ2χ2 Educational level Andalusia Elementary school studies 12.3 16.9 3.4 3.4b27.6a27.6 0b 43.4** 21.8** Lower secondary 21.5 10.8 10.3 10.3 31a27.6 0b Upper secondary/high school 12.3 18.5 10.3 31 24.1 34.5 17.1 University 53.8 53.8a75.9 55.2 17.2b10.3b82.9a Malopolska Elementary school studies --- 2.3 --- --- --- 0--- 3.5 2.3 Lower secondary 4.7 2.3 --- --- 0 0 0 Upper secondary/high school 37.2 48.8 --- --- 50 40 46.2 University 58.1 46.5 --- --- 50 60 53.8 Stockholm Elementary school studies --- 3.7 --- 2.6 --- --- --- 0.07 10.8** Lower secondary --- --- --- --- --- --- --- Upper secondary/high school 40.7 59.3a37.5 20.5b--- --- --- University 59.3 37b62.5 76.9a--- --- --- FINAL REPORT 41 Employment situation Andalusia Employed 78.5 70.8 86.2 75.9 51.7b51.7 90.2a 39.1** 40.4** Self Employed 16.9a29.2a10.3 20.7 6.9 6.9b4.9 Internship/Vocational training 0 0 0 0 3.4 3.4 2.4 Without legal contract 4.6 0b3.4 3.4 37.9b37.9b2.4 Malopolska Employed 83.7 75.6 --- --- 83.3 83.3 88.5 12.9* 2.3 Self Employed 1.6 22 --- --- 010 11.5 Internship/Vocational training 2.3 --- --- --- 0--- 0 Without legal contract 2.3 2.4 --- --- 16.7a6.7 0 Stockholm Employed 85.2 92.6 87.2 79.5 --- --- --- 1.5 2.1 Self Employed 11.1 3.7 12.8 10.3 --- --- --- Internship/Vocational training --- --- --- --- --- --- --- Without legal contract 3.7 3.7 010.3 --- --- --- Type of work schedule Andalusia Continous shift 58.5 23.4b75.9 55.2a55.6 34.6 67.5 25.5* 22.5** Split shift 16.9 37.5 6.9 24.1 18.5 30.8 2.5b Rotating shift 010.9 06.9 11.1a 30.8a5 Morning and 1-2 evenings 9.2 4.7 10.3 6.9 7.4 3.8 22.5 Flexible 15.4a23.4a6.9 6.9 7.4 0b2.5 Others --- --- --- --- --- --- --- Malopolska Continous shift 55.8 53.5 --- --- 73.3 86.7a61.5 7.04 18.6** Split shift 4.7 --- --- --- 0--- 0 Rotating shift --- 0--- --- --- 3.3 --- Morning and 1-2 evenings 2.3 0--- --- 3.3 6.7 0 Flexible 30.2 39.5a--- --- 23.3 3.3b34.6 Others --- 7--- --- --- 0--- Stockholm Continous shift 59.3 70.4 65 52.6 --- --- --- 0.4 11.2* Split shift --- 0--- 5.3 --- --- --- Rotating shift 11.1 3.7b10 23.7a--- --- --- Morning and 1-2 evenings --- 3.7 --- 0--- --- --- Flexible 25.9 22.2 20 10.5 --- --- --- Others --- 0--- 7.9 --- --- --- DIVERSIA SUB-PROJECT FAMILY DIVERSITY AND RECONCILIATION STRATEGIES FINAL REPORT 48 sexuals and immigrant mothers performed, on average, more care-related tasks than the others, and without any differences between these two groups. Upon contemplating the implication of the partners in the different family types, the differences were significant among the groups: those making up a family with two people of the same sex appear with the highest average, followed by heterosexual families, with immigrant families being two points behind. In terms of the relatives, it was found that they provided greater help in caring for the children of single mothers, in a significantly greater proportion than in the case of gay/lesbian families. However, there were no significant differences between the averages of care-related tasks performed by the relatives of the remaining families. Institutions, on the other hand, were used less by heterosexual families than by gay/lesbian families or single mothers, although in no case was the average score elevated. Also, there were differences when comparing the country by country average of tasks performed. See table 13. Table 13. Total average of daily child care-related tasks per person by region Interviewee Partner Relatives Institutional Care MMMM Andalusia 5.5 3.3 0.5 0.4 Malopolska 6.0 3.1 1.2 0.3 Stockholm 4.7 4.5 ---- 0.7 F25.6** 17.5** 3.2* 7.9** * p <.05** p <.01 Those interviewed in Malopolska (Poland) performed, always upon average, more daily care-related tasks than women from Andalusia (Spain) and these more than women from Stockholm (Sweden). In the case of the partners, it was those from Stockholm who performed more tasks, differentiated from those in Andalusia and Malopolska, although these two latter regions were not significantly different from each other in terms of the participation of the partner. DIVERSIA SUB-PROJECT FAMILY DIVERSITY AND RECONCILIATION STRATEGIES FINAL REPORT 49 In Stockholm, relatives do not participate in care-related tasks, but they were involved in the other two regions. Relatives perform significantly more care-related tasks in Malopolska than in Andalusia, although the frequency in both regions is low. The lesser importance of help from relatives in Stockholm was complemented by the fact that in this region, institutions played a greater role than in Andalusia or Malopolska. The comparison of the average of tasks performed depending on the type of family and the region jointly, showed significant differences of interest, as can be seen in table 14. Table 14. Total average of daily child care-related tasks per person by family type and region Interviewee Partner Relatives Institutional Care M M M M Andalusia Two heterosexual parents 5.6 3.5 0.6 0.3 Two same-sex parents 4.8 4.6 0.2 0.4 Immigrant parents 5.3 1.9 0.8 0.2 Single mothers 6.0 --- 0.4 0.8 Malopolska Two heterosexual parents 5.6 3.3 1.2 0.1 Two same-sex parents --- --- --- --- Immigrant parents 6.7 3.0 0.3 0.7 Single mothers 6.1 --- 2.1 0.5 Stockholm Two heterosexual parents 5.2 4.7 --- 0.6 Two same-sex parents 4.3 4.4 --- 0.8 Immigrant parents --- --- --- --- Single mothers --- --- --- --- F5.2** 5.2** 8.9** 5.2** ** p <.01 DIVERSIA SUB-PROJECT FAMILY DIVERSITY AND RECONCILIATION STRATEGIES 50 Upon taking a look at those interviewed, the differences were, essentially, due to, on the one hand, those belonging to immigrant families in Malopolska who performed a greater average number of tasks than those performed by the interviewees from Andalusia. On the other hand, the participants interviewed from heterosexual families in Stockholm performed a slightly inferior number of tasks than their peers from Andalusia or Malopolska. In terms of partners, it must be noted that there were families, both heterosexual as well as gay/lesbian families from the Swedish region who performed, on average, more care-related tasks. Relatives played no role in Stockholm, as was indicated before, but they were especially present in single mother families from Malopolska and play a considerable role in all of the families studied in Andalusia. In terms of institutional care, it can be seen that the average was higher in single mother families in Andalusia in comparison with the rest of the family types within the same region; this fact was not seen in the other two regions. In fact, in Malopolska, the significant difference appeared in the heterosexual families, who used of this type of institutional care less than the rest of the families. After these initial analyses, it was decided to carry out a more in-depth analysis of the co-responsibility between the interviewees and their partners in the daily care-related tasks. For this, a differential score was created that consisted of subtracting the tasks performed by the interviewee from the total tasks performed by the partner. Thus, in an effort to learn in which cases the differences in the sharing of care-related tasks are greater, or, on the contrary, where these differences were limited and therefore, there was a balanced sharing of tasks. The closer the differential score is to “0,” the more balanced the sharing of tasks. If the score is positive, this implies more tasks were performed by the interviewee and less on behalf of the partner. If, on the contrary, the score is negative, it means that the person interviewed was the person who performed fewer tasks. As shown in figure 1, there were significant differences in the care of the children on a daily basis among the three types of families constituted by couples: gay/lesbian families show a significantly more balanced sharing of tasks than the rest and the native heterosexual families were significantly more balanced than immigrant heterosexual families. There were also significant differences among the three regions (figure 2), with Stockholm showing a distribution of tasks that was more equal between those interviewed and their partner, followed by Andalusia and lastly, Malopolska. FINAL REPORT 51 Figure 1. Differential scores for daily child care-related tasks by family type Figure 2. Differential scores for daily child care-related tasks by region -4 -3 -2 -1 0 1 2 3 4 Inmigrant parents Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents ** p <.01 ** p <.01 ** p <.01 ** p <.01 ** p <.01 ** p <.01 F = 39. 03** 1,8 1,9 2,8 3,4 3,6 0 0,2 2,1 2,3 0,5 0,2 0 -0,02 0,1 3,5 F = 25.6** -3 -2 -1 0 1 2 3 Stockholm Malopolska Andalusia -101234 Inmigrants parents Andalusia Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents Malopolska Stockholm Andalusia Malopolska Stockholm Andalusia Malopolska Stockholm -3 -2 -1 0 1 2 3 Inmigrants parents Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents F =22. 01** F = 8. 5** F = 8. 5 1,4 1,5 0,4 1.1 0.2 2.2 0 0,2 0,4 0,6 0,8 1 1,2 1,61,4 Stockholm Malopolska Andalusia F = 37.5** F = 1. 9 1 2 3,02 1,6 345 Stockholm Malopolska Andalusia 0,0 1,4 1,4 2,2 2,5 2,1 3,3 F = 11. 9** 2,9 2,6 2,3 0,8 0,5 0 0 0,05 0,5 1,0 1,5 2,0 2,5 Inmigrant parents Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents 1 1,5 2 2,5 3 3,5 3,8 F = 14. 5** 4,2 4 4,5 5 2,7 2,7 3,3 3,4 3,1 1,4 2,5 1,7 Inmigrant parents Single mothers Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents 1 2 3 4 5 Total Single mothers inmigrant parents Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents 2,8 Andalusia Malopolska Stockholm F = 1.6 1 1,5 2 2,5 3 3,5 4 4,5 5 3,1 2,9 2,8 Inmigrant parents Single mothers Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents 4 4,1 4,1 4,3 4,3 ** p <.01 1 2 3 4 5 Total Single mothers inmigrant parents Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents 2,8 3,8 3,7 ** p <.01 F = 30. 2** 3,9 3,02 4,2 1 1,5 2 2,5 3 3,5 4 54,5 Stockholm Malopolska Andalusia 3,2 3,2 F = 5.05** 3,3 ** p <.01 1 2 3 4 5 Total Single mothers inmigrant parents Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents 2,4 2,9 3,02 ** p <.01 ** p <.01 F = 5.1** 1 2 2,9 2,9 3,5 345 Stockholm Malopolska Andalusia Andalusia Malopolska Stockholm F = 7. 8** 1 1,5 2 2,5 3 3,5 4 4,5 5 2,8 2,9 2,9 3,5 3,5 3,1 Inmigrant parents Single mothers Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents 3,4 2,9 1,8 3,1 F = 4.8** ** p <.01 1 2 3 4 5 Total Single mothers inmigrant parents Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents 3,6 3,2 3,2 2,9 † p <.0 .1 F = 2.9† 2,7 2,8 2,9 3 3,3 3,3 2,9 3,1 3,2 3,3 3,4 Stockholm Malopolska Andalusia 2,8 -4 -3 -2 -1 0 1 2 3 4 Inmigrant parents Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents ** p <.01 ** p <.01 ** p <.01 ** p <.01 ** p <.01 ** p <.01 F = 39. 03** 1,8 1,9 2,8 3,4 3,6 0 0,2 2,1 2,3 0,5 0,2 0 -0,02 0,1 3,5 F = 25.6** -3 -2 -1 0 1 2 3 Stockholm Malopolska Andalusia -101234 Inmigrants parents Andalusia Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents Malopolska Stockholm Andalusia Malopolska Stockholm Andalusia Malopolska Stockholm -3 -2 -1 0 1 2 3 Inmigrants parents Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents F =22. 01** F = 8. 5** F = 8. 5 1,4 1,5 0,4 1.1 0.2 2.2 0 0,2 0,4 0,6 0,8 1 1,2 1,61,4 Stockholm Malopolska Andalusia F = 37.5** F = 1. 9 1 2 3,02 1,6 345 Stockholm Malopolska Andalusia 0,0 1,4 1,4 2,2 2,5 2,1 3,3 F = 11. 9** 2,9 2,6 2,3 0,8 0,5 0 0 0,05 0,5 1,0 1,5 2,0 2,5 Inmigrant parents Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents 1 1,5 2 2,5 3 3,5 3,8 F = 14. 5** 4,2 4 4,5 5 2,7 2,7 3,3 3,4 3,1 1,4 2,5 1,7 Inmigrant parents Single mothers Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents 1 2 3 4 5 Total Single mothers inmigrant parents Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents 2,8 Andalusia Malopolska Stockholm F = 1.6 1 1,5 2 2,5 3 3,5 4 4,5 5 3,1 2,9 2,8 Inmigrant parents Single mothers Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents 4 4,1 4,1 4,3 4,3 ** p <.01 1 2 3 4 5 Total Single mothers inmigrant parents Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents 2,8 3,8 3,7 ** p <.01 F = 30. 2** 3,9 3,02 4,2 1 1,5 2 2,5 3 3,5 4 54,5 Stockholm Malopolska Andalusia 3,2 3,2 F = 5.05** 3,3 ** p <.01 1 2 3 4 5 Total Single mothers inmigrant parents Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents 2,4 2,9 3,02 ** p <.01 ** p <.01 F = 5.1** 1 2 2,9 2,9 3,5 345 Stockholm Malopolska Andalusia Andalusia Malopolska Stockholm F = 7. 8** 1 1,5 2 2,5 3 3,5 4 4,5 5 2,8 2,9 2,9 3,5 3,5 3,1 Inmigrant parents Single mothers Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents 3,4 2,9 1,8 3,1 F = 4.8** ** p <.01 1 2 3 4 5 Total Single mothers inmigrant parents Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents 3,6 3,2 3,2 2,9 † p <.0 .1 F = 2.9† 2,7 2,8 2,9 3 3,3 3,3 2,9 3,1 3,2 3,3 3,4 Stockholm Malopolska Andalusia 2,8 DIVERSIA SUB-PROJECT FAMILY DIVERSITY AND RECONCILIATION STRATEGIES 52 When comparing the family type and the country, no significant differences were found, as can be seen in figure 3. In other words, there were no statistically significant differences in the sharing of the task to care for the children between the interviewees and their partners. This was based on the type of family and the region of the country, although the score varied between -0.02 for gay/lesbian families in Stockholm, to 3.6 for immigrant families in Malopolska, which were the two extremes. That is due, at least in part, to the effect of differences in educational levels, because the significance in the differences was lost when the educational level was introduced as a covariate. Figure 3. Differential scores for daily child care-related tasks by family type and region Once the situation of daily care was analysed, extraordinary care situations were then explored; those unexpected or unforeseen situations that must be faced. As can be seen in table 15, it was the interviewee who faced the greatest percentages of care-related tasks in exceptional situations. The frequency in which the partners took charge of the same task was some what lower, which means that it was a third less than what was performed by the interviewees as in the case of daily care situations. Relatives played an important role in these extraordinary situations, as, on average, they took care of the children in 27% of the cases. It is interesting to note the high percentage of families who were in charge of caring for the children -4 -3 -2 -1 0 1 2 3 4 Inmigrant parents Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents ** p <.01 ** p <.01 ** p <.01 ** p <.01 ** p <.01 ** p <.01 F = 39. 03** 1,8 1,9 2,8 3,4 3,6 0 0,2 2,1 2,3 0,5 0,2 0 -0,02 0,1 3,5 F = 25.6** -3 -2 -1 0 1 2 3 Stockholm Malopolska Andalusia -101234 Inmigrants parents Andalusia Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents Malopolska Stockholm Andalusia Malopolska Stockholm Andalusia Malopolska Stockholm -3 -2 -1 0 1 2 3 Inmigrants parents Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents F =22. 01** F = 8. 5** F = 8. 5 1,4 1,5 0,4 1.1 0.2 2.2 0 0,2 0,4 0,6 0,8 1 1,2 1,61,4 Stockholm Malopolska Andalusia F = 37.5** F = 1. 9 1 2 3,02 1,6 345 Stockholm Malopolska Andalusia 0,0 1,4 1,4 2,2 2,5 2,1 3,3 F = 11. 9** 2,9 2,6 2,3 0,8 0,5 0 0 0,05 0,5 1,0 1,5 2,0 2,5 Inmigrant parents Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents 1 1,5 2 2,5 3 3,5 3,8 F = 14. 5** 4,2 4 4,5 5 2,7 2,7 3,3 3,4 3,1 1,4 2,5 1,7 Inmigrant parents Single mothers Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents 1 2 3 4 5 Total Single mothers inmigrant parents Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents 2,8 Andalusia Malopolska Stockholm F = 1.6 1 1,5 2 2,5 3 3,5 4 4,5 5 3,1 2,9 2,8 Inmigrant parents Single mothers Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents 4 4,1 4,1 4,3 4,3 ** p <.01 1 2 3 4 5 Total Single mothers inmigrant parents Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents 2,8 3,8 3,7 ** p <.01 F = 30. 2** 3,9 3,02 4,2 1 1,5 2 2,5 3 3,5 4 54,5 Stockholm Malopolska Andalusia 3,2 3,2 F = 5.05** 3,3 ** p <.01 1 2 3 4 5 Total Single mothers inmigrant parents Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents 2,4 2,9 3,02 ** p <.01 ** p <.01 F = 5.1** 1 2 2,9 2,9 3,5 345 Stockholm Malopolska Andalusia Andalusia Malopolska Stockholm F = 7. 8** 1 1,5 2 2,5 3 3,5 4 4,5 5 2,8 2,9 2,9 3,5 3,5 3,1 Inmigrant parents Single mothers Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents 3,4 2,9 1,8 3,1 F = 4.8** ** p <.01 1 2 3 4 5 Total Single mothers inmigrant parents Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents 3,6 3,2 3,2 2,9 † p <.0 .1 F = 2.9† 2,7 2,8 2,9 3 3,3 3,3 2,9 3,1 3,2 3,3 3,4 Stockholm Malopolska Andalusia 2,8 FINAL REPORT 53 when there was a strike at school or the caretaker was unavailable. However, it seems that taking them to the doctor was a task that was fundamentally performed by the parents, as indicated by the low percentage of relatives who carried out this task. Basically, institutions took care of the children during school holidays and when mothers or fathers had to go to school meetings, although the percentage use was not very high in any of the cases. Table 15. Percentage of extraordinary child care-related tasks Interviewee Partner Relatives Institutional Care % % % % Taking care of when a child is sick 84.6 55.4 31 0.9 School holidays 76.3 64.3 42.5 7.4 Strikes at school. Career not available 58.2 47.5 40.5 1.8 Take the children to the doctor 94.8 55.3 7.9 ---- Attend school meetings 77.6 47.3 13.2 5.2 To be able to compare the total number of extraordinary tasks performed by the interviewee, partner, relatives and institutions, a global score was calculated in a similar manner as used to determine the daily care-related tasks, establishing the full number of tasks performed and obtaining the corresponding average. In this case, no differences were found depending on the type of family (Table 16) in terms of the average of tasks carried out by the person interviewed, which ranged from 3.5 and 3.8 in all cases. Upon looking at partners, there were differences among the three types of families analysed. Gay/lesbian partners performed more extraordinary care-related tasks than native heterosexual partners and these latter more than immigrant heterosexuals. In terms of the average of tasks performed by relatives in each type of family, significant differences were found, in the sense that gay/lesbian and immigrant families seem to count less on relatives than heterosexual families or a single mother. The average of care-related tasks in exceptional circumstances covered by institutions was quite low; even so, differences were seen in single mother families, who used institutional care to a greater extent than the rest of the families. DIVERSIA SUB-PROJECT FAMILY DIVERSITY AND RECONCILIATION STRATEGIES 54 Table 16. Average of the total extraordinary child care-related tasks by family type Interviewee Partner Relatives Institutional Care M M M M Two heterosexual parents 3.5 2.3 1.4 0.1 Two same-sex parents 3.7 3.4 0.7 0.08 Immigrant parents 3.7 1.5 0.8 0.03 Single mothers 3.8 ---- 1.8 0.3 F1.07 24.01** 12.5** 7.6** ** p <.01 Upon comparing regions, (Table 17) those interviewed in Andalusia were found to perform less care-related tasks, on average, than those from Malopolska or Stockholm. This difference was greater in the Swedish region than in the Polish region. On the contrary, the average of tasks performed by the partner was greater in Stockholm than in the other two regions. In all three regions, just the opposite was seen in the comparison for extraordinary carerelated tasks involving relatives; in this case, the number was significantly less in Stockholm than in Andalusia and Malopolska. In terms of institutions, the difference was found in Andalusia, a region where the average of institutional care was slightly higher, with this type of care being practically zero in the other two regions. Table 17. Average of the total extraordinary child care-related tasks by region Interviewee Partner Relatives Institutional Care MMMM Andalusia 3.4 1.9 1.3 0.2 Malopolska 3.7 2.2 1.6 0.02 Stockholm 4.1 3.7 0.6 0.03 F8.8** 34.1** 12.3** 14.2** ** p <.01 When comparing the average scores for care-related tasks based on family type and region, (Table 18), the study discovered that there were no differences in the scores of the people interviewed, their partners and FINAL REPORT 55 relatives. However, it was found that there were differences in the average score for care-related tasks performed by institutions; this was mainly due to the high number of resources used by single-mother families from Andalusia in comparison with the rest of the families in all the countries. In fact, and as stated above, the presence of institutions to care for children in special situations was almost inexistent in Malopolska and Stockholm, while in Andalusia, this resource was used by some families in need of care. Table 18. Average of the total extraordinary child care-related tasks by family type and region Interviewee Partner Relatives Institutional Care M M M M Andalusia Two heterosexual parents 3.2 1.8 1.5 0.1 Two same-sex parents 3.2 2.7 0.8 0.2 Immigrant parents 3.4 1.3 0.8 0.07 Single mothers 3.7 --- 1.5 0.5 Malopolska Two heterosexual parents 3.5 2.6 1.7 0.02 Two same-sex parents --- --- --- --- Immigrant parents 4.0 1.7 0.9 0 Single mothers 3.9 --- 2.2 0.04 Stockholm Two heterosexual parents 4.2 3.4 0.7 0.07 Two same-sex parents 4.0 40.5 0 Immigrant parents --- --- --- --- Single mothers --- --- --- --- F0.2 0.8 0.9 3.8* * p <.05 To analyse the comparison in extraordinary care situations between the interviewees and their partners, once again differential scores were created. Remember that these scores are calculated by subtracting the DIVERSIA SUB-PROJECT FAMILY DIVERSITY AND RECONCILIATION STRATEGIES 56 tasks performed by the person interviewed from the total of the tasks performed by the partner. When comparing these scores depending on the type of family, (Figure 4), the study found that gay/lesbian families once again appear to be more equal, with a more balanced sharing of tasks between the interviewees and their partners (as shown in the average differential score that is close to zero). Native heterosexual families had a somewhat higher score, followed by immigrant families, with a two point difference in comparison with gay/ lesbian families. Figure 4. Differential scores for extraordinary child care-related tasks by family type Upon studying the differences based on regions (Figure 5), it was observed that Swedish couples share the responsibility of caring for the children in these extraordinary situations on a significantly more equalitarian basis, while Spanish and Polish couples showed no significant differences. No significant differences were seen in the combined comparison based on family type and region as observed in figure 6. -4 -3 -2 -1 0 1 2 3 4 Inmigrant parents Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents ** p <.01 ** p <.01 ** p <.01 ** p <.01 ** p <.01 ** p <.01 F = 39. 03** 1,8 1,9 2,8 3,4 3,6 0 0,2 2,1 2,3 0,5 0,2 0 -0,02 0,1 3,5 F = 25.6** -3 -2 -1 0 1 2 3 Stockholm Malopolska Andalusia -101234 Inmigrants parents Andalusia Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents Malopolska Stockholm Andalusia Malopolska Stockholm Andalusia Malopolska Stockholm -3 -2 -1 0 1 2 3 Inmigrants parents Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents F =22. 01** F = 8. 5** F = 8. 5 1,4 1,5 0,4 1.1 0.2 2.2 0 0,2 0,4 0,6 0,8 1 1,2 1,61,4 Stockholm Malopolska Andalusia F = 37.5** F = 1. 9 1 2 3,02 1,6 345 Stockholm Malopolska Andalusia 0,0 1,4 1,4 2,2 2,5 2,1 3,3 F = 11. 9** 2,9 2,6 2,3 0,8 0,5 0 0 0,05 0,5 1,0 1,5 2,0 2,5 Inmigrant parents Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents 1 1,5 2 2,5 3 3,5 3,8 F = 14. 5** 4,2 4 4,5 5 2,7 2,7 3,3 3,4 3,1 1,4 2,5 1,7 Inmigrant parents Single mothers Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents 1 2 3 4 5 Total Single mothers inmigrant parents Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents 2,8 Andalusia Malopolska Stockholm F = 1.6 1 1,5 2 2,5 3 3,5 4 4,5 5 3,1 2,9 2,8 Inmigrant parents Single mothers Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents 4 4,1 4,1 4,3 4,3 ** p <.01 1 2 3 4 5 Total Single mothers inmigrant parents Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents 2,8 3,8 3,7 ** p <.01 F = 30. 2** 3,9 3,02 4,2 1 1,5 2 2,5 3 3,5 4 54,5 Stockholm Malopolska Andalusia 3,2 3,2 F = 5.05** 3,3 ** p <.01 1 2 3 4 5 Total Single mothers inmigrant parents Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents 2,4 2,9 3,02 ** p <.01 ** p <.01 F = 5.1** 1 2 2,9 2,9 3,5 345 Stockholm Malopolska Andalusia Andalusia Malopolska Stockholm F = 7. 8** 1 1,5 2 2,5 3 3,5 4 4,5 5 2,8 2,9 2,9 3,5 3,5 3,1 Inmigrant parents Single mothers Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents 3,4 2,9 1,8 3,1 F = 4.8** ** p <.01 1 2 3 4 5 Total Single mothers inmigrant parents Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents 3,6 3,2 3,2 2,9 † p <.0 .1 F = 2.9† 2,7 2,8 2,9 3 3,3 3,3 2,9 3,1 3,2 3,3 3,4 Stockholm Malopolska Andalusia 2,8 FINAL REPORT 57 Figure 5. Differential scores for extraordinary child care-related tasks by region Figure 6. Differential scores for extraordinary child care-related tasks by family type and region -4 -3 -2 -1 0 1 2 3 4 Inmigrant parents Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents ** p <.01 ** p <.01 ** p <.01 ** p <.01 ** p <.01 ** p <.01 F = 39. 03** 1,8 1,9 2,8 3,4 3,6 0 0,2 2,1 2,3 0,5 0,2 0 -0,02 0,1 3,5 F = 25.6** -3 -2 -1 0 1 2 3 Stockholm Malopolska Andalusia -101234 Inmigrants parents Andalusia Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents Malopolska Stockholm Andalusia Malopolska Stockholm Andalusia Malopolska Stockholm -3 -2 -1 0 1 2 3 Inmigrants parents Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents F =22. 01** F = 8. 5** F = 8. 5 1,4 1,5 0,4 1.1 0.2 2.2 0 0,2 0,4 0,6 0,8 1 1,2 1,61,4 Stockholm Malopolska Andalusia F = 37.5** F = 1. 9 1 2 3,02 1,6 345 Stockholm Malopolska Andalusia 0,0 1,4 1,4 2,2 2,5 2,1 3,3 F = 11. 9** 2,9 2,6 2,3 0,8 0,5 0 0 0,05 0,5 1,0 1,5 2,0 2,5 Inmigrant parents Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents 1 1,5 2 2,5 3 3,5 3,8 F = 14. 5** 4,2 4 4,5 5 2,7 2,7 3,3 3,4 3,1 1,4 2,5 1,7 Inmigrant parents Single mothers Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents 1 2 3 4 5 Total Single mothers inmigrant parents Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents 2,8 Andalusia Malopolska Stockholm F = 1.6 1 1,5 2 2,5 3 3,5 4 4,5 5 3,1 2,9 2,8 Inmigrant parents Single mothers Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents 4 4,1 4,1 4,3 4,3 ** p <.01 1 2 3 4 5 Total Single mothers inmigrant parents Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents 2,8 3,8 3,7 ** p <.01 F = 30. 2** 3,9 3,02 4,2 1 1,5 2 2,5 3 3,5 4 54,5 Stockholm Malopolska Andalusia 3,2 3,2 F = 5.05** 3,3 ** p <.01 1 2 3 4 5 Total Single mothers inmigrant parents Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents 2,4 2,9 3,02 ** p <.01 ** p <.01 F = 5.1** 1 2 2,9 2,9 3,5 345 Stockholm Malopolska Andalusia Andalusia Malopolska Stockholm F = 7. 8** 1 1,5 2 2,5 3 3,5 4 4,5 5 2,8 2,9 2,9 3,5 3,5 3,1 Inmigrant parents Single mothers Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents 3,4 2,9 1,8 3,1 F = 4.8** ** p <.01 1 2 3 4 5 Total Single mothers inmigrant parents Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents 3,6 3,2 3,2 2,9 † p <.0 .1 F = 2.9† 2,7 2,8 2,9 3 3,3 3,3 2,9 3,1 3,2 3,3 3,4 Stockholm Malopolska Andalusia 2,8 -4 -3 -2 -1 0 1 2 3 4 Inmigrant parents Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents ** p <.01 ** p <.01 ** p <.01 ** p <.01 ** p <.01 ** p <.01 F = 39. 03** 1,8 1,9 2,8 3,4 3,6 0 0,2 2,1 2,3 0,5 0,2 0 -0,02 0,1 3,5 F = 25.6** -3 -2 -1 0 1 2 3 Stockholm Malopolska Andalusia -101234 Inmigrants parents Andalusia Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents Malopolska Stockholm Andalusia Malopolska Stockholm Andalusia Malopolska Stockholm -3 -2 -1 0 1 2 3 Inmigrants parents Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents F =22. 01** F = 8. 5** F = 8. 5 1,4 1,5 0,4 1.1 0.2 2.2 0 0,2 0,4 0,6 0,8 1 1,2 1,61,4 Stockholm Malopolska Andalusia F = 37.5** F = 1. 9 1 2 3,02 1,6 345 Stockholm Malopolska Andalusia 0,0 1,4 1,4 2,2 2,5 2,1 3,3 F = 11. 9** 2,9 2,6 2,3 0,8 0,5 0 0 0,05 0,5 1,0 1,5 2,0 2,5 Inmigrant parents Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents 1 1,5 2 2,5 3 3,5 3,8 F = 14. 5** 4,2 4 4,5 5 2,7 2,7 3,3 3,4 3,1 1,4 2,5 1,7 Inmigrant parents Single mothers Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents 1 2 3 4 5 Total Single mothers inmigrant parents Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents 2,8 Andalusia Malopolska Stockholm F = 1.6 1 1,5 2 2,5 3 3,5 4 4,5 5 3,1 2,9 2,8 Inmigrant parents Single mothers Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents 4 4,1 4,1 4,3 4,3 ** p <.01 1 2 3 4 5 Total Single mothers inmigrant parents Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents 2,8 3,8 3,7 ** p <.01 F = 30. 2** 3,9 3,02 4,2 1 1,5 2 2,5 3 3,5 4 54,5 Stockholm Malopolska Andalusia 3,2 3,2 F = 5.05** 3,3 ** p <.01 1 2 3 4 5 Total Single mothers inmigrant parents Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents 2,4 2,9 3,02 ** p <.01 ** p <.01 F = 5.1** 1 2 2,9 2,9 3,5 345 Stockholm Malopolska Andalusia Andalusia Malopolska Stockholm F = 7. 8** 1 1,5 2 2,5 3 3,5 4 4,5 5 2,8 2,9 2,9 3,5 3,5 3,1 Inmigrant parents Single mothers Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents 3,4 2,9 1,8 3,1 F = 4.8** ** p <.01 1 2 3 4 5 Total Single mothers inmigrant parents Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents 3,6 3,2 3,2 2,9 † p <.0 .1 F = 2.9† 2,7 2,8 2,9 3 3,3 3,3 2,9 3,1 3,2 3,3 3,4 Stockholm Malopolska Andalusia 2,8 DIVERSIA SUB-PROJECT FAMILY DIVERSITY AND RECONCILIATION STRATEGIES 64 Having seen the results by regions and family types, those results will be discussed when the care resources are analysed, and considering both aspects at the same time. In this sense, as can be seen in table 23, the resulting data also show significant differences in some of the resources. Starting with the morning class, the results from Malopolska and Andalusia were well differentiated. While in Andalusia it was the single mothers who use this resource most, heterosexual families used it much less. In Malopolska, heterosexual families used this resource more frequently while immigrant families used morning class as a resource to care for their children much less. As shown in table 23, the significant differences seen in the use of the school canteen stem from fact that heterosexual families in Malopolska made less use of this resource while single mothers in Andalusia used this more. When focusing on the use of extracurricular activities, significant statistical differences appear in the following aspects: in Andalusia, the differences between family types were due to the greater use of this resource by single mothers and lesser use on behalf of immigrant families. In Malopolska, on the contrary, there were no differences in the use of this resource in the various family types. In Stockholm, the differences were obvious due to the greater use made of extracurricular activities by heterosexual families with respect to that made by gay/lesbian families. Finally, when focusing on the use of urban camps, there were interesting differences among the three regions. In Andalusia, it was single mothers who once again used this resource more, while immigrant families used this possibility significantly less. In the case of Malopolska, the differences were clearly obvious because immigrant families did not use this resource, while heterosexual families used it more frequently than single mothers. Lastly, in the case of the Swedish region, the differences in this sense was that heterosexual families used urban camps more frequently as a resource to care for their children than lesbian mothers or gay fathers. Once the resources to care for the children were analysed, the families were asked about their level of satisfaction with these resources. As can be seen in figure 10, all of the families generically responded a medium to high degree of satisfaction with the resources to care for their children. Thus, using a scale of 1 to 5, going from less to greater satisfaction, the average score of the families was 3.7. FINAL REPORT 65 Figure 10. Satisfaction with care resources for children by family type Figure 11. Satisfaction with care resources for children by region -4 -3 -2 -1 0 1 2 3 4 Inmigrant parents Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents ** p <.01 ** p <.01 ** p <.01 ** p <.01 ** p <.01 ** p <.01 F = 39. 03** 1,8 1,9 2,8 3,4 3,6 0 0,2 2,1 2,3 0,5 0,2 0 -0,02 0,1 3,5 F = 25.6** -3 -2 -1 0 1 2 3 Stockholm Malopolska Andalusia -101234 Inmigrants parents Andalusia Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents Malopolska Stockholm Andalusia Malopolska Stockholm Andalusia Malopolska Stockholm -3 -2 -1 0 1 2 3 Inmigrants parents Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents F =22. 01** F = 8. 5** F = 8. 5 1,4 1,5 0,4 1.1 0.2 2.2 0 0,2 0,4 0,6 0,8 1 1,2 1,61,4 Stockholm Malopolska Andalusia F = 37.5** F = 1. 9 1 2 3,02 1,6 345 Stockholm Malopolska Andalusia 0,0 1,4 1,4 2,2 2,5 2,1 3,3 F = 11. 9** 2,9 2,6 2,3 0,8 0,5 0 0 0,05 0,5 1,0 1,5 2,0 2,5 Inmigrant parents Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents 1 1,5 2 2,5 3 3,5 3,8 F = 14. 5** 4,2 4 4,5 5 2,7 2,7 3,3 3,4 3,1 1,4 2,5 1,7 Inmigrant parents Single mothers Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents 1 2 3 4 5 Total Single mothers inmigrant parents Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents 2,8 Andalusia Malopolska Stockholm F = 1.6 1 1,5 2 2,5 3 3,5 4 4,5 5 3,1 2,9 2,8 Inmigrant parents Single mothers Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents 4 4,1 4,1 4,3 4,3 ** p <.01 1 2 3 4 5 Total Single mothers inmigrant parents Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents 2,8 3,8 3,7 ** p <.01 F = 30. 2** 3,9 3,02 4,2 1 1,5 2 2,5 3 3,5 4 54,5 Stockholm Malopolska Andalusia 3,2 3,2 F = 5.05** 3,3 ** p <.01 1 2 3 4 5 Total Single mothers inmigrant parents Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents 2,4 2,9 3,02 ** p <.01 ** p <.01 F = 5.1** 1 2 2,9 2,9 3,5 345 Stockholm Malopolska Andalusia Andalusia Malopolska Stockholm F = 7. 8** 1 1,5 2 2,5 3 3,5 4 4,5 5 2,8 2,9 2,9 3,5 3,5 3,1 Inmigrant parents Single mothers Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents 3,4 2,9 1,8 3,1 F = 4.8** ** p <.01 1 2 3 4 5 Total Single mothers inmigrant parents Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents 3,6 3,2 3,2 2,9 † p <.0 .1 F = 2.9† 2,7 2,8 2,9 3 3,3 3,3 2,9 3,1 3,2 3,3 3,4 Stockholm Malopolska Andalusia 2,8 -4 -3 -2 -1 0 1 2 3 4 Inmigrant parents Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents ** p <.01 ** p <.01 ** p <.01 ** p <.01 ** p <.01 ** p <.01 F = 39. 03** 1,8 1,9 2,8 3,4 3,6 0 0,2 2,1 2,3 0,5 0,2 0 -0,02 0,1 3,5 F = 25.6** -3 -2 -1 0 1 2 3 Stockholm Malopolska Andalusia -101234 Inmigrants parents Andalusia Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents Malopolska Stockholm Andalusia Malopolska Stockholm Andalusia Malopolska Stockholm -3 -2 -1 0 1 2 3 Inmigrants parents Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents F =22. 01** F = 8. 5** F = 8. 5 1,4 1,5 0,4 1.1 0.2 2.2 0 0,2 0,4 0,6 0,8 1 1,2 1,61,4 Stockholm Malopolska Andalusia F = 37.5** F = 1. 9 1 2 3,02 1,6 345 Stockholm Malopolska Andalusia 0,0 1,4 1,4 2,2 2,5 2,1 3,3 F = 11. 9** 2,9 2,6 2,3 0,8 0,5 0 0 0,05 0,5 1,0 1,5 2,0 2,5 Inmigrant parents Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents 1 1,5 2 2,5 3 3,5 3,8 F = 14. 5** 4,2 4 4,5 5 2,7 2,7 3,3 3,4 3,1 1,4 2,5 1,7 Inmigrant parents Single mothers Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents 1 2 3 4 5 Total Single mothers inmigrant parents Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents 2,8 Andalusia Malopolska Stockholm F = 1.6 1 1,5 2 2,5 3 3,5 4 4,5 5 3,1 2,9 2,8 Inmigrant parents Single mothers Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents 4 4,1 4,1 4,3 4,3 ** p <.01 1 2 3 4 5 Total Single mothers inmigrant parents Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents 2,8 3,8 3,7 ** p <.01 F = 30. 2** 3,9 3,02 4,2 1 1,5 2 2,5 3 3,5 4 54,5 Stockholm Malopolska Andalusia 3,2 3,2 F = 5.05** 3,3 ** p <.01 1 2 3 4 5 Total Single mothers inmigrant parents Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents 2,4 2,9 3,02 ** p <.01 ** p <.01 F = 5.1** 1 2 2,9 2,9 3,5 345 Stockholm Malopolska Andalusia Andalusia Malopolska Stockholm F = 7. 8** 1 1,5 2 2,5 3 3,5 4 4,5 5 2,8 2,9 2,9 3,5 3,5 3,1 Inmigrant parents Single mothers Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents 3,4 2,9 1,8 3,1 F = 4.8** ** p <.01 1 2 3 4 5 Total Single mothers inmigrant parents Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents 3,6 3,2 3,2 2,9 † p <.0 .1 F = 2.9† 2,7 2,8 2,9 3 3,3 3,3 2,9 3,1 3,2 3,3 3,4 Stockholm Malopolska Andalusia 2,8 DIVERSIA SUB-PROJECT FAMILY DIVERSITY AND RECONCILIATION STRATEGIES 66 As shown in figure 10, the data with the average satisfaction based on family type, there were significant differences between one and another. Immigrant families differ from the other families, as they expressed a significantly lower level of satisfaction. There were no significant differences among the rest of the families. The level of satisfaction with the resources to care for their children also showed significant differences depending on the region, as can be seen in figure 11. These differences were due to the lesser satisfaction with the resources shown by the families of Malopolska with respect to Andalusia and Stockholm. To conclude this section relative to the use of resources to care for children and the satisfaction with these services, the cross-referencing of data by regions and family type were not significant, as can be observed in figure 12. Figure 12. Satisfaction with care resources for children by family type and region -4 -3 -2 -1 0 1 2 3 4 Inmigrant parents Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents ** p <.01 ** p <.01 ** p <.01 ** p <.01 ** p <.01 ** p <.01 F = 39. 03** 1,8 1,9 2,8 3,4 3,6 0 0,2 2,1 2,3 0,5 0,2 0 -0,02 0,1 3,5 F = 25.6** -3 -2 -1 0 1 2 3 Stockholm Malopolska Andalusia -101234 Inmigrants parents Andalusia Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents Malopolska Stockholm Andalusia Malopolska Stockholm Andalusia Malopolska Stockholm -3 -2 -1 0 1 2 3 Inmigrants parents Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents F =22. 01** F = 8. 5** F = 8. 5 1,4 1,5 0,4 1.1 0.2 2.2 0 0,2 0,4 0,6 0,8 1 1,2 1,61,4 Stockholm Malopolska Andalusia F = 37.5** F = 1. 9 1 2 3,02 1,6 345 Stockholm Malopolska Andalusia 0,0 1,4 1,4 2,2 2,5 2,1 3,3 F = 11. 9** 2,9 2,6 2,3 0,8 0,5 0 0 0,05 0,5 1,0 1,5 2,0 2,5 Inmigrant parents Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents 1 1,5 2 2,5 3 3,5 3,8 F = 14. 5** 4,2 4 4,5 5 2,7 2,7 3,3 3,4 3,1 1,4 2,5 1,7 Inmigrant parents Single mothers Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents 1 2 3 4 5 Total Single mothers inmigrant parents Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents 2,8 Andalusia Malopolska Stockholm F = 1.6 1 1,5 2 2,5 3 3,5 4 4,5 5 3,1 2,9 2,8 Inmigrant parents Single mothers Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents 4 4,1 4,1 4,3 4,3 ** p <.01 1 2 3 4 5 Total Single mothers inmigrant parents Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents 2,8 3,8 3,7 ** p <.01 F = 30. 2** 3,9 3,02 4,2 1 1,5 2 2,5 3 3,5 4 54,5 Stockholm Malopolska Andalusia 3,2 3,2 F = 5.05** 3,3 ** p <.01 1 2 3 4 5 Total Single mothers inmigrant parents Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents 2,4 2,9 3,02 ** p <.01 ** p <.01 F = 5.1** 1 2 2,9 2,9 3,5 345 Stockholm Malopolska Andalusia Andalusia Malopolska Stockholm F = 7. 8** 1 1,5 2 2,5 3 3,5 4 4,5 5 2,8 2,9 2,9 3,5 3,5 3,1 Inmigrant parents Single mothers Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents 3,4 2,9 1,8 3,1 F = 4.8** ** p <.01 1 2 3 4 5 Total Single mothers inmigrant parents Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents 3,6 3,2 3,2 2,9 † p <.0 .1 F = 2.9† 2,7 2,8 2,9 3 3,3 3,3 2,9 3,1 3,2 3,3 3,4 Stockholm Malopolska Andalusia 2,8 FINAL REPORT 67 4.2.3. Reconciliation measures at the workplace Space was reserved in the interview to explore the reconciliation measures offered by employers at the interviewees’ work place, as well as if they took advantage of these measures and in the case that they did not use such measures, why. The results shown in table 24 indicate that most companies offer reconciliation measures including: have free days to attend unexpected family issues, work part-time to attend family obligations, flexible distribution of daily and weekly schedule and the possibility of enjoying maternity or paternity leave. Table 24. Existence of employer reconciliation measures and use of these Measure exist The measure has been used N % N % Flexibility in the distribution of daily work hours 192 58.2 154 46.7 Flexibility in the distribution of weekly work hours 166 49.7 127 38.5 Part-time work to attend family responsibilities 203 61.5 120 36.4 Leave of absence 179 54.2 62 18.8 Free days for extraordinary family situation 257 77.9 190 57.6 Teleworking 81 24.5 57 17.3 Two days of possible absence paid for parents who have children below 14 years old 64 19.4 47 14.2 Special arrangements upon returning to work after maternity leave 76 23 49 14.8 Reduced work hours for breastfeeding 160 48.5 83 25.2 Extended paternity/maternity leave 114 34.5 80 24.2 Financial assistance for family expenses 81 24.5 59 17.9 Workplace nursery 17 5.2 11 3.3 DIVERSIA SUB-PROJECT FAMILY DIVERSITY AND RECONCILIATION STRATEGIES 68 In terms of using reconciliation measures, the most frequently used by those included in this study were: have free days to attend unexpected family issues, flexible distribution of daily and weekly work schedule, work part-time to attend family responsibilities and a reduced work schedule to breast feed. The reasons why the subjects failed to use reconciliation measures offered by their companies was also researched. The results (table 25) indicate that the fundamental reason for not using such resources was because there was no need. Other reasons given, to a lesser extent, included lack of salary, the impossibility of use, or simply, they were not interested. Table 25. Reason for not using the employer reconciliation measures when these exist Why don’t you use it? No Need No Interest No Salary Not Possible Not Applicable N % N % N % N % N % Flexibility in the distribution of daily work hours 20 80 2 8 --- --- 312 --- --- Flexibility in the distribution of weekly work hours 16 72.7 --- --- 14.5 418.2 --- --- Part-time work to attend family responsibilities 40 58.8 11.5 22 32.4 4 18.2 --- --- Leave of absence 52 48.6 21.9 40 37.4 12 1.2 10.9 Free days for extraordinary family situation 43 84.3 35.9 --- --- 59.8 --- --- Teleworking 317.6 741.2 --- --- 741.2 --- --- Two days of possible absence. paid for parents who have children below 14 years old 7100 --- --- --- --- --- --- --- --- Special arrangements upon returning to work after maternity leave 956.3 16.3 16.3 425 16.3 Reduced work hours for breastfeeding 26 40 11.5 --- --- 57.7 33 50.8 Extended paternity/maternity leave 19 82.6 14.3 --- --- 28.7 14.3 Financial assistance for family expenses 9 56.3 --- --- --- --- 743.8 --- --- Workplace nursery 233.3 466.7 --- --- --- --- --- --- FINAL REPORT 69 Upon comparing the use of reconciliation measures offered by employers, depending on the type of family, (table 26) significant differences were found in the existence of all reconciliation measures at the companies where the interviewees worked. The five most common measures were focused upon, beginning with the possibility of have free days to attend unexpected family issues, it was found that this measure was significantly less common in the companies where immigrant families worked, in comparison with the rest. This difference was statistically significant with respect to single mothers, who used this measure more. With respect to part-time work to be able to attend family responsibilities, it was found to be a significantly more common measure in those companies where members of gay/lesbian families worked, and less common in workplaces where immigrants worked. When it comes to using such resources, the results indicate that those who use them most are members of gay/lesbian and heterosexual families in comparison with immigrant and single mother families. Heterosexual families have greater access to the possibility of distributing their daily work hours in a more flexible manner when compared to other family types, with this difference being statistically significant in the case of immigrant families. From here, it was found that heterosexual families make significantly more use of this measure than immigrant families. In terms of leave of absence, it existed in firms where gay/lesbian families worked, and of course, these made the most use of this measure, while immigrant families and single mothers asked for fewer leaves of absence. Finally, it was found that it was in companies where gay/lesbian families work that there was a greater percentage of possibility of distributing their weekly work hours in a more flexible manner, while in firms where immigrant families work, this option was less frequent. As far as the use of this possibility, the results indicate that immigrants used this measure less in comparison with all of the other family types. Upon comparing regions, (table 27) significant differences were found in all measures explored. Starting with the possibility of having free days to attend extraordinary family issues, the results indicate that this measure was significantly less available in companies from the region of Andalusia than in the other two regions studied. When it comes to using this option, it was found that somewhat more than half used this option, with no significant difference among the three regions. Part time work to attend family responsibilities was found to be a measure that was significantly more common in companies in Stockholm (Sweden) than firms in Andalusia (Spain) and Malopolska (Poland). When it comes to taking advantage of this possibility, it was the Swedish families who used it most, which resulted in significant differences with respect to Andalusian families who used this possibility to a much lesser degree. DIVERSIA SUB-PROJECT FAMILY DIVERSITY AND RECONCILIATION STRATEGIES 70 Table 26. Existence/presence of employer reconciliation measures and use of these by family type Two heterosexual parents Two same-sex parents Immigrants parents Single mothers Measure exist The measure has been used Measure exist The measure has been used Measure exist The measure has been used Measure exist The measure has been used Measure exist The measure has been used % % % % % % % % χ2χ2 Flexibility in the distribution of daily work hours 67.4a54.8a68.1 52.2 35.6b32.2b49.3 37.3 22.09** 11.7** Flexibility in the distribution of weekly work hours 55.6 43.7 60.9a40.6 33.9b27.1b43.3 35.8 12.24** 5.1 Part-time work to attend family responsibilities 65.2 45.9a72.5a49.3a33.9b16.9b67.2 20.9b24.17** 26.8** Leave of absence 53.3 18.5 84.1a43.5a16.9b5.1b58.2 6b58.24** 42.05** Free days for extraordinary family situation 82.2 60 79.7 59.4 57.6b33.9b85.1 71.6a17.67** 19.4** Teleworking 30.4a23a37.7a20.3 3.4 1.7b17.9 16.4 24.75** 13.5** Two days of absence paid for parents with children below 14 years old 18.5 13.3 0b0b35.6a22 26.9 23.9a28.96** 19.5** Special arrangements upon returning to work after maternity leave 27.4 17.8 39.1a24.6a5.1b3.4b13.4b925.75** 14.1** FINAL REPORT 71 Reduced work hours for breastfeeding 54.1 37a40.6 18.8 20.3b8.5b70.1a22.4 34.72** 20.5** Extended paternity / maternity leave 35.6 26.7 43.5 31.9 11.9b6.8b43.3 26.9 18.18** 12.6** Financial assistance for family expenses 25.2 20 30.4 15.9 8.5b6.8b31.3 25.4 11.22* 6.1* Workplace nursery 3 0b11.6a8.7a1.7 1.7 6 6 8.72* 12.7** * p <.05 ** p <.01 a. Corrected standardized residual above 1.96 b. Corrected standardized residual below -1.96 With respect to the possibility of distributing their daily work hours in a more flexible manner, the results indicate that this measure was significantly more commonplace for companies in Stockholm than those found in other regions. However, it is interesting to note that there was no difference in the percentage of usage of this possibility among the three regions because somewhat more than half of the families in Stockholm took advantage of this possibility and almost half of the families from the region of Andalusia and Malopolska also used it (most of those who had this possibility). In terms of leave of absence, it was found that this measure was more common place in companies located in Stockholm and Andalusia, which differed from Malopolska. However, those using this possibility significantly more were those from Stockholm. Finally, possibility of distributing their weekly work hours in a more flexible manner was more commonplace in Stockholm. This result was statistically significant with respect to companies located in Andalusia. Nevertheless, there were no significant differences in the use of this measure in the different regions. DIVERSIA SUB-PROJECT FAMILY DIVERSITY AND RECONCILIATION STRATEGIES 72 Table 27. Existence/presence of employer reconciliation measures and use of these by region Andalusia Malopolska Stockholm Measure exist The measure has been used Measure exist The measure has been used Measure exist The measure has been used Measure exist The measure has been used % % % % % % χ2χ2 Flexibility in the distribution of daily work hours 57.3 45.1 45.5b42.4 79.1a56.7 18.7** 3.6 Flexibility in the distribution of weekly work hours 44.5b36 43.4 38.4 74.6a44.8 19.9** 1.5 Part-time work to attend family responsibilities 59.8 31.1b51.5b32.3 80.6a47.8a71.3** 46.3** Leave of absence 64a11b20.2b12.1b80.6a55.2a14.7** 12.9** Free days for extraordinary family situation 72.6b59.8 80.8 55.6 86.6 55.2 6.1* 0.6 Teleworking 17.7b12.2b18.2 16.2 50.7a31.3a31.1** 12.3** Two days of absence paid for parents who have children below 14 years old 0b0b64.6a47.5a0b0b185.2** 127.8** Special arrangements upon returning to work after maternity leave 1.8b1.8b34.3a24.2a58.2a32.8a95.5** 46.04** Reduced work hours for breastfeeding 67.7a31.7a41.4b28.3 11.9b4.5b62.01** 19.4** Extended paternity/maternity leave 43.9a33.5a23.2b15.2b28.4 14.9b13.08** 15.3** Financial assistance for family expenses 34.8a25a14.1b13.1 14.9b7.5b18.3** 12.1** Workplace nursery 9.8a6.1a0b0b1.5 1.5 14.3** 8.01* * p <.05 ** p <.01 a. Corrected standardized residual above 1.96 b. Corrected standardized residual below -1.96 FINAL REPORT 73 When it came to family satisfaction with the reconciliation measure offered by their employer, the global results indicate that those participating in this study showed an average satisfaction with these measures. (Average score of 3.02 on a scale of 1 to 5). Based on the family type, it was found that immigrant families were significantly less satisfied with the reconciliation measures their employer offered than the gay/lesbian and heterosexual families (figure 13). Figure 13. Satisfaction with employer reconciliation measures by family type When comparing regions, it was found that families in Stockholm were significantly more satisfied with the reconciliation measures offered by their employers. (Figure 14) Likewise, the satisfaction with employer reconciliation measures was also compared based on the family type in all three regions. As shown in figure 15, there were significant differences. To better understand these differences, how this variable behaved in each region was explored depending on the family type. In this sense, the differences were denoted by the following data: while there were no significant differences in Malopolska and Stockholm between one family type and another, in Andalusia there was a clear difference in terms of less satisfaction among immigrant families when it came to employer reconciliation measures in comparison with gay/lesbian, heterosexual and single mother families. -4 -3 -2 -1 0 1 2 3 4 Inmigrant parents Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents ** p <.01 ** p <.01 ** p <.01 ** p <.01 ** p <.01 ** p <.01 F = 39. 03** 1,8 1,9 2,8 3,4 3,6 0 0,2 2,1 2,3 0,5 0,2 0 -0,02 0,1 3,5 F = 25.6** -3 -2 -1 0 1 2 3 Stockholm Malopolska Andalusia -101234 Inmigrants parents Andalusia Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents Malopolska Stockholm Andalusia Malopolska Stockholm Andalusia Malopolska Stockholm -3 -2 -1 0 1 2 3 Inmigrants parents Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents F =22. 01** F = 8. 5** F = 8. 5 1,4 1,5 0,4 1.1 0.2 2.2 0 0,2 0,4 0,6 0,8 1 1,2 1,61,4 Stockholm Malopolska Andalusia F = 37.5** F = 1. 9 1 2 3,02 1,6 345 Stockholm Malopolska Andalusia 0,0 1,4 1,4 2,2 2,5 2,1 3,3 F = 11. 9** 2,9 2,6 2,3 0,8 0,5 0 0 0,05 0,5 1,0 1,5 2,0 2,5 Inmigrant parents Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents 1 1,5 2 2,5 3 3,5 3,8 F = 14. 5** 4,2 4 4,5 5 2,7 2,7 3,3 3,4 3,1 1,4 2,5 1,7 Inmigrant parents Single mothers Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents 1 2 3 4 5 Total Single mothers inmigrant parents Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents 2,8 Andalusia Malopolska Stockholm F = 1.6 1 1,5 2 2,5 3 3,5 4 4,5 5 3,1 2,9 2,8 Inmigrant parents Single mothers Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents 4 4,1 4,1 4,3 4,3 ** p <.01 1 2 3 4 5 Total Single mothers inmigrant parents Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents 2,8 3,8 3,7 ** p <.01 F = 30. 2** 3,9 3,02 4,2 1 1,5 2 2,5 3 3,5 4 54,5 Stockholm Malopolska Andalusia 3,2 3,2 F = 5.05** 3,3 ** p <.01 1 2 3 4 5 Total Single mothers inmigrant parents Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents 2,4 2,9 3,02 ** p <.01 ** p <.01 F = 5.1** 1 2 2,9 2,9 3,5 345 Stockholm Malopolska Andalusia Andalusia Malopolska Stockholm F = 7. 8** 1 1,5 2 2,5 3 3,5 4 4,5 5 2,8 2,9 2,9 3,5 3,5 3,1 Inmigrant parents Single mothers Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents 3,4 2,9 1,8 3,1 F = 4.8** ** p <.01 1 2 3 4 5 Total Single mothers inmigrant parents Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents 3,6 3,2 3,2 2,9 † p <.0 .1 F = 2.9† 2,7 2,8 2,9 3 3,3 3,3 2,9 3,1 3,2 3,3 3,4 Stockholm Malopolska Andalusia 2,8 DIVERSIA SUB-PROJECT FAMILY DIVERSITY AND RECONCILIATION STRATEGIES 80 Figure 21. Reconciliation by temporarily leaving the work force to care for family by family type Figure 22. Reconciliation by giving up career goals by family type Andalusia Malopolska Stockholm Interviewee Partner Both Interviewee Partner Both F = 3.1 1 1,5 2 2,5 3 3,5 4 4,5 5 4,03 2,9 Inmigrant parents Single mothers Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents 3,03 3 3,17 3,22 3,23 3,27 3,3 χ2 = 87.01** 0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35 40 45 40,7 30,9 Inmigrant parents Single mothers Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents 34,8 8,9 8,8 14,9 3,7 1,7 5,1 0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35 40 Being near school and relative´s home Being near school and workplace Postponing having children for work and economic reasons Being near home and workplace Being near home and school 33,4 29,2 21,3 20,4 26,4 3,7 4 3,1 5,2 10,9 1,5 18,8 12,8 0 10 20 30 Stop working during a temporary period for care reasons Giving up career goals: promotion, management positions... Job change to facilitate the care of children or other dependent people 28,1 16,2 ** p <.01 Interviewee Partner Both χ2 = 21.5* 0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35 40 6,1 Inmigrant parents Single mothers Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents 31,1 3,8 13,6 31,3 3 3,4 1,7 10,6 ** p <.01 33,9 Interviewee Partner Both χ2 = 86.2** 0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35 40 2 29,3 2,5 34,3 4,3 12,1 34,4 0,3 ** p <.01 7,6 Interviewee Partner Both χ2 = 14.3 0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35 3 Inmigrant parents Single mothers Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents 22,7 2,3 10,6 17,9 6,1 3,4 1,7 1,5 28,8 Stockholm Malopolska Andalusia Stop working during a temporary period for care reasons Interviewee Partner Both χ2 = 20.8** 0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35 40 2 35,4 6,1 27,3 3 4,9 3,3 1 ** p <.01 9,8 Stockholm Malopolska Andalusia Giving up career goals: promotion, management positions... Interviewee Partner Both χ2 = 14.05* 0 5 10 15 20 25 23,8 2,4 18,2 0,6 4,9 0 1 * p <.05 14,8 Stockholm Malopolska Andalusia Job change to facilitate the care of children or other dependent people 8,1 Interviewee Partner 0 1 2 1,7 1,4 1,4 1,3 1,5 1,8 Leave young children or other dependent people alone at home Stop working during a temporary period for care reasons Take the children and/or other dependent people with you to your work -3 -2 -1 0 1 2 3 Inmigrant parents Total Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents ** p <.01 F= 9.8** 0,9 0,7 1,2 2,4 ** p <.01 † p<0.1 F=9.7** -2 -1,5 -1 -0,5 -1 0 0,5 1 1,5 2 2,5 3 Stockholm Malopolska Andalusia 1,3 1,8 0,3 Andalusia Malopolska Stockholm 0 1,3 1,04 2,9 0 1 0,52 0,5 1 1,5 2 2,5 3 3,5 Inmigrant parents Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents 1,8 F=2.90† 3,7 F=27.2** ** p <.01 12345 Total Inmigrant parents Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents 3,2 3,8 4,7 ** p <.01 F= 21.9** 3,5 3,5 4,6 0 0,5 1 1,5 2 2,5 3 3,5 4 54,5 Stockholm Malopolska Andalusia Andalusia Malopolska Stockholm Interviewee Partner Both Interviewee Partner Both F = 3.1 1 1,5 2 2,5 3 3,5 4 4,5 5 4,03 2,9 Inmigrant parents Single mothers Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents 3,03 3 3,17 3,22 3,23 3,27 3,3 χ2 = 87.01** 0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35 40 45 40,7 30,9 Inmigrant parents Single mothers Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents 34,8 8,9 8,8 14,9 3,7 1,7 5,1 0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35 40 Being near school and relative´s home Being near school and workplace Postponing having children for work and economic reasons Being near home and workplace Being near home and school 33,4 29,2 21,3 20,4 26,4 3,7 4 3,1 5,2 10,9 1,5 18,8 12,8 0 10 20 30 Stop working during a temporary period for care reasons Giving up career goals: promotion, management positions... Job change to facilitate the care of children or other dependent people 28,1 16,2 ** p <.01 Interviewee Partner Both χ2 = 21.5* 0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35 40 6,1 Inmigrant parents Single mothers Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents 31,1 3,8 13,6 31,3 3 3,4 1,7 10,6 ** p <.01 33,9 Interviewee Partner Both χ2 = 86.2** 0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35 40 2 29,3 2,5 34,3 4,3 12,1 34,4 0,3 ** p <.01 7,6 Interviewee Partner Both χ2 = 14.3 0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35 3 Inmigrant parents Single mothers Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents 22,7 2,3 10,6 17,9 6,1 3,4 1,7 1,5 28,8 Stockholm Malopolska Andalusia Stop working during a temporary period for care reasons Interviewee Partner Both χ2 = 20.8** 0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35 40 2 35,4 6,1 27,3 3 4,9 3,3 1 ** p <.01 9,8 Stockholm Malopolska Andalusia Giving up career goals: promotion, management positions... Interviewee Partner Both χ2 = 14.05* 0 5 10 15 20 25 23,8 2,4 18,2 0,6 4,9 0 1 * p <.05 14,8 Stockholm Malopolska Andalusia Job change to facilitate the care of children or other dependent people 8,1 Interviewee Partner 0 1 2 1,7 1,4 1,4 1,3 1,5 1,8 Leave young children or other dependent people alone at home Stop working during a temporary period for care reasons Take the children and/or other dependent people with you to your work -3 -2 -1 0 1 2 3 Inmigrant parents Total Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents ** p <.01 F= 9.8** 0,9 0,7 1,2 2,4 ** p <.01 † p<0.1 F=9.7** -2 -1,5 -1 -0,5 -1 0 0,5 1 1,5 2 2,5 3 Stockholm Malopolska Andalusia 1,3 1,8 0,3 Andalusia Malopolska Stockholm 0 1,3 1,04 2,9 0 1 0,52 0,5 1 1,5 2 2,5 3 3,5 Inmigrant parents Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents 1,8 F=2.90† 3,7 F=27.2** ** p <.01 12345 Total Inmigrant parents Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents 3,2 3,8 4,7 ** p <.01 F= 21.9** 3,5 3,5 4,6 0 0,5 1 1,5 2 2,5 3 3,5 4 54,5 Stockholm Malopolska Andalusia FINAL REPORT 81 In terms of the strategy linked to renouncing new goals or professional responsibilities to care for the family, in general, it was seen that it was the interviewee—whatever the family type—who mainly had to renounce new career goals (executive posts, promotions, etc.). All the same, it was once again in the gay/lesbian families where it is more probable that the partner or both use this measure to reconcile family, career and personal responsibilities than other dual parent families. See figure 22. Finally, there were no significant differences among the family types with respect to the percentage of parents who changed jobs to care for their children, although residual margins indicate that this was less frequent in lesbian mother or gay fathers. See figure 23. Figure 23. Reconciliation by job change to facilitate the care of children or other dependent people by family type When comparing the three regions, once again, there were significant differences in the three reconciliation strategies. Thus, it was found that interviewees from Malopolska had left the workforce in significant higher numbers than those from the other two regions studied. Upon looking at the uses of this strategy on behalf of the interviewee’s partner, it was found that the partners from Stockholm had, to a greater extent, left the workforce at a given point to care for others. As expected, in this same region, there was a greater percentage in which both the interviewees and their partners had chosen this strategy to be able to reconcile their personal, family and career life. See figure 24. Andalusia Malopolska Stockholm Interviewee Partner Both Interviewee Partner Both F = 3.1 1 1,5 2 2,5 3 3,5 4 4,5 5 4,03 2,9 Inmigrant parents Single mothers Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents 3,03 3 3,17 3,22 3,23 3,27 3,3 χ2 = 87.01** 0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35 40 45 40,7 30,9 Inmigrant parents Single mothers Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents 34,8 8,9 8,8 14,9 3,7 1,7 5,1 0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35 40 Being near school and relative´s home Being near school and workplace Postponing having children for work and economic reasons Being near home and workplace Being near home and school 33,4 29,2 21,3 20,4 26,4 3,7 4 3,1 5,2 10,9 1,5 18,8 12,8 0 10 20 30 Stop working during a temporary period for care reasons Giving up career goals: promotion, management positions... Job change to facilitate the care of children or other dependent people 28,1 16,2 ** p <.01 Interviewee Partner Both χ2 = 21.5* 0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35 40 6,1 Inmigrant parents Single mothers Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents 31,1 3,8 13,6 31,3 3 3,4 1,7 10,6 ** p <.01 33,9 Interviewee Partner Both χ2 = 86.2** 0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35 40 2 29,3 2,5 34,3 4,3 12,1 34,4 0,3 ** p <.01 7,6 Interviewee Partner Both χ2 = 14.3 0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35 3 Inmigrant parents Single mothers Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents 22,7 2,3 10,6 17,9 6,1 3,4 1,7 1,5 28,8 Stockholm Malopolska Andalusia Stop working during a temporary period for care reasons Interviewee Partner Both χ2 = 20.8** 0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35 40 2 35,4 6,1 27,3 3 4,9 3,3 1 ** p <.01 9,8 Stockholm Malopolska Andalusia Giving up career goals: promotion, management positions... Interviewee Partner Both χ2 = 14.05* 0 5 10 15 20 25 23,8 2,4 18,2 0,6 4,9 0 1 * p <.05 14,8 Stockholm Malopolska Andalusia Job change to facilitate the care of children or other dependent people 8,1 Interviewee Partner 0 1 2 1,7 1,4 1,4 1,3 1,5 1,8 Leave young children or other dependent people alone at home Stop working during a temporary period for care reasons Take the children and/or other dependent people with you to your work -3 -2 -1 0 1 2 3 Inmigrant parents Total Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents ** p <.01 F= 9.8** 0,9 0,7 1,2 2,4 ** p <.01 † p<0.1 F=9.7** -2 -1,5 -1 -0,5 -1 0 0,5 1 1,5 2 2,5 3 Stockholm Malopolska Andalusia 1,3 1,8 0,3 Andalusia Malopolska Stockholm 0 1,3 1,04 2,9 0 1 0,52 0,5 1 1,5 2 2,5 3 3,5 Inmigrant parents Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents 1,8 F=2.90† 3,7 F=27.2** ** p <.01 12345 Total Inmigrant parents Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents 3,2 3,8 4,7 ** p <.01 F= 21.9** 3,5 3,5 4,6 0 0,5 1 1,5 2 2,5 3 3,5 4 54,5 Stockholm Malopolska Andalusia DIVERSIA SUB-PROJECT FAMILY DIVERSITY AND RECONCILIATION STRATEGIES 82 Figure 24. Reconciliation by temporarily leaving the work force to care for family by region Figure 25. Reconciliation by giving up career goals by region Andalusia Malopolska Stockholm Interviewee Partner Both Interviewee Partner Both F = 3.1 1 1,5 2 2,5 3 3,5 4 4,5 5 4,03 2,9 Inmigrant parents Single mothers Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents 3,03 3 3,17 3,22 3,23 3,27 3,3 χ2 = 87.01** 0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35 40 45 40,7 30,9 Inmigrant parents Single mothers Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents 34,8 8,9 8,8 14,9 3,7 1,7 5,1 0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35 40 Being near school and relative´s home Being near school and workplace Postponing having children for work and economic reasons Being near home and workplace Being near home and school 33,4 29,2 21,3 20,4 26,4 3,7 4 3,1 5,2 10,9 1,5 18,8 12,8 0 10 20 30 Stop working during a temporary period for care reasons Giving up career goals: promotion, management positions... Job change to facilitate the care of children or other dependent people 28,1 16,2 ** p <.01 Interviewee Partner Both χ2 = 21.5* 0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35 40 6,1 Inmigrant parents Single mothers Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents 31,1 3,8 13,6 31,3 3 3,4 1,7 10,6 ** p <.01 33,9 Interviewee Partner Both χ2 = 86.2** 0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35 40 2 29,3 2,5 34,3 4,3 12,1 34,4 0,3 ** p <.01 7,6 Interviewee Partner Both χ2 = 14.3 0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35 3 Inmigrant parents Single mothers Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents 22,7 2,3 10,6 17,9 6,1 3,4 1,7 1,5 28,8 Stockholm Malopolska Andalusia Stop working during a temporary period for care reasons Interviewee Partner Both χ2 = 20.8** 0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35 40 2 35,4 6,1 27,3 3 4,9 3,3 1 ** p <.01 9,8 Stockholm Malopolska Andalusia Giving up career goals: promotion, management positions... Interviewee Partner Both χ2 = 14.05* 0 5 10 15 20 25 23,8 2,4 18,2 0,6 4,9 0 1 * p <.05 14,8 Stockholm Malopolska Andalusia Job change to facilitate the care of children or other dependent people 8,1 Interviewee Partner 0 1 2 1,7 1,4 1,4 1,3 1,5 1,8 Leave young children or other dependent people alone at home Stop working during a temporary period for care reasons Take the children and/or other dependent people with you to your work -3 -2 -1 0 1 2 3 Inmigrant parents Total Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents ** p <.01 F= 9.8** 0,9 0,7 1,2 2,4 ** p <.01 † p<0.1 F=9.7** -2 -1,5 -1 -0,5 -1 0 0,5 1 1,5 2 2,5 3 Stockholm Malopolska Andalusia 1,3 1,8 0,3 Andalusia Malopolska Stockholm 0 1,3 1,04 2,9 0 1 0,52 0,5 1 1,5 2 2,5 3 3,5 Inmigrant parents Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents 1,8 F=2.90† 3,7 F=27.2** ** p <.01 12345 Total Inmigrant parents Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents 3,2 3,8 4,7 ** p <.01 F= 21.9** 3,5 3,5 4,6 0 0,5 1 1,5 2 2,5 3 3,5 4 54,5 Stockholm Malopolska Andalusia Andalusia Malopolska Stockholm Interviewee Partner Both Interviewee Partner Both F = 3.1 1 1,5 2 2,5 3 3,5 4 4,5 5 4,03 2,9 Inmigrant parents Single mothers Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents 3,03 3 3,17 3,22 3,23 3,27 3,3 χ2 = 87.01** 0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35 40 45 40,7 30,9 Inmigrant parents Single mothers Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents 34,8 8,9 8,8 14,9 3,7 1,7 5,1 0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35 40 Being near school and relative´s home Being near school and workplace Postponing having children for work and economic reasons Being near home and workplace Being near home and school 33,4 29,2 21,3 20,4 26,4 3,7 4 3,1 5,2 10,9 1,5 18,8 12,8 0 10 20 30 Stop working during a temporary period for care reasons Giving up career goals: promotion, management positions... Job change to facilitate the care of children or other dependent people 28,1 16,2 ** p <.01 Interviewee Partner Both χ2 = 21.5* 0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35 40 6,1 Inmigrant parents Single mothers Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents 31,1 3,8 13,6 31,3 3 3,4 1,7 10,6 ** p <.01 33,9 Interviewee Partner Both χ2 = 86.2** 0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35 40 2 29,3 2,5 34,3 4,3 12,1 34,4 0,3 ** p <.01 7,6 Interviewee Partner Both χ2 = 14.3 0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35 3 Inmigrant parents Single mothers Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents 22,7 2,3 10,6 17,9 6,1 3,4 1,7 1,5 28,8 Stockholm Malopolska Andalusia Stop working during a temporary period for care reasons Interviewee Partner Both χ2 = 20.8** 0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35 40 2 35,4 6,1 27,3 3 4,9 3,3 1 ** p <.01 9,8 Stockholm Malopolska Andalusia Giving up career goals: promotion, management positions... Interviewee Partner Both χ2 = 14.05* 0 5 10 15 20 25 23,8 2,4 18,2 0,6 4,9 0 1 * p <.05 14,8 Stockholm Malopolska Andalusia Job change to facilitate the care of children or other dependent people 8,1 Interviewee Partner 0 1 2 1,7 1,4 1,4 1,3 1,5 1,8 Leave young children or other dependent people alone at home Stop working during a temporary period for care reasons Take the children and/or other dependent people with you to your work -3 -2 -1 0 1 2 3 Inmigrant parents Total Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents ** p <.01 F= 9.8** 0,9 0,7 1,2 2,4 ** p <.01 † p<0.1 F=9.7** -2 -1,5 -1 -0,5 -1 0 0,5 1 1,5 2 2,5 3 Stockholm Malopolska Andalusia 1,3 1,8 0,3 Andalusia Malopolska Stockholm 0 1,3 1,04 2,9 0 1 0,52 0,5 1 1,5 2 2,5 3 3,5 Inmigrant parents Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents 1,8 F=2.90† 3,7 F=27.2** ** p <.01 12345 Total Inmigrant parents Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents 3,2 3,8 4,7 ** p <.01 F= 21.9** 3,5 3,5 4,6 0 0,5 1 1,5 2 2,5 3 3,5 4 54,5 Stockholm Malopolska Andalusia FINAL REPORT 83 In terms of renouncing a new professional goal, it was found that this strategy has been used to a greater extent exclusively by the persons interviewed in the region of Andalusia and significantly less in Stockholm. However, it is more probable that in Stockholm, both members of the couple had renounced achieving new professional goals than those in Andalusia or Malopolska. Finally, it was found that in general, it is the interviewees who had had to change jobs to care for their family, although in the case of families from Malopolska, the results indicate that there was a greater percentage of partners, with respect to the other two regions, who have changed jobs at a given point in their lives to care for their children or a dependant relative. See figure 26. Figure 26. Reconciliation by job change to facilitate the care of children or other dependent people by region During the interview, space was reserved to ask whether the interviewee or their partner had used extreme reconciliation strategies such as taking their children to work or leaving minors or other dependant relatives at home on their own. The results indicate that these strategies were used infrequently, fortunately, both by the interviewee as well as by their partner; in the 1 to 5 scale, it was found that the average frequency ranged from 1.3 and 1.8. See figure 27. Andalusia Malopolska Stockholm Interviewee Partner Both Interviewee Partner Both F = 3.1 1 1,5 2 2,5 3 3,5 4 4,5 5 4,03 2,9 Inmigrant parents Single mothers Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents 3,03 3 3,17 3,22 3,23 3,27 3,3 χ2 = 87.01** 0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35 40 45 40,7 30,9 Inmigrant parents Single mothers Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents 34,8 8,9 8,8 14,9 3,7 1,7 5,1 0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35 40 Being near school and relative´s home Being near school and workplace Postponing having children for work and economic reasons Being near home and workplace Being near home and school 33,4 29,2 21,3 20,4 26,4 3,7 4 3,1 5,2 10,9 1,5 18,8 12,8 0 10 20 30 Stop working during a temporary period for care reasons Giving up career goals: promotion, management positions... Job change to facilitate the care of children or other dependent people 28,1 16,2 ** p <.01 Interviewee Partner Both χ2 = 21.5* 0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35 40 6,1 Inmigrant parents Single mothers Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents 31,1 3,8 13,6 31,3 3 3,4 1,7 10,6 ** p <.01 33,9 Interviewee Partner Both χ2 = 86.2** 0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35 40 2 29,3 2,5 34,3 4,3 12,1 34,4 0,3 ** p <.01 7,6 Interviewee Partner Both χ2 = 14.3 0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35 3 Inmigrant parents Single mothers Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents 22,7 2,3 10,6 17,9 6,1 3,4 1,7 1,5 28,8 Stockholm Malopolska Andalusia Stop working during a temporary period for care reasons Interviewee Partner Both χ2 = 20.8** 0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35 40 2 35,4 6,1 27,3 3 4,9 3,3 1 ** p <.01 9,8 Stockholm Malopolska Andalusia Giving up career goals: promotion, management positions... Interviewee Partner Both χ2 = 14.05* 0 5 10 15 20 25 23,8 2,4 18,2 0,6 4,9 0 1 * p <.05 14,8 Stockholm Malopolska Andalusia Job change to facilitate the care of children or other dependent people 8,1 Interviewee Partner 0 1 2 1,7 1,4 1,4 1,3 1,5 1,8 Leave young children or other dependent people alone at home Stop working during a temporary period for care reasons Take the children and/or other dependent people with you to your work -3 -2 -1 0 1 2 3 Inmigrant parents Total Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents ** p <.01 F= 9.8** 0,9 0,7 1,2 2,4 ** p <.01 † p<0.1 F=9.7** -2 -1,5 -1 -0,5 -1 0 0,5 1 1,5 2 2,5 3 Stockholm Malopolska Andalusia 1,3 1,8 0,3 Andalusia Malopolska Stockholm 0 1,3 1,04 2,9 0 1 0,52 0,5 1 1,5 2 2,5 3 3,5 Inmigrant parents Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents 1,8 F=2.90† 3,7 F=27.2** ** p <.01 12345 Total Inmigrant parents Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents 3,2 3,8 4,7 ** p <.01 F= 21.9** 3,5 3,5 4,6 0 0,5 1 1,5 2 2,5 3 3,5 4 54,5 Stockholm Malopolska Andalusia DIVERSIA SUB-PROJECT FAMILY DIVERSITY AND RECONCILIATION STRATEGIES 84 Figure 27. Extreme reconciliation strategies on behalf of the interviewee and his/her partner The use of extreme strategies by the interviewee is certainly low; thus, it is not surprising that there were no differences in terms of the family type. See table 35. Table 35. Extreme reconciliation strategies on behalf of the interviewee by family type Two heterosexual parents Two same sex parents Immigrant parents Single mothers F M M M M Take the children and/or other dependent people with you to your work 1.79 1.63 1.7 1.8 0.54 Stop working during a temporary period for care reasons 1.92 1.64 1.7 1.7 1.6 Leave young children or other dependent people alone at home 1.32 1.57 1.3 1.3 1.1 However, there were significant differences in the use of extreme reconciliation strategies in all three regions (Table 36). Starting with the strategy of taking the child or dependant relative to work, it was found that in the region of Andalusia, this was an option that was used more frequently (average score of 2.2 on a scale of 1 Andalusia Malopolska Stockholm Interviewee Partner Both Interviewee Partner Both F = 3.1 1 1,5 2 2,5 3 3,5 4 4,5 5 4,03 2,9 Inmigrant parents Single mothers Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents 3,03 3 3,17 3,22 3,23 3,27 3,3 χ2 = 87.01** 0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35 40 45 40,7 30,9 Inmigrant parents Single mothers Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents 34,8 8,9 8,8 14,9 3,7 1,7 5,1 0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35 40 Being near school and relative´s home Being near school and workplace Postponing having children for work and economic reasons Being near home and workplace Being near home and school 33,4 29,2 21,3 20,4 26,4 3,7 4 3,1 5,2 10,9 1,5 18,8 12,8 0 10 20 30 Stop working during a temporary period for care reasons Giving up career goals: promotion, management positions... Job change to facilitate the care of children or other dependent people 28,1 16,2 ** p <.01 Interviewee Partner Both χ2 = 21.5* 0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35 40 6,1 Inmigrant parents Single mothers Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents 31,1 3,8 13,6 31,3 3 3,4 1,7 10,6 ** p <.01 33,9 Interviewee Partner Both χ2 = 86.2** 0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35 40 2 29,3 2,5 34,3 4,3 12,1 34,4 0,3 ** p <.01 7,6 Interviewee Partner Both χ2 = 14.3 0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35 3 Inmigrant parents Single mothers Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents 22,7 2,3 10,6 17,9 6,1 3,4 1,7 1,5 28,8 Stockholm Malopolska Andalusia Stop working during a temporary period for care reasons Interviewee Partner Both χ2 = 20.8** 0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35 40 2 35,4 6,1 27,3 3 4,9 3,3 1 ** p <.01 9,8 Stockholm Malopolska Andalusia Giving up career goals: promotion, management positions... Interviewee Partner Both χ2 = 14.05* 0 5 10 15 20 25 23,8 2,4 18,2 0,6 4,9 0 1 * p <.05 14,8 Stockholm Malopolska Andalusia Job change to facilitate the care of children or other dependent people 8,1 Interviewee Partner 0 1 2 1,7 1,4 1,4 1,3 1,5 1,8 Leave young children or other dependent people alone at home Stop working during a temporary period for care reasons Take the children and/or other dependent people with you to your work -3 -2 -1 0 1 2 3 Inmigrant parents Total Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents ** p <.01 F= 9.8** 0,9 0,7 1,2 2,4 ** p <.01 † p<0.1 F=9.7** -2 -1,5 -1 -0,5 -1 0 0,5 1 1,5 2 2,5 3 Stockholm Malopolska Andalusia 1,3 1,8 0,3 Andalusia Malopolska Stockholm 0 1,3 1,04 2,9 0 1 0,52 0,5 1 1,5 2 2,5 3 3,5 Inmigrant parents Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents 1,8 F=2.90† 3,7 F=27.2** ** p <.01 12345 Total Inmigrant parents Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents 3,2 3,8 4,7 ** p <.01 F= 21.9** 3,5 3,5 4,6 0 0,5 1 1,5 2 2,5 3 3,5 4 54,5 Stockholm Malopolska Andalusia FINAL REPORT 85 to 5) than in other regions. The difference was statistically significant in comparison with Malopolska. Finally, the strategy of leaving minors or dependant relatives at home on their own is used much more frequently in families from Stockholm, while families from Andalusia used this option much less. It must be noted that this option is used very little in all cases. Table 36. Extreme reconciliation strategies on behalf of the interviewee by region Andalusia Malopolska Stockholm F M M M Take the children and/or other dependent people with you to your work 2.02 1.37 1.6 10.6** Stop working during a temporary period for care reasons 2.01 1.60 1.5 11.09** Leave young children or other dependent people alone at home 1.09 1.61 1.8 22.5** ** p <.01 When it comes to using these strategies on behalf of the partners, there were significant differences in terms of the type of family (Table 37). Specifically, take the children to work is a strategy that was used most frequently by parents of native heterosexual families than immigrant families. There were no significant differences among families when it came to the extreme measure of leaving the children at home on their own. Table 37. Extreme reconciliation strategies on behalf of the partner by family type Two heterosexual parents Two same sex parents Immigrant parents F M M M Take the children and/or other dependent people with you to your work 1.5 1.4 1.1 5.5** Stop working during a temporary period for care reasons 1.5 1.8 1.2 8.08** Leave young children or other dependent people alone at home 1.2 1.5 1.4 2.4 ** p <.01 DIVERSIA SUB-PROJECT FAMILY DIVERSITY AND RECONCILIATION STRATEGIES 86 Upon comparing regions, significant differences were found in the strategy of leaving the children or dependant relative at home. Particularly, it was found that this strategy was used significantly more frequently by families from Stockholm than in the other regions. This option was used much less in the region of Andalusia. See table 38. Table 38. Extreme reconciliation strategies on behalf of the partner by region Andalusia Malopolska Stockholm F M M M Take the children and/or other dependent people with you to your work 1.4 1.3 1.4 0.9 Stop working during a temporary period for care reasons 1.6 1.4 1.6 2.5 Leave young children or other dependent people alone at home 1.1 1.5 1.7 13.8** ** p <.01 4.2.5. Domestic co-responsibility To understand how the responsibility of domestic tasks in each home was distributed, the interviewee was asked who performed some of these tasks at home. As shown in table 39, those interviewed stated that they performed most of the household tasks themselves. Their partners, on the other hand, also played an important role, with percentages that ranged from 34.9% in the task of washing clothes, to 82% when it came to the task of small household repairs. Table 39. Percentage of domestic tasks performed by the interviewee and his/her partner Interviewee Partner % % Prepare food 89.4 54.6 Wash the dishes 89.7 64.9 Make minor household repairs 47.3 82.4 FINAL REPORT 87 Vacuum or mop the floor 85.8 46.6 Throw away trash 74.2 77.9 Domestic shopping 92.7 71.3 Pay bills. receipts 79.1 70.2 Washing clothes 93.3 34.9 Write letters. call family. friends 97.6 77.0 In addition to understanding just how the domestic chores were organized, the study was interested in having a more in-depth understanding of this distribution depending on the family type, the region and depending on the family type and the region jointly. To achieve this, a global score was calculated which would allow the average number of tasks performed by each interviewee with their partner to be studied. A differential score was then obtained, which came from subtracting the total number of tasks performed by the interviewee from the total number of tasks performed by the partner, as was the formula used for care-related tasks. Thus, the study could see whether or not the task distribution pattern was balanced or differential, at least in terms of the number of task performed by each member of the couple. Upon performing the comparison based on family types with the global sum of the scores (Table 40), it was found that single mothers performed more domestic task than any other group, followed by interviewees from gay/lesbian families. Table 40. Average of domestic chore total by family type Interviewee Partner M M Two heterosexual parents 5.3 4.3 Two same-sex parents 5.8 5.1 Immigrant parents 5.7 3.3 Single mothers 6.4 --- F18.2** 17.7** ** p <.01 DIVERSIA SUB-PROJECT FAMILY DIVERSITY AND RECONCILIATION STRATEGIES 88 From the analysis of the differences in the differential scores, based on family types (figure 28), it was deduced that immigrant families were less balanced, in comparison with gay/lesbian families who appear to have more balance in terms of domestic responsibilities between the interviewees and their partners. Figure 28. Differential scores for domestic chores by family type Upon comparing the differential scores by regions, it was found that the dynamics are similar in the regions of Andalusia and Malopolska: the interviewees performed more domestic chores than their partners, but in Stockholm, no differences were found. In the Swedish region, domestic chores were shared more equally and it was significantly different from the other regions. See table 41 and figure 29. Table 41. Average of domestic chore total by region Interviewee Partner M M Andalusia 5.6 4.0 Malopolska 5.9 3.6 Stockholm 5.7 5.6 F1.8** 33.7** ** p <.01 Andalusia Malopolska Stockholm Interviewee Partner Both Interviewee Partner Both F = 3.1 1 1,5 2 2,5 3 3,5 4 4,5 5 4,03 2,9 Inmigrant parents Single mothers Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents 3,03 3 3,17 3,22 3,23 3,27 3,3 χ2 = 87.01** 0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35 40 45 40,7 30,9 Inmigrant parents Single mothers Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents 34,8 8,9 8,8 14,9 3,7 1,7 5,1 0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35 40 Being near school and relative´s home Being near school and workplace Postponing having children for work and economic reasons Being near home and workplace Being near home and school 33,4 29,2 21,3 20,4 26,4 3,7 4 3,1 5,2 10,9 1,5 18,8 12,8 0 10 20 30 Stop working during a temporary period for care reasons Giving up career goals: promotion, management positions... Job change to facilitate the care of children or other dependent people 28,1 16,2 ** p <.01 Interviewee Partner Both χ2 = 21.5* 0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35 40 6,1 Inmigrant parents Single mothers Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents 31,1 3,8 13,6 31,3 3 3,4 1,7 10,6 ** p <.01 33,9 Interviewee Partner Both χ2 = 86.2** 0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35 40 2 29,3 2,5 34,3 4,3 12,1 34,4 0,3 ** p <.01 7,6 Interviewee Partner Both χ2 = 14.3 0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35 3 Inmigrant parents Single mothers Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents 22,7 2,3 10,6 17,9 6,1 3,4 1,7 1,5 28,8 Stockholm Malopolska Andalusia Stop working during a temporary period for care reasons Interviewee Partner Both χ2 = 20.8** 0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35 40 2 35,4 6,1 27,3 3 4,9 3,3 1 ** p <.01 9,8 Stockholm Malopolska Andalusia Giving up career goals: promotion, management positions... Interviewee Partner Both χ2 = 14.05* 0 5 10 15 20 25 23,8 2,4 18,2 0,6 4,9 0 1 * p <.05 14,8 Stockholm Malopolska Andalusia Job change to facilitate the care of children or other dependent people 8,1 Interviewee Partner 0 1 2 1,7 1,4 1,4 1,3 1,5 1,8 Leave young children or other dependent people alone at home Stop working during a temporary period for care reasons Take the children and/or other dependent people with you to your work -3 -2 -1 0 1 2 3 Inmigrant parents Total Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents ** p <.01 F= 9.8** 0,9 0,7 1,2 2,4 ** p <.01 † p<0.1 F=9.7** -2 -1,5 -1 -0,5 -1 0 0,5 1 1,5 2 2,5 3 Stockholm Malopolska Andalusia 1,3 1,8 0,3 Andalusia Malopolska Stockholm 0 1,3 1,04 2,9 0 1 0,52 0,5 1 1,5 2 2,5 3 3,5 Inmigrant parents Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents 1,8 F=2.90† 3,7 F=27.2** ** p <.01 12345 Total Inmigrant parents Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents 3,2 3,8 4,7 ** p <.01 F= 21.9** 3,5 3,5 4,6 0 0,5 1 1,5 2 2,5 3 3,5 4 54,5 Stockholm Malopolska Andalusia FINAL REPORT 89 Figure 29. Differential scores for domestic chores by region When sharing domestic chores based on the family type and region (Table 42), significant differences were found in the average of chores performed by partners. Upon seeing what happened internally in each region, these differences were obvious; while in Stockholm there were no differences in the number of household tasks performed by heterosexual and gay/lesbian families, in Malopolska there were important differences between the two family types studied: heterosexual and immigrant families. Table 42. Average of domestic chore total by family type and region Two heterosexual parents Two same-sex parents Immigrant parents Single mothers I P I P I P I M M M M M M M Andalusia 5.2 3.9 5.4 4.4 5.6 3.8 6.4 Malopolska 5.2 4.1 --- --- 5.7 2.7 6.6 Stockholm 5.6 5.6 6.1 5.6 --- --- ---- F Interviewee 0.5 F Partner 3.2* * p <.05 Andalusia Malopolska Stockholm Interviewee Partner Both Interviewee Partner Both F = 3.1 1 1,5 2 2,5 3 3,5 4 4,5 5 4,03 2,9 Inmigrant parents Single mothers Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents 3,03 3 3,17 3,22 3,23 3,27 3,3 χ2 = 87.01** 0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35 40 45 40,7 30,9 Inmigrant parents Single mothers Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents 34,8 8,9 8,8 14,9 3,7 1,7 5,1 0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35 40 Being near school and relative´s home Being near school and workplace Postponing having children for work and economic reasons Being near home and workplace Being near home and school 33,4 29,2 21,3 20,4 26,4 3,7 4 3,1 5,2 10,9 1,5 18,8 12,8 0 10 20 30 Stop working during a temporary period for care reasons Giving up career goals: promotion, management positions... Job change to facilitate the care of children or other dependent people 28,1 16,2 ** p <.01 Interviewee Partner Both χ2 = 21.5* 0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35 40 6,1 Inmigrant parents Single mothers Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents 31,1 3,8 13,6 31,3 3 3,4 1,7 10,6 ** p <.01 33,9 Interviewee Partner Both χ2 = 86.2** 0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35 40 2 29,3 2,5 34,3 4,3 12,1 34,4 0,3 ** p <.01 7,6 Interviewee Partner Both χ2 = 14.3 0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35 3 Inmigrant parents Single mothers Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents 22,7 2,3 10,6 17,9 6,1 3,4 1,7 1,5 28,8 Stockholm Malopolska Andalusia Stop working during a temporary period for care reasons Interviewee Partner Both χ2 = 20.8** 0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35 40 2 35,4 6,1 27,3 3 4,9 3,3 1 ** p <.01 9,8 Stockholm Malopolska Andalusia Giving up career goals: promotion, management positions... Interviewee Partner Both χ2 = 14.05* 0 5 10 15 20 25 23,8 2,4 18,2 0,6 4,9 0 1 * p <.05 14,8 Stockholm Malopolska Andalusia Job change to facilitate the care of children or other dependent people 8,1 Interviewee Partner 0 1 2 1,7 1,4 1,4 1,3 1,5 1,8 Leave young children or other dependent people alone at home Stop working during a temporary period for care reasons Take the children and/or other dependent people with you to your work -3 -2 -1 0 1 2 3 Inmigrant parents Total Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents ** p <.01 F= 9.8** 0,9 0,7 1,2 2,4 ** p <.01 † p<0.1 F=9.7** -2 -1,5 -1 -0,5 -1 0 0,5 1 1,5 2 2,5 3 Stockholm Malopolska Andalusia 1,3 1,8 0,3 Andalusia Malopolska Stockholm 0 1,3 1,04 2,9 0 1 0,52 0,5 1 1,5 2 2,5 3 3,5 Inmigrant parents Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents 1,8 F=2.90† 3,7 F=27.2** ** p <.01 12345 Total Inmigrant parents Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents 3,2 3,8 4,7 ** p <.01 F= 21.9** 3,5 3,5 4,6 0 0,5 1 1,5 2 2,5 3 3,5 4 54,5 Stockholm Malopolska Andalusia DIVERSIA SUB-PROJECT FAMILY DIVERSITY AND RECONCILIATION STRATEGIES 96 Table 45. Personal time by region Andalusia Malopolska Stockholm F M M M Personal time Interviewee 2.68 2.26 3.7 35.3** Personal time Partner 3.22 2.89 3.8 12.03** Personal time together 2.34 2.2 2.7 3.9* * p <.05 ** p <.01 It seems interesting to comment that there were no significant differences neither in the personal time data of the interviewees, nor in their partner or joint time, taking jointly in consideration the influences of the region and family type, as shown in figure 37 and table 46. Table 46. Personal time by family type and region Single mothers Immigrant parents Two samesex parents Two heterosexual parents F M M M M Andalusia Personal time interviewee 2.60 2.10 3.10 2.80 0.06 Personal time partner --- 3.10 3.03 3.35 Personal time together --- 1.93 2.31 2.53 Malopolska Personal time interviewee 2.19 1.93 --- 2.53 0.7 Personal time partner --- 2.76 --- 2.97 Personal time together --- 1.86 --- 2.44 Stockholm Personal time interviewee --- --- 3.75 3.62 1.1 Personal time partner --- --- 3.79 3.77 Personal time together --- --- 2.55 2.51 FINAL REPORT 97 Figure 36. Differential scores for personal time by region Figure 37. Differential scores for personal time by family type and region Andalusia Malopolska Stockholm 0 3,3 33,4 4,4 4,5 0 0 12345 F= 3.05* 6 Inmigrant parents Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents * p <.05 3,5 4,8 1 2 2,9 2,9 2,7 3,3 2,4 3 4 5 Personal time together Personal time Partner Personal time interviewee -1 0 1 Inmigrant parents Total Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents ** p <.01 F = 11.1** -0,4 -0,4 0,1 0,9 ** p <.01 F = 4.7** -0,5 -0,6 -1 -0,8 -0,6 -0,4 -0,2 0 0,2 0,4 0,6 10,8 Stockholm Malopolska Andalusia -0,1 Andalusia F = 0.9 Malopolska Stockholm -2 -0,5 -1 -0,8 -0,4 -0,1 0,1 0 0,2 -1 0 1 2 Inmigrant parents Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents 3,6 3,02 F = 9.4** ** p <.01 12345 Total Inmigrant parents Two same-sex parents Single mothers Two heterosexual parents 2,9 2,3 2,8 ** p <.01 F = 25.6** 1 2 2,5 3,8 345 Stockholm Malopolska Andalusia 2,9 Andalusia Malopolska Stockholm F = 0.7 12345 2,7 2,3 2,3 Inmigrant parents Single mothers Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents 2,8 3,9 3,8 3,3 2,5 3,1 2,1 2,6 F =11.7** ** p <.01 12345 Total Inmigrant parents Two same-sex parents Single mothers Two heterosexual parents 2,6 3,4 2,6 ** p <.01 ** p <.01 F = 29. 2** 1 2 3,1 1,7 345 Stockholm Malopolska Andalusia 2,7 Andalusia Malopolska Stockholm F = 5.1** 1 1,5 2 2,5 3 3,5 4 4,5 5 3,04 3,6 3,2 Inmigrant parents Single mothers Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents 2,8 1,6 1,8 2,4 2,3 3,2 2,04 2,8 F = 16.1** ** p <.01 12345 Total Inmigrant parents Two same-sex parents Single mothers Two heterosexual parents 2,8 3,4 2,9 ** p <.01 F = 32. 7** 1 2 3,1 1,9 345 Stockholm Malopolska Andalusia 2,9 Andalusia Malopolska Stockholm F = 1. 3 1 1,5 2 2,5 3 3,5 4 4,5 5 2,9 3,6 3,2 3,2 Inmigrant parents Single mothers Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents 3,03 2,1 1,7 2,5 2,7 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 Extracurricular activities Workplace Nursery Free days for extraordinary situations Financial aid Flexible work shedule compatible with caregiving 53,7 35,4 23,8 22 17,7 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 Free days for extraordinary situations Urban camps More help from the family Flexible work shedule compatible with caregiving Financial aid 66,7 40,4 39,4 30,3 26,3 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 Extracurricular activities Free days for extraordinary situations Teleworking Part - time work Flexible work shedule compatible 61,2 35,8 29,8 28,3 23,9 5,7 5,04 F = 27.2** ** p <.01 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 Total Inmigrant parents Two same-sex parents Single mothers Two heterosexual parents 4,9 3,8 4,8 ** p <.01 ** p <.01 F = 40.8** 1 2 4,2 5,7 3 4 5 6 Stockholm Malopolska Andalusia 4,9 Andalusia Malopolska Stockholm F = 15.00** 1234567 4,4 3,3 4,3 3,8 Inmigrant parents Single mothers Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents 5,2 5,7 5,7 5,8 5,4 Andalusia Malopolska Stockholm 0 3,3 33,4 4,4 4,5 0 0 12345 F= 3.05* 6 Inmigrant parents Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents * p <.05 3,5 4,8 1 2 2,9 2,9 2,7 3,3 2,4 3 4 5 Personal time together Personal time Partner Personal time interviewee -1 0 1 Inmigrant parents Total Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents ** p <.01 F = 11.1** -0,4 -0,4 0,1 0,9 ** p <.01 F = 4.7** -0,5 -0,6 -1 -0,8 -0,6 -0,4 -0,2 0 0,2 0,4 0,6 10,8 Stockholm Malopolska Andalusia -0,1 Andalusia F = 0.9 Malopolska Stockholm -2 -0,5 -1 -0,8 -0,4 -0,1 0,1 0 0,2 -1 0 1 2 Inmigrant parents Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents 3,6 3,02 F = 9.4** ** p <.01 12345 Total Inmigrant parents Two same-sex parents Single mothers Two heterosexual parents 2,9 2,3 2,8 ** p <.01 F = 25.6** 1 2 2,5 3,8 345 Stockholm Malopolska Andalusia 2,9 Andalusia Malopolska Stockholm F = 0.7 12345 2,7 2,3 2,3 Inmigrant parents Single mothers Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents 2,8 3,9 3,8 3,3 2,5 3,1 2,1 2,6 F =11.7** ** p <.01 12345 Total Inmigrant parents Two same-sex parents Single mothers Two heterosexual parents 2,6 3,4 2,6 ** p <.01 ** p <.01 F = 29. 2** 1 2 3,1 1,7 345 Stockholm Malopolska Andalusia 2,7 Andalusia Malopolska Stockholm F = 5.1** 1 1,5 2 2,5 3 3,5 4 4,5 5 3,04 3,6 3,2 Inmigrant parents Single mothers Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents 2,8 1,6 1,8 2,4 2,3 3,2 2,04 2,8 F = 16.1** ** p <.01 12345 Total Inmigrant parents Two same-sex parents Single mothers Two heterosexual parents 2,8 3,4 2,9 ** p <.01 F = 32. 7** 1 2 3,1 1,9 345 Stockholm Malopolska Andalusia 2,9 Andalusia Malopolska Stockholm F = 1. 3 1 1,5 2 2,5 3 3,5 4 4,5 5 2,9 3,6 3,2 3,2 Inmigrant parents Single mothers Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents 3,03 2,1 1,7 2,5 2,7 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 Extracurricular activities Workplace Nursery Free days for extraordinary situations Financial aid Flexible work shedule compatible with caregiving 53,7 35,4 23,8 22 17,7 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 Free days for extraordinary situations Urban camps More help from the family Flexible work shedule compatible with caregiving Financial aid 66,7 40,4 39,4 30,3 26,3 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 Extracurricular activities Free days for extraordinary situations Teleworking Part - time work Flexible work shedule compatible 61,2 35,8 29,8 28,3 23,9 5,7 5,04 F = 27.2** ** p <.01 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 Total Inmigrant parents Two same-sex parents Single mothers Two heterosexual parents 4,9 3,8 4,8 ** p <.01 ** p <.01 F = 40.8** 1 2 4,2 5,7 3 4 5 6 Stockholm Malopolska Andalusia 4,9 Andalusia Malopolska Stockholm F = 15.00** 1234567 4,4 3,3 4,3 3,8 Inmigrant parents Single mothers Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents 5,2 5,7 5,7 5,8 5,4 DIVERSIA SUB-PROJECT FAMILY DIVERSITY AND RECONCILIATION STRATEGIES 98 To conclude this section, the level of satisfaction of the families with their personal time will be covered. As can be seen in figure 38, the total number of families interviewed expressed an average degree of satisfaction with respect to the recreational time they have. Thus, on the 1 to 5 scale, which goes from less to greater satisfaction, the average score for the families was 2.9. These results are logical when considering that the average amount of personal time is quite low. Figure 38. Satisfaction with personal time by family type As can be seen in figure 38, the information with the average satisfaction based on the type of family indicates that there are significant differences between one and another. These differences were perceptible for the higher level of satisfaction of gay/lesbian families when compared with the rest of the families. In the case of single mothers, they have a significant lower level of satisfaction with their personal time than the gay/lesbian families, but they were not different in this aspect from the other two groups of families. Moreover, there were significant differences between the lower level of satisfaction of immigrant families with respect to heterosexual and gay/lesbian families. The data about satisfaction with personal and recreational time also shows significant differences based on the type of region, as can be seen in figure 39. These differences arise from the greater satisfaction with the Andalusia Malopolska Stockholm 0 3,3 33,4 4,4 4,5 0 0 12345 F= 3.05* 6 Inmigrant parents Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents * p <.05 3,5 4,8 1 2 2,9 2,9 2,7 3,3 2,4 3 4 5 Personal time together Personal time Partner Personal time interviewee -1 0 1 Inmigrant parents Total Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents ** p <.01 F = 11.1** -0,4 -0,4 0,1 0,9 ** p <.01 F = 4.7** -0,5 -0,6 -1 -0,8 -0,6 -0,4 -0,2 0 0,2 0,4 0,6 10,8 Stockholm Malopolska Andalusia -0,1 Andalusia F = 0.9 Malopolska Stockholm -2 -0,5 -1 -0,8 -0,4 -0,1 0,1 0 0,2 -1 0 1 2 Inmigrant parents Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents 3,6 3,02 F = 9.4** ** p <.01 12345 Total Inmigrant parents Two same-sex parents Single mothers Two heterosexual parents 2,9 2,3 2,8 ** p <.01 F = 25.6** 1 2 2,5 3,8 345 Stockholm Malopolska Andalusia 2,9 Andalusia Malopolska Stockholm F = 0.7 12345 2,7 2,3 2,3 Inmigrant parents Single mothers Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents 2,8 3,9 3,8 3,3 2,5 3,1 2,1 2,6 F =11.7** ** p <.01 12345 Total Inmigrant parents Two same-sex parents Single mothers Two heterosexual parents 2,6 3,4 2,6 ** p <.01 ** p <.01 F = 29. 2** 1 2 3,1 1,7 345 Stockholm Malopolska Andalusia 2,7 Andalusia Malopolska Stockholm F = 5.1** 1 1,5 2 2,5 3 3,5 4 4,5 5 3,04 3,6 3,2 Inmigrant parents Single mothers Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents 2,8 1,6 1,8 2,4 2,3 3,2 2,04 2,8 F = 16.1** ** p <.01 12345 Total Inmigrant parents Two same-sex parents Single mothers Two heterosexual parents 2,8 3,4 2,9 ** p <.01 F = 32. 7** 1 2 3,1 1,9 345 Stockholm Malopolska Andalusia 2,9 Andalusia Malopolska Stockholm F = 1. 3 1 1,5 2 2,5 3 3,5 4 4,5 5 2,9 3,6 3,2 3,2 Inmigrant parents Single mothers Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents 3,03 2,1 1,7 2,5 2,7 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 Extracurricular activities Workplace Nursery Free days for extraordinary situations Financial aid Flexible work shedule compatible with caregiving 53,7 35,4 23,8 22 17,7 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 Free days for extraordinary situations Urban camps More help from the family Flexible work shedule compatible with caregiving Financial aid 66,7 40,4 39,4 30,3 26,3 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 Extracurricular activities Free days for extraordinary situations Teleworking Part - time work Flexible work shedule compatible 61,2 35,8 29,8 28,3 23,9 5,7 5,04 F = 27.2** ** p <.01 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 Total Inmigrant parents Two same-sex parents Single mothers Two heterosexual parents 4,9 3,8 4,8 ** p <.01 ** p <.01 F = 40.8** 1 2 4,2 5,7 3 4 5 6 Stockholm Malopolska Andalusia 4,9 Andalusia Malopolska Stockholm F = 15.00** 1234567 4,4 3,3 4,3 3,8 Inmigrant parents Single mothers Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents 5,2 5,7 5,7 5,8 5,4 FINAL REPORT 99 availability of personal and recreational time that the families from Stockholm have with respect to those from Andalusia and Malopolska, which is logical data if considering that they have more available time. Figure 39. Satisfaction with personal time by region Figure 40. Satisfaction with personal time by family type and regions Andalusia Malopolska Stockholm 0 3,3 33,4 4,4 4,5 0 0 12345 F= 3.05* 6 Inmigrant parents Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents * p <.05 3,5 4,8 1 2 2,9 2,9 2,7 3,3 2,4 3 4 5 Personal time together Personal time Partner Personal time interviewee -1 0 1 Inmigrant parents Total Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents ** p <.01 F = 11.1** -0,4 -0,4 0,1 0,9 ** p <.01 F = 4.7** -0,5 -0,6 -1 -0,8 -0,6 -0,4 -0,2 0 0,2 0,4 0,6 10,8 Stockholm Malopolska Andalusia -0,1 Andalusia F = 0.9 Malopolska Stockholm -2 -0,5 -1 -0,8 -0,4 -0,1 0,1 0 0,2 -1 0 1 2 Inmigrant parents Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents 3,6 3,02 F = 9.4** ** p <.01 12345 Total Inmigrant parents Two same-sex parents Single mothers Two heterosexual parents 2,9 2,3 2,8 ** p <.01 F = 25.6** 1 2 2,5 3,8 345 Stockholm Malopolska Andalusia 2,9 Andalusia Malopolska Stockholm F = 0.7 12345 2,7 2,3 2,3 Inmigrant parents Single mothers Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents 2,8 3,9 3,8 3,3 2,5 3,1 2,1 2,6 F =11.7** ** p <.01 12345 Total Inmigrant parents Two same-sex parents Single mothers Two heterosexual parents 2,6 3,4 2,6 ** p <.01 ** p <.01 F = 29. 2** 1 2 3,1 1,7 345 Stockholm Malopolska Andalusia 2,7 Andalusia Malopolska Stockholm F = 5.1** 1 1,5 2 2,5 3 3,5 4 4,5 5 3,04 3,6 3,2 Inmigrant parents Single mothers Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents 2,8 1,6 1,8 2,4 2,3 3,2 2,04 2,8 F = 16.1** ** p <.01 12345 Total Inmigrant parents Two same-sex parents Single mothers Two heterosexual parents 2,8 3,4 2,9 ** p <.01 F = 32. 7** 1 2 3,1 1,9 345 Stockholm Malopolska Andalusia 2,9 Andalusia Malopolska Stockholm F = 1. 3 1 1,5 2 2,5 3 3,5 4 4,5 5 2,9 3,6 3,2 3,2 Inmigrant parents Single mothers Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents 3,03 2,1 1,7 2,5 2,7 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 Extracurricular activities Workplace Nursery Free days for extraordinary situations Financial aid Flexible work shedule compatible with caregiving 53,7 35,4 23,8 22 17,7 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 Free days for extraordinary situations Urban camps More help from the family Flexible work shedule compatible with caregiving Financial aid 66,7 40,4 39,4 30,3 26,3 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 Extracurricular activities Free days for extraordinary situations Teleworking Part - time work Flexible work shedule compatible 61,2 35,8 29,8 28,3 23,9 5,7 5,04 F = 27.2** ** p <.01 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 Total Inmigrant parents Two same-sex parents Single mothers Two heterosexual parents 4,9 3,8 4,8 ** p <.01 ** p <.01 F = 40.8** 1 2 4,2 5,7 3 4 5 6 Stockholm Malopolska Andalusia 4,9 Andalusia Malopolska Stockholm F = 15.00** 1234567 4,4 3,3 4,3 3,8 Inmigrant parents Single mothers Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents 5,2 5,7 5,7 5,8 5,4 Andalusia Malopolska Stockholm 0 3,3 33,4 4,4 4,5 0 0 12345 F= 3.05* 6 Inmigrant parents Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents * p <.05 3,5 4,8 1 2 2,9 2,9 2,7 3,3 2,4 3 4 5 Personal time together Personal time Partner Personal time interviewee -1 0 1 Inmigrant parents Total Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents ** p <.01 F = 11.1** -0,4 -0,4 0,1 0,9 ** p <.01 F = 4.7** -0,5 -0,6 -1 -0,8 -0,6 -0,4 -0,2 0 0,2 0,4 0,6 10,8 Stockholm Malopolska Andalusia -0,1 Andalusia F = 0.9 Malopolska Stockholm -2 -0,5 -1 -0,8 -0,4 -0,1 0,1 0 0,2 -1 0 1 2 Inmigrant parents Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents 3,6 3,02 F = 9.4** ** p <.01 12345 Total Inmigrant parents Two same-sex parents Single mothers Two heterosexual parents 2,9 2,3 2,8 ** p <.01 F = 25.6** 1 2 2,5 3,8 345 Stockholm Malopolska Andalusia 2,9 Andalusia Malopolska Stockholm F = 0.7 12345 2,7 2,3 2,3 Inmigrant parents Single mothers Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents 2,8 3,9 3,8 3,3 2,5 3,1 2,1 2,6 F =11.7** ** p <.01 12345 Total Inmigrant parents Two same-sex parents Single mothers Two heterosexual parents 2,6 3,4 2,6 ** p <.01 ** p <.01 F = 29. 2** 1 2 3,1 1,7 345 Stockholm Malopolska Andalusia 2,7 Andalusia Malopolska Stockholm F = 5.1** 1 1,5 2 2,5 3 3,5 4 4,5 5 3,04 3,6 3,2 Inmigrant parents Single mothers Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents 2,8 1,6 1,8 2,4 2,3 3,2 2,04 2,8 F = 16.1** ** p <.01 12345 Total Inmigrant parents Two same-sex parents Single mothers Two heterosexual parents 2,8 3,4 2,9 ** p <.01 F = 32. 7** 1 2 3,1 1,9 345 Stockholm Malopolska Andalusia 2,9 Andalusia Malopolska Stockholm F = 1. 3 1 1,5 2 2,5 3 3,5 4 4,5 5 2,9 3,6 3,2 3,2 Inmigrant parents Single mothers Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents 3,03 2,1 1,7 2,5 2,7 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 Extracurricular activities Workplace Nursery Free days for extraordinary situations Financial aid Flexible work shedule compatible with caregiving 53,7 35,4 23,8 22 17,7 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 Free days for extraordinary situations Urban camps More help from the family Flexible work shedule compatible with caregiving Financial aid 66,7 40,4 39,4 30,3 26,3 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 Extracurricular activities Free days for extraordinary situations Teleworking Part - time work Flexible work shedule compatible 61,2 35,8 29,8 28,3 23,9 5,7 5,04 F = 27.2** ** p <.01 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 Total Inmigrant parents Two same-sex parents Single mothers Two heterosexual parents 4,9 3,8 4,8 ** p <.01 ** p <.01 F = 40.8** 1 2 4,2 5,7 3 4 5 6 Stockholm Malopolska Andalusia 4,9 Andalusia Malopolska Stockholm F = 15.00** 1234567 4,4 3,3 4,3 3,8 Inmigrant parents Single mothers Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents 5,2 5,7 5,7 5,8 5,4 DIVERSIA SUB-PROJECT FAMILY DIVERSITY AND RECONCILIATION STRATEGIES FINAL REPORT 100 Congruent with the results obtained when cross-referencing personal time (differential scores) based on the type of family and region, there were also significant differences in the satisfaction with personal time when the joint influence of the family type and the region was analysed. This can be observed in figure 40 and is congruent with the data obtained with the differential score in personal time. 4.2.7. General remarks about reconciliation After having analyzed the main aspects relative to family reconciliation of family, personal and career life, it is interesting to note the broad perception that families have of their reconciliation problems. Moreover, they were asked to note their main problems, and above all, to offer suggestions in terms of measures to improve their situation. To start with, the perception of the actual families about their problems of reconciliation will be reviewed. As shown in figure 41, the average obtained (2.6) on the scale from “1: I have no problems to reconcile” to “5: I frequently have problems,” indicates that the families interviewed have a medium-low perception of reconciliation problems. Figure 41. Global perception of reconciliation problems by family type Andalusia Malopolska Stockholm 0 3,3 33,4 4,4 4,5 0 0 12345 F= 3.05* 6 Inmigrant parents Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents * p <.05 3,5 4,8 1 2 2,9 2,9 2,7 3,3 2,4 3 4 5 Personal time together Personal time Partner Personal time interviewee -1 0 1 Inmigrant parents Total Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents ** p <.01 F = 11.1** -0,4 -0,4 0,1 0,9 ** p <.01 F = 4.7** -0,5 -0,6 -1 -0,8 -0,6 -0,4 -0,2 0 0,2 0,4 0,6 10,8 Stockholm Malopolska Andalusia -0,1 Andalusia F = 0.9 Malopolska Stockholm -2 -0,5 -1 -0,8 -0,4 -0,1 0,1 0 0,2 -1 0 1 2 Inmigrant parents Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents 3,6 3,02 F = 9.4** ** p <.01 12345 Total Inmigrant parents Two same-sex parents Single mothers Two heterosexual parents 2,9 2,3 2,8 ** p <.01 F = 25.6** 1 2 2,5 3,8 345 Stockholm Malopolska Andalusia 2,9 Andalusia Malopolska Stockholm F = 0.7 12345 2,7 2,3 2,3 Inmigrant parents Single mothers Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents 2,8 3,9 3,8 3,3 2,5 3,1 2,1 2,6 F =11.7** ** p <.01 12345 Total Inmigrant parents Two same-sex parents Single mothers Two heterosexual parents 2,6 3,4 2,6 ** p <.01 ** p <.01 F = 29. 2** 1 2 3,1 1,7 345 Stockholm Malopolska Andalusia 2,7 Andalusia Malopolska Stockholm F = 5.1** 1 1,5 2 2,5 3 3,5 4 4,5 5 3,04 3,6 3,2 Inmigrant parents Single mothers Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents 2,8 1,6 1,8 2,4 2,3 3,2 2,04 2,8 F = 16.1** ** p <.01 12345 Total Inmigrant parents Two same-sex parents Single mothers Two heterosexual parents 2,8 3,4 2,9 ** p <.01 F = 32. 7** 1 2 3,1 1,9 345 Stockholm Malopolska Andalusia 2,9 Andalusia Malopolska Stockholm F = 1. 3 1 1,5 2 2,5 3 3,5 4 4,5 5 2,9 3,6 3,2 3,2 Inmigrant parents Single mothers Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents 3,03 2,1 1,7 2,5 2,7 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 Extracurricular activities Workplace Nursery Free days for extraordinary situations Financial aid Flexible work shedule compatible with caregiving 53,7 35,4 23,8 22 17,7 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 Free days for extraordinary situations Urban camps More help from the family Flexible work shedule compatible with caregiving Financial aid 66,7 40,4 39,4 30,3 26,3 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 Extracurricular activities Free days for extraordinary situations Teleworking Part - time work Flexible work shedule compatible 61,2 35,8 29,8 28,3 23,9 5,7 5,04 F = 27.2** ** p <.01 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 Total Inmigrant parents Two same-sex parents Single mothers Two heterosexual parents 4,9 3,8 4,8 ** p <.01 ** p <.01 F = 40.8** 1 2 4,2 5,7 3 4 5 6 Stockholm Malopolska Andalusia 4,9 Andalusia Malopolska Stockholm F = 15.00** 1234567 4,4 3,3 4,3 3,8 Inmigrant parents Single mothers Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents 5,2 5,7 5,7 5,8 5,4 DIVERSIA SUB-PROJECT FAMILY DIVERSITY AND RECONCILIATION STRATEGIES FINAL REPORT 101 If this variable is also analysed—based on the family type—figure 41 shows that there are significant differences. These differences were frequently denoted by a greater perception of reconciliation problems that immigrant families had in comparison with all other families and a lesser perception of reconciliation problems in gay/lesbian families. There were no statistical differences between the average perception of single mothers and heterosexual families. The information for the perception of reconciliation problems also shows significant differences based on the region, as shown in figure 42. These differences were due to the greater perception of problems that families from Malopolska see with respect to families from Andalusia and those of Stockholm, who perceive reconciliation problems to a much lesser extent, generically speaking. Figure 42. Global perception of reconciliation problems by region There were significant differences when analyzing the information for this variable, taking into consideration jointly the region and the type of family, as can be seen in figure 43. To understand these differences, how this variable behaves for each region depending on the type of family, was explored. In this sense, the differences were denoted by the following aspects: while in Malopolska and Stockholm there were no significant differences between one family type and another, in Andalusia there were clear differences, denoted by the greater perception of reconciliation problems that immigrant families had with respect to gay/lesbian, heterosexual and single mother families. Andalusia Malopolska Stockholm 0 3,3 33,4 4,4 4,5 0 0 12345 F= 3.05* 6 Inmigrant parents Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents * p <.05 3,5 4,8 1 2 2,9 2,9 2,7 3,3 2,4 3 4 5 Personal time together Personal time Partner Personal time interviewee -1 0 1 Inmigrant parents Total Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents ** p <.01 F = 11.1** -0,4 -0,4 0,1 0,9 ** p <.01 F = 4.7** -0,5 -0,6 -1 -0,8 -0,6 -0,4 -0,2 0 0,2 0,4 0,6 10,8 Stockholm Malopolska Andalusia -0,1 Andalusia F = 0.9 Malopolska Stockholm -2 -0,5 -1 -0,8 -0,4 -0,1 0,1 0 0,2 -1 0 1 2 Inmigrant parents Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents 3,6 3,02 F = 9.4** ** p <.01 12345 Total Inmigrant parents Two same-sex parents Single mothers Two heterosexual parents 2,9 2,3 2,8 ** p <.01 F = 25.6** 1 2 2,5 3,8 345 Stockholm Malopolska Andalusia 2,9 Andalusia Malopolska Stockholm F = 0.7 12345 2,7 2,3 2,3 Inmigrant parents Single mothers Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents 2,8 3,9 3,8 3,3 2,5 3,1 2,1 2,6 F =11.7** ** p <.01 12345 Total Inmigrant parents Two same-sex parents Single mothers Two heterosexual parents 2,6 3,4 2,6 ** p <.01 ** p <.01 F = 29. 2** 1 2 3,1 1,7 345 Stockholm Malopolska Andalusia 2,7 Andalusia Malopolska Stockholm F = 5.1** 1 1,5 2 2,5 3 3,5 4 4,5 5 3,04 3,6 3,2 Inmigrant parents Single mothers Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents 2,8 1,6 1,8 2,4 2,3 3,2 2,04 2,8 F = 16.1** ** p <.01 12345 Total Inmigrant parents Two same-sex parents Single mothers Two heterosexual parents 2,8 3,4 2,9 ** p <.01 F = 32. 7** 1 2 3,1 1,9 345 Stockholm Malopolska Andalusia 2,9 Andalusia Malopolska Stockholm F = 1. 3 1 1,5 2 2,5 3 3,5 4 4,5 5 2,9 3,6 3,2 3,2 Inmigrant parents Single mothers Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents 3,03 2,1 1,7 2,5 2,7 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 Extracurricular activities Workplace Nursery Free days for extraordinary situations Financial aid Flexible work shedule compatible with caregiving 53,7 35,4 23,8 22 17,7 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 Free days for extraordinary situations Urban camps More help from the family Flexible work shedule compatible with caregiving Financial aid 66,7 40,4 39,4 30,3 26,3 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 Extracurricular activities Free days for extraordinary situations Teleworking Part - time work Flexible work shedule compatible 61,2 35,8 29,8 28,3 23,9 5,7 5,04 F = 27.2** ** p <.01 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 Total Inmigrant parents Two same-sex parents Single mothers Two heterosexual parents 4,9 3,8 4,8 ** p <.01 ** p <.01 F = 40.8** 1 2 4,2 5,7 3 4 5 6 Stockholm Malopolska Andalusia 4,9 Andalusia Malopolska Stockholm F = 15.00** 1234567 4,4 3,3 4,3 3,8 Inmigrant parents Single mothers Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents 5,2 5,7 5,7 5,8 5,4 DIVERSIA SUB-PROJECT FAMILY DIVERSITY AND RECONCILIATION STRATEGIES 102 Figure 43. Global perception of reconciliation problems by family type and region More than the generic perception of the problems, specific reconciliation problems that the families mentioned spontaneously will be covered in this section. The dynamics of the analysis followed to date has changed, as it is believed that this section is more interesting in the light of the conclusions and recommendations. First, the most frequent problems found in the total sample were studied, and later, the five most frequent problems of the families in each region. In this particular case, the differences based on the family type were studied in depth, as it seemed extremely relevant for the recommendations. As observed in table 47, lack of personal time is the most referred to problem by the interviewees, followed by incompatibility of work hours to care for the children, and the sensation of being overwhelmed by the task. This same table indicates, in order of frequency, the rest of the problems referred to by the families interviewed. Andalusia Malopolska Stockholm 0 3,3 33,4 4,4 4,5 0 0 12345 F= 3.05* 6 Inmigrant parents Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents * p <.05 3,5 4,8 1 2 2,9 2,9 2,7 3,3 2,4 3 4 5 Personal time together Personal time Partner Personal time interviewee -1 0 1 Inmigrant parents Total Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents ** p <.01 F = 11.1** -0,4 -0,4 0,1 0,9 ** p <.01 F = 4.7** -0,5 -0,6 -1 -0,8 -0,6 -0,4 -0,2 0 0,2 0,4 0,6 10,8 Stockholm Malopolska Andalusia -0,1 Andalusia F = 0.9 Malopolska Stockholm -2 -0,5 -1 -0,8 -0,4 -0,1 0,1 0 0,2 -1 0 1 2 Inmigrant parents Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents 3,6 3,02 F = 9.4** ** p <.01 12345 Total Inmigrant parents Two same-sex parents Single mothers Two heterosexual parents 2,9 2,3 2,8 ** p <.01 F = 25.6** 1 2 2,5 3,8 345 Stockholm Malopolska Andalusia 2,9 Andalusia Malopolska Stockholm F = 0.7 12345 2,7 2,3 2,3 Inmigrant parents Single mothers Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents 2,8 3,9 3,8 3,3 2,5 3,1 2,1 2,6 F =11.7** ** p <.01 12345 Total Inmigrant parents Two same-sex parents Single mothers Two heterosexual parents 2,6 3,4 2,6 ** p <.01 ** p <.01 F = 29. 2** 1 2 3,1 1,7 345 Stockholm Malopolska Andalusia 2,7 Andalusia Malopolska Stockholm F = 5.1** 1 1,5 2 2,5 3 3,5 4 4,5 5 3,04 3,6 3,2 Inmigrant parents Single mothers Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents 2,8 1,6 1,8 2,4 2,3 3,2 2,04 2,8 F = 16.1** ** p <.01 12345 Total Inmigrant parents Two same-sex parents Single mothers Two heterosexual parents 2,8 3,4 2,9 ** p <.01 F = 32. 7** 1 2 3,1 1,9 345 Stockholm Malopolska Andalusia 2,9 Andalusia Malopolska Stockholm F = 1. 3 1 1,5 2 2,5 3 3,5 4 4,5 5 2,9 3,6 3,2 3,2 Inmigrant parents Single mothers Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents 3,03 2,1 1,7 2,5 2,7 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 Extracurricular activities Workplace Nursery Free days for extraordinary situations Financial aid Flexible work shedule compatible with caregiving 53,7 35,4 23,8 22 17,7 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 Free days for extraordinary situations Urban camps More help from the family Flexible work shedule compatible with caregiving Financial aid 66,7 40,4 39,4 30,3 26,3 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 Extracurricular activities Free days for extraordinary situations Teleworking Part - time work Flexible work shedule compatible 61,2 35,8 29,8 28,3 23,9 5,7 5,04 F = 27.2** ** p <.01 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 Total Inmigrant parents Two same-sex parents Single mothers Two heterosexual parents 4,9 3,8 4,8 ** p <.01 ** p <.01 F = 40.8** 1 2 4,2 5,7 3 4 5 6 Stockholm Malopolska Andalusia 4,9 Andalusia Malopolska Stockholm F = 15.00** 1234567 4,4 3,3 4,3 3,8 Inmigrant parents Single mothers Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents 5,2 5,7 5,7 5,8 5,4 FINAL REPORT 103 Table 47. Main reconciliation problems % Lack of personal time 44.9 Incompatibility of work hours with school hours 33.2 Sense of being overwhelmed 31.4 Lack of care resources for children during extraordinary situations, summer and other school holidays. 30.6 Lack of family support network 18.1 Lack of co-responsibility from partner 12.5 High costs of care resources 12.5 Distance home-workplace-school 12.9 The five most frequent problems per region are stated in tables 48 (Andalusia), 49 (Malopolska) and 50 (Stockholm). As can be seen, and following the logic of the generic information, the main problem in the three regions, individually, continues to be a lack of personal time. The second of these problems, in the case of Andalusia, corresponds to lack of care resources for children during extraordinary situations, the summer and other school holidays, followed by incompatibility of work hours to care for the children. In the case of Malopolska, as shown in table 49, the second problem is the sensation of being overwhelmed and the third is lack of care resources for children during extraordinary situations, the summer and other school holidays. Table 48. Main reconciliation problems by region (Andalusia) Andalusia % Lack of personal time 33.5 Lack of care resources for children during extraordinary situations, the summer and other school holidays 32.3 Incompatibility of work hours with school hours 31.7 Sense of being overwhelmed 22.6 Lack of family support network 12.8 Lack of co-responsibility from partner 12.8 DIVERSIA SUB-PROJECT FAMILY DIVERSITY AND RECONCILIATION STRATEGIES 104 Table 49. Main reconciliation problems by region (Malopolska) Malopolska % Lack of personal time 63.6 Sense of being overwhelmed 48.5 Lack of care resources for children during extraordinary situations, the summer and other school holidays 42.4 Incompatibility of work hours with school hours 34.3 Lack of a family support network 28.3 Lastly, in the case of Stockholm, and considering the very low percentage of families that mentioned some type of reconciliation problems, these were the incompatibility of work hours, lack of care resources for children during extraordinary situations, the summer and other school holidays and sense of being overwhelmed. Table 50. Main reconciliation problems by region (Stockholm) Stockholm % Lack of personal time 16.42 Lack of care resources for children during extraordinary situations, the summer and other school holidays 9 Sense of being overwhelmed 7.5 Distance home-workplace-school 7.5 Lack of a family support network 4.5 In the interview, a question was included to measure the sensation of being overwhelmed. This question was especially interesting as one of the problems mentioned by the families in all three countries is precisely the sensation of being overwhelmed with daily responsibilities. FINAL REPORT 105 The interviewee must place him/herself, thinking about facing daily responsibilities, on a scale that went from “1: without difficulties, relaxed” to “5: With many difficulties, overwhelmed”. The results, as expressed in figure 44, show that the families interviewed have an average perception of being overwhelmed as shown by an average score of 2.8. Figure 44. Sense of being overwhelmed by all daily responsibilities by family type Considering the differences based on family type, it will be seen that there are significant differences in the sensation of being overwhelmed (figure 44). As expected, these differences were strongly denoted by a greater sensation of feeling overwhelmed in the case of immigrant families over other families and a lesser sensation of being overwhelmed in the case of gay/lesbian families. The results of the comparisons by regions show that there are also significant differences between these, as can be seen in figure 45. These differences were due to a lesser sensation of being overwhelmed shown by families from Stockholm in comparison with families from Andalusia and from Malopolska. When jointly considering family types and regions, in terms of the sensation of feeling overwhelmed, no significant differences were found among the three regions when considering the types of families (figure 46). Andalusia Malopolska Stockholm 0 3,3 33,4 4,4 4,5 0 0 12345 F= 3.05* 6 Inmigrant parents Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents * p <.05 3,5 4,8 1 2 2,9 2,9 2,7 3,3 2,4 3 4 5 Personal time together Personal time Partner Personal time interviewee -1 0 1 Inmigrant parents Total Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents ** p <.01 F = 11.1** -0,4 -0,4 0,1 0,9 ** p <.01 F = 4.7** -0,5 -0,6 -1 -0,8 -0,6 -0,4 -0,2 0 0,2 0,4 0,6 10,8 Stockholm Malopolska Andalusia -0,1 Andalusia F = 0.9 Malopolska Stockholm -2 -0,5 -1 -0,8 -0,4 -0,1 0,1 0 0,2 -1 0 1 2 Inmigrant parents Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents 3,6 3,02 F = 9.4** ** p <.01 12345 Total Inmigrant parents Two same-sex parents Single mothers Two heterosexual parents 2,9 2,3 2,8 ** p <.01 F = 25.6** 1 2 2,5 3,8 345 Stockholm Malopolska Andalusia 2,9 Andalusia Malopolska Stockholm F = 0.7 12345 2,7 2,3 2,3 Inmigrant parents Single mothers Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents 2,8 3,9 3,8 3,3 2,5 3,1 2,1 2,6 F =11.7** ** p <.01 12345 Total Inmigrant parents Two same-sex parents Single mothers Two heterosexual parents 2,6 3,4 2,6 ** p <.01 ** p <.01 F = 29. 2** 1 2 3,1 1,7 345 Stockholm Malopolska Andalusia 2,7 Andalusia Malopolska Stockholm F = 5.1** 1 1,5 2 2,5 3 3,5 4 4,5 5 3,04 3,6 3,2 Inmigrant parents Single mothers Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents 2,8 1,6 1,8 2,4 2,3 3,2 2,04 2,8 F = 16.1** ** p <.01 12345 Total Inmigrant parents Two same-sex parents Single mothers Two heterosexual parents 2,8 3,4 2,9 ** p <.01 F = 32. 7** 1 2 3,1 1,9 345 Stockholm Malopolska Andalusia 2,9 Andalusia Malopolska Stockholm F = 1. 3 1 1,5 2 2,5 3 3,5 4 4,5 5 2,9 3,6 3,2 3,2 Inmigrant parents Single mothers Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents 3,03 2,1 1,7 2,5 2,7 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 Extracurricular activities Workplace Nursery Free days for extraordinary situations Financial aid Flexible work shedule compatible with caregiving 53,7 35,4 23,8 22 17,7 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 Free days for extraordinary situations Urban camps More help from the family Flexible work shedule compatible with caregiving Financial aid 66,7 40,4 39,4 30,3 26,3 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 Extracurricular activities Free days for extraordinary situations Teleworking Part - time work Flexible work shedule compatible 61,2 35,8 29,8 28,3 23,9 5,7 5,04 F = 27.2** ** p <.01 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 Total Inmigrant parents Two same-sex parents Single mothers Two heterosexual parents 4,9 3,8 4,8 ** p <.01 ** p <.01 F = 40.8** 1 2 4,2 5,7 3 4 5 6 Stockholm Malopolska Andalusia 4,9 Andalusia Malopolska Stockholm F = 15.00** 1234567 4,4 3,3 4,3 3,8 Inmigrant parents Single mothers Two same-sex parents Two heterosexual parents 5,2 5,7 5,7 5,8 5,4 DIVERSIA SUB-PROJECT FAMILY DIVERSITY AND RECONCILIATION STRATEGIES 112 The study also sought to answer if the life satisfaction level shown by the interviewees was linked to the assessment they had made throughout the interview for the various aspects related to reconciliation: perception of difficulties when caring for children; work-related stress; satisfaction with resources to care for children; satisfaction with the distribution of domestic chores and satisfaction with personal and recreational time. To see whether or not there was a relationship among these variables, a correlation matrix was created. These results are shown on table 52. Table 52. Correlations between life satisfaction and several reconciliation measures Perception of children care difficulties Work-related Stress Children Care Resources Satisfaction Company Reconciliation Measures Satisfaction Distribution of Domestic Chores Satisfaction Personal Time Satisfaction Satisfaction with Life -0.49** -0.31** 0.44** 0.38** 0.51** 0.48** ** p <.01 As shown in table 52, the life satisfaction score negatively correlated with the perception of difficulty in caring for the children and with work-related stress. These results imply that the life satisfaction perceived by the interviewees decreased when the families perceive more difficulties when it came to facing the care of children and when there was greater work-related stress. On the contrary, life satisfaction increased when there was greater satisfaction with the resources for child care, with the reconciliation measures provided by employers, with the distribution of domestic chores and with personal or recreational time. A multiple lineal regression analysis was performed with most of these variables over the life satisfaction perceived as the dependent variable. In the initial analyses, the variable satisfaction with the distribution of domestic chores was not included because the entire sample was included and this variable would exclude the single mother families. Regression analysis informs of the joint influence of several independent variables over the dependent variable. These analyses also informed about the degree to which each independent variable determined the variation in the level of life satisfaction (dependent variable), following step-wise procedures. FINAL REPORT 113 The program excluded the work-related stress from the equation and included the following variables in the equation in the following order in four steps: satisfaction with personal or recreational time, satisfaction with child care resources, difficulties in caring for the children and satisfaction with the reconciliation measures offered by the employer. Table 53 shows the determination coefficient (R square), which indicates that when taken together, the four independent variables included in the analysis explain a 46% variance of the dependent variable for “life satisfaction”. The regression model was statistically highly significant [F(4,287)= 62,65**], as was the relationship between each predictable variable and the independent variable (value t). Upon looking at the sign of the Beta value, life satisfaction increased at the same time as the satisfaction with personal time, with child care resources and with on-the-job reconciliation measures and decreased simultaneously as the perceived difficulties caring for the children increased. Table 53. Regression analysis without the satisfaction with domestic tasks distribution Not Standardized Coefficient βt-values R2R2 change (Constant) 3.06 9.14** Satisfaction with Personal Time 0.29 0.29 5.88** 0.28 0.28 Satisfaction with Children Care Resources 0.29 0.26 5.64** 0.39 0.10 Perception of Children Care Difficulties -0.24 -0.23 -4.51** 0.44 0.05 Satisfaction with Company Reconciliation Measures 0.18 0.17 3.60** 0.46 0.02 ** p <.01 Due to the high correlation found between life satisfaction and satisfaction with the distribution of domestic chores, it was decided to perform a new regression equation to include all of the above, but also adding this latter variable as independent. In this case, single mothers could not be included in the analysis. Table 54 shows the indexes of that regression equation. The regression equation included the following variables, in the following order, in five steps: satisfaction with personal time, satisfaction with child care resources, satisfaction with the distribution of domestic chores, satisfaction with the reconciliation measures offered by the companies and difficulties caring for the children. Once again, the regression equation forsook the variable for work-related stress. As observed in table 53, DIVERSIA SUB-PROJECT FAMILY DIVERSITY AND RECONCILIATION STRATEGIES 114 the determination coefficient (R square) indicates that taken together, the five independent variables included in the analysis explain 54% of the dependent variable “life satisfaction” variance. The regression model was statistically highly significant [F(5,222)= 52,10**], as well as the relationship between the predictable variable and the independent variable in all cases (value t). When looking at the signs for the Beta value, life satisfaction increased at the same time as the satisfaction with personal time, with child care resources, with the distribution of domestic chores and with on-the-job reconciliation measures and decreased in the measure that the perceived difficulties caring for the children increased. Table 54. Regression analysis including the satisfaction with domestic tasks distribution Not Standardized Coefficient βt-values R2R2 change (Constant) 2.26 6** Satisfaction with Personal Time 0.15 0.15 2.56* 0.29 0.29 Satisfaction with Children Care Resources 0.24 0.22 4.45** 0.38 0.09 Satisfaction with the Domestic tasks Distribution 0.34 0.28 5.39** 0.46 0.07 Satisfaction with Company Reconciliation Measures 0.23 0.21 4.27** 0.50 0.04 Perception of Children Care Difficulties -0.23 -0.21 -4.01** 0.54 0.03 * p <.05 ** p <.01 4.3. Conclusions and Discussion This section--which discusses the data obtained and establishes the conclusions--will revolve around the main objectives proposed at the start of the report. Due to this, reconciliation in the various new family models as drawn from the data has drawn will be discussed, followed by the differences found in reconciliation matters and family diversity among the regions included in the study. This will be followed by how these aspects relate to the psychological well-being perceived by those interviewed. 4.3.1. Native heterosexual families: men are involved in family life, but not equally This analysis begins with the most traditional of the families in terms of its structure and origin: two parents, heterosexual and from the native population. In these families, nevertheless, both parents worked outside the FINAL REPORT 115 home and that fact introduced a substantial change with regards to the patriarchal model. It was expected that this circumstance would close the gap in terms of the roles performed by men and women, not only in their professional life, but also within the scope of family and personal life. The data indicates that although women continue to perform most domestic chores and child care, there are an ever growing number of men involved in these tasks, as the interviewees stated. This data confirms the results obtained by periodic surveys about how men and women use their time, which indicate that the gap between the amount of time that women and men spend on domestic chores and care is decreasing. In the case of Spain, for example, the data indicates that between 2003 and 2010, the difference in time dedicated to such tasks decreased by 41 minutes in this seven year span (INE, 2010). Despite these advances, this data shows that the pattern of involvement in family life by men and women is still not equal: the amount of time that men spend on domestic chores and child care continues to be clearly inferior to that the amount spent by the women in these families. These results are coherent with what has been found in other research into the involvement of women and men in domestic chores and child care (Bianchi, Milkie, Sayer and Robinson, 2000; Craig, 2006; Meil, 2005; Tobío, 2005). It confirms that although a firm step forward is being taken towards co-responsibility, equality has not yet been reached. It is the opinion of these authors, the differences would be even more noticeable if, rather than measuring “chores” performed by one or the other, the amount of time invested in these chores was measured, because there are some tasks that demand a certain degree of diligence (taking the children to school, for example) while others require a greater investment of time (helping with homework, for example). In fact, the aforementioned survey of time uses (INE, 2010) clearly stated that despite the reduction of the gap in the proven amount of time of time dedicated to household chores, women continued to spend two and a quarter hours more than the men on family and domestic chores daily. An identical differential pattern of temporary dedication of men and women to unpaid work (domestic and care), were found by Gálvez-Muñoz et al. (2011) in their analysis of 15 European countries, including Spain, Poland and Sweden, but with some differences between then that will be approached later. To have a complete perspective of the reality of reconciliation in these families, it is advisable to introduce other points of view. Among these was that of time spent at work. The data in this study indicates that in these families, men spent significantly more hours at work than their wives and that they were much less likely to work a standard workday. Moreover, this study reveals that only in very exceptional circumstances did men DIVERSIA SUB-PROJECT FAMILY DIVERSITY AND RECONCILIATION STRATEGIES 116 deicide to temporarily giving up work, change jobs or reject a promotion for family reasons. However, based on the careers of their wives, it can be deduced that these women have a greater commitment with reconciliation: shorter working days and in a considerable percentage of cases they temporarily left the workforce, changed jobs or gave up a career promotion to attend to family obligations. Therefore, it was found that in these couples, a high percentage of men had retained a traditional masculine working pattern, even though their wives had entered into the labour market. The wives, however, appear to have opted for a working pattern that is more reconcilable with their family responsibilities. To complete the picture of reconciliation in these native heterosexual families, when analyzing personal time, it was found that the women interviewed were less likely to enjoy free time than their partners. Therefore, in these families, although a change can be seen with regards to traditional role models, this study can only conclude that the reconciliation efforts are unequal between the two members of the couple. For the most part, it is women who adapt in terms of their dedication or time spent at work. It is women who are more involved in caring for the children and in performing domestic chores and who, to be able to do all the above, give up a large amount of their personal time. The men, however, still maintain a rather traditional pattern in terms of their career dedication and only partially include domestic and care activities in their agenda, while at the same time, retain their personal time. Therefore, it can be concluded, as Craig (2006) stated, that the fact that the women have “masculinized” their work patterns (and we have seen that this is not exactly the case), the consequence of this has not been that the men have “feminized” their care patterns, nor have women “masculinized” theirs. It is understood that “care,” in this case, is not only of the care of others but also for themselves. In any case, it must be noted that when studying the internal diversity within these families, depending on the region of origin, certainly different reconciliation patterns were found: Swedish heterosexual couples showed a clearly more equal pattern when compared with those of the other two regions studied. In fact, there were hardly any differences between the members of heterosexual couples from Stockholm when it came to performing domestic or care-related activities or in the personal time available, while these differences were notable in Andalusia and Malopolska. Those differential data are coherent with the ones obtained by GálvezMuñoz, et al. (2011) in their analysis of the similarities and differences between men and women in their total work (paid and non-paid care work): Swedish members of the heterosexual couples showed less differences between then than Polish and Spanish ones. FINAL REPORT 117 4.3.2. Immigrant heterosexual families: the more traditional gender role patterns and less access to reconciliation resources at the work place As established in the initial format of this study, the analysis of reconciliation within heterosexual immigrant families was carried out with families of foreign origin residing in Andalusia and Malopolska--all these being first generation immigrants. These families were characterized by having the lowest levels of education and working without a contract. This fact that was particularly prominent in the Andalusian sample (almost four out of every ten). In these families, traditional patterns were found in terms of household chores undertaken women. Undoubtedly, in these families, there were reconciliation tensions, which were suffered almost exclusively by the women. It was the women who undertook most of the child care tasks; in this case, the data were comparable to those of single mothers. In other words, they take as much responsibility for the care of their children as do those who do not have a partner; it is as if this was a task for which they were sole responsible. Therefore, it is not surprising that these women perceive the most difficulties when it comes to the task of child care or that in this perception is closer to that of single mothers than of mothers with a partner. In these families, a similar pattern was found in the allotment of household tasks: the couples are less equalitarian as they showed a less balanced distribution of tasks. Moreover, it must be remembered that the measurement of the domestic tasks in this study did not take into account whether the time and effort spent on each task was the same one or not, but rather whether, at any time during the week, the said chore was performed by each person. If the measurement in this study had been sensitive to those other parameters, the differences may have been even greater in these families. It is quite understandable that it is the mothers who show less satisfaction with the allotment of household tasks within the couple. It must be added, along these same lines, that it was also in these families that were found to have the greatest difference in the personal time available to both partners. Immigrant mothers not only stated that they had less personal time than other mothers interviewed, but also, they perceived more difference between the personal time available to them and the amount of time available to their partners. It is not surprising, therefore, that they were also the most unsatisfied in this regard. Out of the entire sample, it was the immigrant mothers interviewed who were the more likely to have left the workforce at a given point in their lives to take care of their children, or who, for those same reasons, changed DIVERSIA SUB-PROJECT FAMILY DIVERSITY AND RECONCILIATION STRATEGIES 118 jobs or forsook a possible career promotion. The percentage in which their partners used these same strategies was, however, insignificant. These deeply patriarchal patterns for the distribution of responsibilities and the time dedicated to these tasks in the immigrant couples are possibly related to those patterns found the societies and cultures where these immigrant families originated. It could be that at this level, what happens coincides with what has already been verified in the case of fertility patterns in immigrant women, who straddle the fence between their countries of origin and the countries where they are living (Monllor & Gómez, 2004; Toulemon, 2004). Another particularly relevant aspect with regards to the life of immigrant families is related to the resources they use for reconciliation. Starting with resources provided at their place of work, these mothers state that they have less possibility to take advantage of measures such as flexible working hours, extended maternity leave, leave of absence or reduced hours for breast feeding; therefore, they use these resources less. It is more than probable that this fact should be directly linked to the fact that these women have more precarious labor conditions. It must be remembered that a high percentage of immigrant mothers work without a contract. This was particularly true in the Andalusian sample; consequently, they lacked the benefits associated with a legal contract, including aspects that facilitate reconciliation. It is not surprising that these same women expressed less satisfaction with the resources provided by the firm where they worked and stated that they experience more stress at work. Based on the information provided in this section, no-one would find it unusual that the immigrant mothers interviewed were those who stated they had more problems with reconciliation, they felt more overwhelmed by their daily responsibilities and they were less satisfied with life. It must be added that the immigrant families interviewed showed virtually no differences in their reconciliation patterns when comparing residents in Andalusia and in Malopolska. It is a shame that there is no comparable data from Stockholm, which would have allowed a more complete picture of the reconciliation patterns to be drawn. The data contributed by the Swedish regional report, with regards to second and third generation immigrant families, clearly shows that these immigrant families have take on the equalitarian patterns of the native population, which is a positive sign of hope. 4.3.3. Two same-sex parent families: reconciliation from a joint responsibility of the couple This project studied same-sex parent families in the regions of Stockholm and Andalusia. If one aspect characterized homosexual families in both regions, it was the co-responsibility with which both members FINAL REPORT 119 of the couple accepted the tasks and tensions of reconciliation in terms of their professional, family and personal lives. As seen throughout the results, it was these families who presented a more equal pattern when it came to caring for the children, both on a daily basis, as well as in extraordinary situations. It is therefore not surprising that it is these couples who perceived fewer problems in the tasks of child care. In the same way, these families presented less difference in the number of domestic tasks carried out by each member of the couple and, due to all of this fact, these families demonstrated the greatest satisfaction with the allotment of household tasks. It was a similar scenario when it came to how they enjoyed their free time. Members of homosexual couples stated that they enjoyed more time for themselves, in comparison with all other participants interviewed. Also in this regard, these couples were the most equalitarian, since they were the only ones who enjoyed an equal amount of free time. Due to all of this, it was the homosexuals interviewed--almost all lesbian mothers--who were by far more satisfied with the personal time available to them. Homosexual families were not only equalitarian in their family and personal spheres, but it was more probability that they would also be in the career sphere. Thus, these couples dedicated a similar number of hours to their careers, which implied that their partners worked significantly less hours that their heterosexual counterparts. In the same way, they carried out reconciliation strategies related with their working environment in more equal manner: these were the families in which it was more probable than measures had been taken by both members of the couple, such as having given up a promotion or having left the workforce temporarily for reasons of family reconciliation. Remember that in heterosexual families, it was more probable than these measures had been taken by the women, but not by their male partner. In another aspect related to reconciliation within the labor environment that differentiates homosexual families from the other participants was that these were most likely to have adopted reconciliation measures in their place of work, which could be reduced working hours, either by working part time, by a reduction of hours following maternity or even by the enjoying leave of absence. The data in this study fails to inform whether these strategies were assumed by one or another member of the couple. However, the remaining measurements lead the authors to believe that they were more than likely to be carried out by both. Based on the above, it is not unexpected that the homosexual parents interviewed stated that they had fewer reconciliation problems, felt less overwhelmed by all the responsibilities that they had and showed a higher rate of satisfaction with life than any other group. DIVERSIA SUB-PROJECT FAMILY DIVERSITY AND RECONCILIATION STRATEGIES 120 The data obtained is coherent with existing scientific literature about the shared responsibility in domestic tasks and child care in homosexual couples with children. In those other studies, carried out in the United States, Holland and Spain, it was also found that gay or lesbian couples presented very igulitarian patterns with regards to household tasks and child care (Bos et al. 2007; Chan, et al., 1998; Ciano-Boyce & Shelley-Sireci, 2002; González, Chacón, Gómez, Sánchez, & Morcillo, 2003), as well as in their contribution to the maintenance of the family (Fulcher, Sutfin, & Patterson, 2008). In the same way, results have also been found that confirm the greater satisfaction shown by lesbian mothers when compared with heterosexual mothers, when it comes to the allotment between the couple of domestic chores and child care, as well as with the role performed by their partner as “co-mother or co-father” (Bos, van Balen, & van den Boom, 2004; Patterson, 1995, 2002). The authors would like to add a final comment along the lines of the internal comparison between Swedish and Spanish homosexual families. There were no differences for the measurements regarding the distribution of the household tasks, child care or personal time. Nor was there any difference with regards to their perception of life satisfaction, which was very high in both cases. Therefore, it would seem that homosexual families are the group of participants who have the most similarities of the various groups studied in countries that are so geographically and culturally distant as is the case of Sweden and Spain. 4.3.4. Single mother families: reconciliation through a greater use of resources Single mothers, whose difficulties and reconciliation strategies have been analyzed in this report, were interviewed in Malopolska and Andalusia. As was stated earlier, they all lived alone with their children, although there were differences in other socio-demographical characteristic: single mothers from Andalusia were older and had higher educational and economic levels. These differences were very possibly associated with the different circumstances under which they achieved maternity: in the case of the Andalusians, all were single mothers by choice (adoption, assisted reproduction). There is no prior data regarding the degree of decision that accompanied the single maternity of the Polish mothers interviewed. As seen in the previous chapter, single mothers are most likely to seek the help of family or institutional resources to take on the tasks of child care, both in day to day situations and in extraordinary situations. The support of the relatives was particularly important in Malopolska, while the institutions played a unique role in Andalusia. In both cases, the fact that these mothers were solely responsible for their children meant that they themselves had to perform more care-related tasks than the mothers with a partner, although, as seen, FINAL REPORT 121 they did not differ in this respect from heterosexual immigrant mothers. Nor did they differ from these or native heterosexual mothers in their perception of the difficulties associated with child care; however, they did perceive more problems than lesbian mothers or gay fathers who, as stated, received more support from their partners. These mothers said they made more use of the child care resources made available by institutions. Thus, their children went, significantly more frequency, to morning classes, it was more probable that they ate at school and also more probable that they attended extra-scholar activities and urban camps than the children of the other families studied. It seems clear that these mothers had learned how to seek out and effectively handle the formal care resources as a reconciliation strategy that is particularly useful and necessary when you have no other means to share the task. These mothers found it more difficult to use some of the reconciliation measures offered at their workplace. Obviously, these mothers were less likely to use such strategies in which the working hours were reduced, which went hand-in-hand with reduced income. Since they are the only breadwinners, it was much more difficult for them to be able to make use of measures such as a reduced work schedule or request a leave of absence. Nevertheless, they made the most use of other measures (such as days off for family necessities), which does not involve a reduction in income and when forced to resolve unexpected family situations (for example, their children’s illnesses, medical appointments, school appointments). The introduction of this report stated that there was not much previous data about reconciliation in single mother families, but the available data agrees with what this study found. Thus, this data confirms that single mothers are skilled managers of care resources, habitually by means of the combination of formal and informal care, as had been found in previous studies (González et al. 2008; Hertz & Ferguson, 1998; Jiménez et al., 2005; Tobío, 2005). The fact that family resources were more relevance in Malopolska, while the formal resources had a greater presence in Andalusia, could have, in the opinion of these authors, two complementary explanations. On the one hand, this could be related to the different institutional child care support, broader in Andalusia than in Malopolska, as seen in the initial chapter. On the other, it could possibly also be related to the differences in educational and economic level between one group of mothers and the other. As Hertz & Ferguson (1998) found, it is more probable that mothers with less economic resources will resort to their informal support networks (family, friends), which are more economically affordable, to resolve reconciliation tensions. DIVERSIA SUB-PROJECT FAMILY DIVERSITY AND RECONCILIATION STRATEGIES 128 interviewed in Andalusia also demanded economic help, thus claiming institutional co-responsibility for the economic support of childhood that is not found in this region (except in the 0-3 years) and which, nevertheless, exists in other many European regions. When the global values provided by Andalusian families with regards to whether they have resolved their reconciliation problems or not, the authors found that they are located in a mid-point on the scale for both their perception of reconciliation problems and feeling overwhelmed by all the daily responsibilities. It must stressed that in both aspects, this study found quite a lot of internal diversity within the sample studied and, as stated earlier, it was immigrant families within the Andalusian sample who granted the most negative evaluation. Remember that, in addition, this group had the most precarious work conditions (one third of the immigrants interviewed worked with no contract). Also, they suffered more stress and were predictably subject to labour conditions that were hardly compatible with reconciliation. The life satisfaction scores obtained from the Andalusian mothers interviewed were in positions intermediate between those obtained in the other two regions studied; at the same time, these results were slightly above the average on the scale used. These results seem to be in agreement with the portrait drawn of this region in terms of reconciliation, in which, as seen, there are positive aspects in this matter that coexisted with others showing clear deficiencies; groups appeared that were reasonably satisfied with the co-responsibility or the resources they had access to, while there were others that were at a clear disadvantage in these regard. In the opinion of these authors, Andalusia demonstrates that it is moving forward along the path of reconciliation, but still has some distance left to go. 4.3.8. Reconciliation and life Satisfaction As stated, one of our main objectives of this study versed upon the possible relationship between the conflicts, difficulties, strategies and resources of reconciliation of the people interviewed in the three regions and their psychological well-being, measured through a specific indicator, life satisfaction. The data obtained overwhelmingly confirms that the life satisfaction of the interviewees in the three regions, for the most part women, is due, to a great degree, to their perception of having resolved their reconciliation problems between work, family and personal life. Remember that the values obtained were about a 50% of variance, explained by the life satisfaction based on the combined influence of several variables related with a successful reconciliation. These values are undoubtedly much higher than those obtained by Böhnke (2005) FINAL REPORT 129 in his study of life satisfaction in Europe, but it is also true that included in this the reconciliation indicator was the equation along with others that were unrelated. On the other hand, it must be remembered that the participants in this study fulfilled a series of conditions that maximized the need for good reconciliation: both the women and their partners (as would be the case) had careers, they had children under the age of 13 years, and therefore very dependent and they lived alone with their children. It is probable that under such stressful circumstances the perception of successfully facing their reconciliation needs had more weight within their personal well-being. Having analyzed the combined effect of the different variables linked to reconciliation on life satisfaction, it would be interesting to perform a detailed analysis on at least some of these variables. Thus, life satisfaction was positively and very significantly associated with the satisfactory perception of the distribution of the household tasks within the couple. Or, it could also be said that those who considered the allotment of household tasks to be equal felt more satisfied with their life. The authors are unaware of other research that has analyzed this same objective, but there are others that are indirectly related. The already mentioned research by Chan et al. (1998) discovered that satisfaction with the allotment of the domestic chores and child care within the couple correlated with greater satisfaction with their marriage. On the other hand, there is considerable literature that underlines the close relationships between enjoying a satisfactory relationship as a couple and demonstrating a high life satisfaction (See Diener et al, 1999 for a summary). Being that this study did not evaluate the satisfaction with the relationship as a couple, it is unknown whether or not this would be a mediating variable, but what this data clearly underlines is the relationship, direct or not, between satisfaction with the allotment of tasks within the couple and general life satisfaction. Also, it was found that life satisfaction was positively associated with the existence of resources that facilitate reconciliation, both those offered by companies and others that aid the adjustment between work life and family needs, and those supplied by other institutions to facilitate child care. Therefore, the data in this study shows how having the perception that the necessary resources to facilitate reconciliation between family and career life being available is related with the psychological well-being of the people interviewed. The authors are unaware of research into the exact same objective as this study, but some are similar. In the already mentioned study by Böhnke (2005), it was found that the life satisfaction of European citizens had significant modifications if they perceived that the society where they lived had good support services rather than if they perceived that this was not the case. DIVERSIA SUB-PROJECT FAMILY DIVERSITY AND RECONCILIATION STRATEGIES 130 Lastly, the authors are of the opinion that the association found between satisfaction with the personal time available and general life satisfaction was extremely interesting. It seems clear that having free time to dedicate to exclusive activities, beyond work and family responsibilities, bears a very close relationship with the psychological well-being of those interviewed, measured through the life satisfaction indicator. This fact should not be a revelation for anyone given the pressure any mother or father with small children endure to combine all their obligations in the work and the family sphere. If, under these circumstances, they manage to have some time on their own, which is judged as satisfactory, it is not surprising that this perception has beneficial effects on their psychological well-being. Only some of the data from the study by Böhnke (2005) point in a similar direction: those who perceived they had little time for social relationships showed lower life satisfaction than those who stated they had all they needed. Therefore, it seems clear from this data it can be confirmed that there is a relationship between life satisfaction, the perception of having a good balance between family, career and personal life, with sufficient resources for this and perceiving that there is good co-responsibility within the couple, in those cases where there is one, when confronting shared obligations. The authors believe that this area has, up to now, been scarcely explored in the research and that it is worth advancing in this regard and corroborating these results with new studies carried out with larger samples and in other countries. It is evident that based on the data in this study, it can be deduced that there is a need to take in consideration a successful reconciliation between career, family and personal life as a decisive element of life satisfaction. FINAL REPORT FINAL REPORT 133 5. Good practices of reconciliation 5.1. Methodology for detection and transference of best practices relative to reconciliation between women and men in Europe The knowledge and the transferability of actions, described as good practices, to other institutions, agencies and technical and political personnel acting on reconciliation, is essential for the advancement and improvement of those public and private strategies aiming to be developed in this matter in the different territories. Therefore, one of the achievements of the sub-project DIVERSIA has been to facilitate the transfer of good practices in different contexts and territorial realities. There are many definitions of good practice. One of the most comprehensive defines it as any action or experience introduced, driven by an entity, based on a previous project and planning and responding in an innovative and successful manner to a problem of context. A good practice is chosen, first, for its innovation, not only for its process but also for its results, objectives or context. In addition, a good practice should be potentially transferable. The detection, analysis and transfer of a good practice is therefore an important tool for the advancement of the policies of European public administrations on equality and reconciliation. From the definition above, the elements that have defined a best practice, in the context of the Diversia subproject, are: a) Innovation. The introduction or improvement of elements in a system, by actions taken both with regard to the management and the service provided, with the aim of improving its internal functioning and its relationship with the environment, and with a visible impact on the outcome of these performances. b) Transferability. The capacity of a good practice to allow the repetition of its key elements in a different context from which it was created and with a high probability of success. c) Effectiveness. Related to the quality of the methodology, a good practice should achieve the objectives for which it is planned and developed. DIVERSIA SUB-PROJECT FAMILY DIVERSITY AND RECONCILIATION STRATEGIES 134 d) Feasibility. A characteristic by which an initiative is likely to succeed in its implementation, because its design has taken into account the context in which it must be perform. e) Positive impact. The effectiveness of the action, defined as the achievement of the stated objectives; this achievement implies the existence of an impact, an observable change and is positively evaluated within the field on which the conducted action has focused. So, an experience that will not produce the expected impact, or will not achieve the desired objective, is an unsuccessful experience. In addition, the specific objectives marked to enable the drafting of a compilation and explanation document of those experiences implemented by each regional partner of the Diversia subproject (Andalusia, Malopolska, Sodertalje), have been considered good practices in order to allow their portability and distribution. These have been used to identify those actions, to select them using the standards of excellence required: efficiency, effectiveness, planning, innovation, evaluation and transfer, to develop this report, included in the final report of the Diversia subproject, and to compile the examples of each region and to disseminate the results. In relation to the contents or concrete aspects in which a given experience, which may constitute a good practice to be acted upon, these have been to improve the supply of quality employment for women in sectors where they have an important presence and also in the more masculine sectors. These have also been to improve parental leave and care benefits and to make these benefits transferable between parents; to encourage parents to use them more, while increasing business’ awareness and employees understanding of the benefits of enjoying parental leave; to introduce mechanisms within the social protection system to recognize that life cycles are individual and are formed by periods of professional activity and inactivity, taking into account, where necessary, the time spent on informal care; ensuring availability of flexible and negotiated agreements for men and women, particularly with regard to permits, that will not affect long-term participation and position in the labour market and to provide various forms of infrastructure for the care of children and older people which is accessible, of a high quality and is affordable, and which does not undermine labour market mobility. Phases for the compilation of good practices The phases developed for the study and selection of good practices in each region partner have been: 1. Identification: In this phase, each region has researched and identified those actions which may constitute a good practice in terms of the criteria specified above. In order to facilitate and systematize the collection of initial information it has developed a Card for identifying Good Practices FINAL REPORT 135 2. Analysis and sharing: Following the identification of best practices, it has been necessary to collect all of this information by filling in the identifying cards and attaching an explanation to facilitate a thorough analysis of the initiative described. The partners have sent all the information once it has been all gathered. It has also been important to collect experiences concerning each one of the aspects or content described above. It has been necessary to do a considerable amount of research work. 3. Selection: Once selected, those activities or attitudes considered “best practices”, have gone through a process to give them a structure and organization to facilitate replication, that is, its transfer, in this way achieving an initial product which will reflect those patterns of action that will help the development or implementation initiatives to improve the balance for men and women in contexts other than those territories in which they originally started. 4. European Good Practice Report on Reconciliation: This report has been included, as a chapter, in this Final Report of the subproject, to enable both professionals and politicians, as both governments and companies know the excellent work taking place in this field at European level, and also to provide a useful tool with which to implement these actions in the field at European level and to implement them within the field of their competence. 5.2. Examples of Good Practice in reconciliation in Andalusia, selected by the Andalusian Woman’s Institute The search for and identification of Good Practices in reconciliation performed by the Andalusian Woman’s Institute concluded with the selection of two examples of Good Practice in Andalusia: the University of Seville Service Office (SACU) and the Maracena City Council (Granada). Both initiatives are an international reference for this subject thanks to the excellent work carried out by two bodies, which are both part of public administration, but with different profiles and target groups with different needs. The SACU—a pioneer service in Andalusia, created in 2005—offers several programs the objective of which is none other than to help and promote the reconciliation of the career, personal and family life. Among these, the Gender Equality Plan must be underlined. This program was promoted by the Unit for Gender Equality at the University of Seville and was approved in 2009. Within area 6 of this plan, the commitment to favour coresponsibility and reconciliation within the university community appears. DIVERSIA SUB-PROJECT FAMILY DIVERSITY AND RECONCILIATION STRATEGIES 136 Another measure developed by the SACU was designed specifically by the Pedagogic Consultancy to create nursery schools. In short, it was a kindergarten and nursery school service that not only offers subsidised places for the university community but also—in some cases—to parents who need this services, but who were not members of the university community. Also, a play centre was created, as well as a quality program to facilitate reconciliation between the work and family life with a set of educational activities grouped together by topics and adapted to participants between approximately 3 and 12 years of age. The play centre is an area created for the integral development of the participants, focusing on the care and educational entertainment of the children of University professionals and students, while work outside actual of school hours (evenings, Christmas, summer, for example). A List of Baby-sitters was another reconciliation measure that the SACU developed. In this case, a list of students was made available to the University Community, generally young people, who accepted the responsibility for caring for small children, children of parents from the University Community, during short absences, in exchange for a payment agreed by both parties. The choice of baby-sitter for the care of the children is free, and is not subject to restrictions of any type, except those that occur due to the baby-sitter’s prior commitments or due to the baby-sitter’s own schedule. Another SACU action promoted by the Unit of Gender Equality was the creation of a Time Bank, a mutual help network that promotes cooperation services within the community, aiding reconciliation between the personal, family and work lives of the beneficiaries. In a Time Bank, services and educational and leisure activities are exchanged. The currency exchange is always time. One hour is exchanged for another hour, independently of the services and activities offered or requested. Lastly, the University of Seville, through the SACU Social Work unit launched the “Integral Care Program for Elderly People within the University Community” (Family Respite Centre), designed to improve the quality of life of these people while at the same time facilitating reconciliation between family and work life. Thus, it offers services and benefits that supplement those offered by the public administration; it counts on professionals, services and a fundamental resource: a large community of young people being trained to professionally care for people in a dependent situation, who benefit from the contact with real situations to supplement their academic training. At the same time, these real situations help them to develop human values such as solidarity, respect for our elderly, and patience. Below, the Good Practice file has been included, which lays out the details of this example together with the most significant advantages and results. FINAL REPORT 137 Good práctice 1: S.A.C.U. - Reconciliation program S.A.C.U. (University Community Care Service for the) Reconciliation Program University community at the University of Seville (Seville) SACU Unit for Equality, Pedagogical Consultancy, Social Work Unit at the University of Seville The University of Seville has more than 70,000 people in its various sectors: students, teaching and research staff (PDI) and administrative and service personnel (PAS). It is an extremely large community in which most of the educational staff, administrative personnel and a large percentage of its students demonstrated serious reconciliation problems and they demanded a series of services to aid in this reconciliation. These services dedicated to reconciliation began and were set up in 1992 as one of the most defining initiatives of the University Community Care Service. From then on, this demand has been growing and the offer has not only grown but also diversified, as seen in the previous section. In 2009, the University of Seville drafted its First Gender Equality Plan; area 6 is “Co-responsibility and reconciliation.” The objective of this area is “to Facilitate co-responsibility and reconciliation of the work, family and personal life of the members of the university community. Thus, the university promoted and made its reconciliation policy visible while at the same time making a firm commitment to its development. A series of measures were carried out to guarantee the reconciliation between the career, family and personal life of people who are a part of the university community at the University of Seville in their different sectors: educational and research staff, administrative and service personnel and students. The following are among these measures: Name of the Good Practice Scope of application Applicable Body Context Description of the good practice DIVERSIA SUB-PROJECT FAMILY DIVERSITY AND RECONCILIATION STRATEGIES 144 • Red Cross • Association Banco de Tiempo de Maracena • Cultural Association • Youth Associations Productive Field • Policy makers and technical staff, Maracena municipality • Municipal Education Centres: Management and personnel responsible for co-education. • AMPAS • Previous Action Plan Proposals (Confluence of policy initiative and technical project) • Awareness training and diagnosis: Constitution and operation of three de sectoral working tables: Education, Services. Social – workforce. Seminar on reconciliation (October 2008). Production and administration of questionnaires. Conducting diagnostic study (Public presentation May 2010) • Approach to understanding the reality on reconciliation in the municipality: Diagnosis of departure. • Development: Approval of Local Reconciliation Pact. • Implementation / development of the agreement • Assessment (ongoing and participatory) 1. Expansion and improvement of reconciliation rights in the Agreement and Collective Agreement: Schedule flexibility formula 2. Extension of certain opening hours for the public Opening of City Hall two afternoons a week 3. Training on reconciliation aimed at municipality staff: Professional training. Continuous Training Program Description of the good practices in reconciliation: Results and improvements FINAL REPORT 145 4. Extension of Recreation Centre (Children’s Club) services: Starting up Recreation Centre (Children’s Club) services at the Municipal Children’s School Starting up the Family Respite Service 5. Enhancement of the home help service as part of the Dependency Law 6. Coordinating the schedules of the City Sports to facilitate reconciliation 7. Encounters for equality: Co-education for reconciliation Nature’s Classroom “Las Alpujarras” 8. Boosting Summer Schools 9. Creation of two proximity lines of urban transport This Good Practice is considered a good local practice and is transferable. A good example is the CONCILIAM PLAN, which has been register by 34 Councils, each with a different population (between 704,414 inhabitants, for example the city of Seville and 847 inhabitants, for example the town of “El Almendro “(Huelva). Ultimately, it may become necessary for the relationship between the world of work, the domestic sphere, public authorities and social needs to be transformed. It requires the involvement and participation of all citizens and all social, political and economic agents. www.maracena.es Possibilities of application in other locations Documentation and Appendices DIVERSIA SUB-PROJECT FAMILY DIVERSITY AND RECONCILIATION STRATEGIES 146 5.3. Examples of Good Practice in reconciliation in Malopolska The Association of Cities and Counties of the Malopolska Region (Poland) has selected the following examples: Bank Zachodni WBK S.A. and the Lanckoroma Municipality. Good pratice 3: Bank Zachodni WBK S.A. Bank Zachodni WBK S.A. The BZWBK Policy is supporting expectant and new mothers. Poland, all the cities where the Bank Zachodni has its branches. The goal of the Bank Zachodni WBK S.A. is to be recognized as an employer who assists new mothers in combining their family and work commitments, recognizing their potential for the company’s development and ensuring not only compliance with the provisions of the Labour Code but also additional privileges and solutions to those required by law. The objective of this Policy is to: 1. encourage new mothers to return to professional activity; 2. facilitate their return to work at the Bank after the break related to childbirth; 3. assist new mothers in continuing their career; 4. promote solutions among BZWBK management and staff which will enable new mothers to combine family and work commitments. A successfully implemented policy which supports mothers and families Agreed, after including the specific environment of the institution. Title of the good practice Programme of application Country / town of the application Context Description of the good practices in reconciliation Results and improvements Possibilities of transferability FINAL REPORT 147 Good pratice 4: Gmina Lanckorona Gmina Lanckorona Ecological and Cultural Association “On the Amber Route” Gmina Lanckorona, Malopolska Region Lanckorona is a rural commune (administrative district) in Wadowice County, Malopolska Voivodeship, in southern Poland. Its centre is the town of Lanckorona, which lies approximately 16 kms (10 miles) east of Wadowice and 27 kms (17 miles) south-west of the regional capital, Krakow. Gmina covers an area of 40.61 square kms (15.7 sq miles) and, its total population in 2006 was 5,819 inhabitants. Lanckorona is one of the few communes in Poland where the whole government board consists only of women. The strategy of the commune is based mainly on the development of tourism and cultural sectors. Great strength is placed on women’s participation in local development and social life of the commune and for this reason, many projects were, and are still are, run by them in the commune. The Association was created in 2004 as a result of the work of local leaders and is located in Lanckorona. Its activities focus on three main areas: tradition, culture and enterprise. It focuses on activities such as: preservation and promotion of regional culture, local community development, support and promotion of handcrafts, promotion of traditional local products: both food and handcraft, ecological education and all activities connected with the development of rural areas. The Association’s focus is on undertaking projects connected with sustainable development and the development of the social economy in areas which have a strong impact on local development. Title of the good practice Programme of application Place / town of application Context Description of the good practices in reconciliation DIVERSIA SUB-PROJECT FAMILY DIVERSITY AND RECONCILIATION STRATEGIES 148 The Association is supporting all the initiatives and activities which focus of women’s development, especially in their intellectual and production spheres, those connected with cultural and natural heritage through participation in an international programme called ‘Babiniec’ (‘Hen Party’) which is aimed at supporting local women leaders from rural areas. Projects undertaken by the Association: - ‘Babiniec’ (‘Hen Party’) - Resuscitation of the Lanckorona Ecomuseum - Shops with Local Products - Initiatives connected to the ‘Amber Route’ - European Voluntary Service – the Youth programme ‘Women for heritage preservation and local development in rural areas. Polish-Slovakian-Czech common initiative BABINIEC’. This is a joint initiative and named after the activities of local leaders (mainly women) from rural areas of Central Europe. It is a part of a 3 year international programme, “Workshops and consolidation of women leaders in rural areas”. The aim of the programme is to increase the number of women-leaders in the Czech Republic, Slovakia and Poland, through training in leadership skills, study trips to New England, an exchange of experience and also through relaxing and gaining positive energy which could be derived from general contacts and the achievement of common aims. The project was coordinated by QLF – an American-Canadian Ecological Foundation, Association for Sustainable Life (STUZ) – White Carpathian Mountains and the Foundation Partnership for Environment. The project was undertaken by the Cultural Centre of the Lanckorona Commune. Its aim was to lead to the creation of a practical background to ‘market’ the women’s initiatives from partner regions. Participation in international fairs, creation of Ecological and Cultural Association “On the Amber Route” or the Partner Group, “Partnership for the Wadowice region” aimed at the content-related and economical support for the initiative. Realization of the project was very successful and, because of active participation of the women of Lanckorona, the cultural and tourism potential on offer in the region, this became its main source of economic and social development. FINAL REPORT 149 The creation of shops with local products, the ‘Angel Festival’ which takes place every year, a community initiative HORYZONTY ITD, a new NGO, the Ecological and Cultural Association “On the Amber Route” It is a fact that every rural commune has a great deal of potential within their community in the women who are employed in the home bringing up their children. Introducing the women to the fact that they have many valuable talents to use and to share. All of the Lanckorona commune projects were financed using EU funds. It is a fairly simple matter for each commune to apply for funds and start a project for women http://www.nbs.org.pl 5.4. Examples of Good Practice in reconciliation in Stockholm Finally, Stockholm region has chosen the Gender Equality Bonus and the Single Parent´s Temporary Parental Support projects, both examples of good action on reconciliation. Good pratice 5: Gender Equality Bonus Gender Equality Bonus Addition to the Swedish National Law on Family Policies: Socialförsäkringsbalken Public Administration of The Swedish National Insurance Agency; City of Sodertalje, Stockholm Region, Sweden, parents in Sodertalje, Sweden. Sweden has a main-stream, highly-developed and flexible, publicly funded, parental leave scheme that allows and encourages both parents to spend time with their children. Results and improvements Possibilities of transferability Appendices and data explanations Title of the good practice Programme of the application Place / town of application Context DIVERSIA SUB-PROJECT FAMILY DIVERSITY AND RECONCILIATION STRATEGIES 150 The mother and the father are, collectively, entitled to up to 16 months paid leave per child. Each parent has a personal, non-transferable entitlement to two months of paid parental leave (from the total 16 months). The remaining 12 months can be freely shared between both parents. The right to be absent from full time work is restricted to the child’s first 18 months. Despite the positive consequences on fathers’ involvement in childcare, the flexibility of the system, in terms of who takes the leave, results in the lion’s share of parental leave days being taken by mothers. Fathers in Sweden take about 22% of the total amount of parental leave days. (This is still considerably more than most EU Member States). This is an economic incentive for mothers and fathers, or the equally shared parental leave between same sex parents, to share childcare more equally and to improve, especially the mothers’ participation, in working life. In July 2008, the Swedish government introduced a ’Gender Equality Bonus’. Parents of children born or adopted after 1 July 2008, who share their parental leave equally between the couple (i.e. eight months each if all the available sixteen months are taken) are entitled to the full tax relief bonus, on condition that they work while the other parent is taking parental leave. This bonus can be as high as SEK 3,000 (around €275) per month, with the maximum amount available set at 13,500 SEK per child, per year. To obtain the full allowance per month and per child, the family cannot use a publicly funded pre-school establishment for childcare. Parents are not eligible to receive the bonus until both have used their initial two month quota of parental leave. If one parent takes less than half of his/her share of the parental leave then the amount of the bonus is reduced accordingly. The precise amounts depend on the income of the household and how many days each parent uses. Time off can be taken in blocks of one day, three quarters of a day, half a day, a quarter of a day or an eighth of a day. The Gender Equality Bonus is “technically” delivered as tax relief to each individual parent at the local administrative level, in cooperation with the National Insurance Agency, the National Taxation Office and the Municipality. Parents actively have to claim the bonus, and to “prove” the shared amount of time, to be eligible for the GEB. Description of good practices in reconciliation FINAL REPORT 151 As a mainstream measure of impact on gender equality concerning the shared responsibility for child care between mothers / fathers or same-sex parents, the GEB is meant as an economic incentive, especially for fathers, to increase the amount of time of their parental leave. The law was inaugurated in 2008 and the effects are slowly gaining ground. During the last monitoring period in 2009, an average of 45 days were taken by the fathers at the end of the total 18 month period allowed. The amount of shared, parental leave time is expected to rise further. Recent research shows that one of the side effects, apart from the fathers’ closer relationships with their children, is an increase in the fathers’ well-being. The GEB Law implies a local, regional or national legal system on the rights of parents to parental leave, publicly funded by the general tax revenues. Within such a system, local, regional or national rules can be applied on an equal basis for all parents, on the condition that the parents are part of the general tax-system, that is, they earn an amount of money by whatever form and however much paid work, which entitles them to be a part of the general tax-system. There are ongoing public discussions to extend GEB to parents without any income from work (i.e. without any taxed income). The strength and sustainability of a public system such as GEB, harmonize with the values of equal opportunities, family life flexibility and freedom of choice. https://lagen.nu/2010:110 Results and improvements Possibilities of transferability Appendices and data explanations DIVERSIA SUB-PROJECT FAMILY DIVERSITY AND RECONCILIATION STRATEGIES 152 Good pratice 6: single parents´ temporary parental support Single Parents´ Temporary Parental Support Addition to the Swedish National Law on Family Policies: Socialförsäkringsbalken: Parental Leave Scheme; Single Parents´ Temporary Parental Support The National Insurance Agency; City of Sodertalje; Stockholm Region; Sweden; single parents´ in Södertälje, Sweden. A new rule is added to the social insurance scheme to help single parents who fall ill and cannot look after their child. The rule, which has been in force since 1 January 2010, allows another insured person (i.e. a person legally living and/or working in Sweden) who forgoes paid work to receive temporary parental benefit to look after the child. It applies to children up to the age of three. Previously temporary parental benefit was only available to the parents themselves or to a career replacing the child’s regular career if they were to fall ill. Currently, temporary parental benefit is available to any parent who needs to stop work and stay at home to look after a sick child under the age of 12 (in some cases 16) and when, for example, the child’s regular caregiver is ill. This benefit can be paid for 60 days per child per year. Once these days have been used up, the benefit can be paid for a further 60 days, which, however, may not be used in the event of the regular caregiver falling ill. Under the new rule, temporary parental benefit can be given to another insured person when a single parent is too ill to take care of their child/children. The rule applies to children up to the age of three and is payable for a maximum of 120 days per child per year. The benefit is allocated per child. So, if, for example, there are two children under three that need to be looked after, then two sets of payments are made. For adopted children, Denomination of the good practice Program of application Place/ town of application Context Description of the good practise in reconciliation FINAL REPORT 153 it applies until they are five years old. The aim of the new provision is to give single parents similar options for childcare as families with two parents have. Under the new rule, the temporary parental benefit is paid by the day and depends on the career’s income. It corresponds to 80% of their income up to a maximum of 26,400 Swedish Kronor per month (around €2,640). In 2009, the average amount of benefit paid out per day was 800 Swedish Krone (around €80). The benefit is paid out by Sweden’s Social Insurance Agency. The new rule within the single parents´ temporary support gives single parents and their children an improvement in the context of equal opportunities and betterment of their life context. The new rule has not yet been evaluated, but the expected results are in the framework of better health and less stress for both child and parent. The new rule for single parents within the temporary parental leave scheme implies a local, regional or national law system on the right for parents to parental leave, publically funded by the general tax revenues. Within such a system, local, regional or national rules can be performed on an equal basis for all parents. The strenght and sustainability of a public system, which also takes the single parents´ special life situation into account, assesses the harmonization of the values of equal opportunities, family life-flexibility and freedom of choice. https://lagen.nu/2010:110 Results and improvements Possibilities to transferability Annexes and data explanatory