Multinational migration in the Global South: complex and non-linear trajectories of Senegalese migrants in Brazil

159 Chapter 8 Multinational Migration intheGlobal South: Complex andNon-linear Trajectories ofSenegalese Migrants inBrazil PhilippRomanJung 8.1 Introduction Since the 1990s, Brazil has gradually taken a complex and important, although in quantitative terms peripheral, position in Senegalese migrations and is more widely spoken of in the context of Senegalese mobilities. Higher education students were the first to migrate in small numbers to Brazil in the 1990s. This migration was partly promoted through government programmes and, although later movements are barely connected to it, a clear separation is not feasible. The second important movement involved Brazil as a transit country for migration to Argentina, which started in the late 1990s (Minvielle, 2015; Vammen, 2019). Due to the absence of an Argentinian diplomatic mission in Senegal, migrants instead applied for a visa at the Brazilian Embassy in Dakar, with the objective of using the country as an entry point in South America. There are roughly 3000 Senegalese living in Brazil’s southern neighbouring country and many of them entered Argentina by crossing the border from Brazil (Kleidermacher, 2016). Although there have been isolated cases of Senegalese settling earlier in Brazil, the available statistics as well as interviews and conversations with Senegalese immigrants and Brazilian migration scholars all indicate that the number of Senegalese residing in South America’s biggest country started to grow slowly around 2008 and increased strongly between 2013 and 2016 (Jung, 2019). Some 824 residence permits were issued for Senegalese in Brazil between 2010 and 2017. The statistics for asylum requests by Senegalese since 2010 indicate a higher number and greater increase of Senegalese immigration– in total, 8486 Senegalese applied for asylum between 2010 and 2018 (BRASIL, 2020). However, for Senegalese, the likelihood of gaining asylum is very small. Only 14 out of 5281 P. R. Jung (*) Institute of Geography and Spatial Planning (IGOT), Universidade de Lisboa, Lisbon, Portugal e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s) 2023 J. Ahrens, R. King (eds.), Onward Migration and Multi-Sited Transnationalism, IMISCOE Research Series, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-12503-4_8 160 requests had been granted by May 2017.1 Nevertheless, most Senegalese use this process to gain temporary permission to stay and work in Brazil and, later, to try to get a residence permit through other procedures. Special situations or cases omitted from the law were the legal frame for most residence permits issued to Senegalese between 2010 and 2015 (Silva etal., 2018). In November 2019 the Brazilian government decided to allow Senegalese with an open asylum request to apply for a residence permit through a special procedure (BRASIL, 2019). It is important to point out that the statistics only represent those who are officially registered in Brazil or have applied for asylum. ‘Illegal’ entries and Senegalese who had already left the country are not captured by these statistics. Consequently, only a rough estimate of the Senegalese community is possible. Senegalese immigration in Brazil is closely linked to economic and geopolitical developments on different scales, including Brazil’s high national economic growth during the first decade of the twenty-first century and the 2008 economic crisis– with its strong impact on countries like Spain and Italy, both important destinations for Senegalese migrants (see Flikweert etal. Chap. 4). Moreover, this period is characterised by increasing difficulties for Senegalese in migrating, whether ‘regularly’ or ‘irregularly’, to Europe due to restrictive immigration policies and migration control (Adepoju etal., 2009; Finotelli & Sciortino, 2013; Casas-Cortes etal., 2014). Many of my interviewees stated that they applied first for a visa for a European country or the USA but their requests were denied. Brazil, together with Cape Verde and Argentina, from where migrants moved later to Brazil, were considered as alternatives for emigration. Some authors also suggest that Brazil is an important transit point for migrants trying to move to North America (Marcelino & Cerrutti, 2011; Minvielle, 2015). Brazil serves as a hub for Senegalese multinational migration, both as a destination and as the origin of movements that are connected to a variety of regions, including countries in Africa, Europe and South and North America. Some Senegalese pioneers did not come from their home country but from their last country of residence. These multinational migrations are an important factor which helped to put Brazil on the ‘migratory map’ of Senegalese. They are facilitated through and shaped by transnational networks and ties that connect people from different national backgrounds at different places but are, simultaneously, the cause for the formation of these transnational spaces (Faist, 2000) by creating connections to new places. These movements question the dichotomy of country of origin and destination in migration studies and the assumption of migration as a unique and linear act, which starts with the development of migratory aspirations in the country of origin and ends with the arrival and integration at the destination. This chapter focuses on multinational migrations by Senegalese migrants in Brazil, addressing, on the one hand, already-occurred movements from Cape Verde and Argentina to Brazil and, on the other, aspirations to migrate further– to Europe, 1 Interview with Diego Nepomuceno Nardi, Durable Solutions Assistant at UNHCR Brazil (09 May 2017, Brasília). P. R. Jung 161 North America or Australia. The study draws on empirical data resulting from qualitative, ethnographic fieldwork in four very different Brazilian cities: São Paulo, Praia Grande, Caxias do Sul and Passo Fundo. The results show how transnational ties and practices, involving a plurality of actors and places, influence multinational migration. The study thus questions not only the focus on ties which connect country of origin and destination but also the ethnic lens in migration research (Glick Schiller etal., 2008). Moreover, it highlights how migratory capital (Paul, 2015) develops at different places and moments of the migratory trajectory. Finally, the results draw attention to the impact of temporary forms of mobility and migratory experiences on decisions, intentions and strategies for onward movement. 8.2 Aspirations andCapability inMultinational Migration A growing number of scholarly accounts call for a consideration of the fluidity and non-linearity of migration processes (Amit & Knowles, 2017; Amrith, 2020) and the dynamic nature of migration intentions and decisions (Wissink etal., 2013). Due to structural factors, such as immigration laws and economic opportunities, migration has become increasingly complex, often including long and perilous journeys, transiting through a variety of countries and regions and consisting of phases of mobility and immobility, emplacement and displacement. In this context a clear distinction between transit and destination country becomes less evident and the origin–destination model reveals itself as increasingly unable to capture migration strategies and the complexity of migration processes. Moreover, migration intentions and aspirations foreseen in migratory projects cannot be understood as closed or defined at the beginning of a journey (Janssens, 2018). Migrants adapt to changing conditions. They reflect constantly on the circumstances they encounter, identify new opportunities and obstacles and react to them (Schapendonk & Steel, 2014; Zeleke, 2017). Migratory aspirations may also change during the migration and the life course, for instance by becoming a parent. Consequently, migration itself should not be understood as a linear process– as if migrants follow and execute, step by step, a plan elaborated at the place of origin– or solely as the unique movement from one country to another. Migrants aspire to achieve something by moving and not just to move. Hernández-Carretero (2017) argues that emigration and return should be understood as stages in the same project of socio-economic prosperity. In this sense, multinational migration can be examined as further stages of the same project and not as a new one. Multiple movements between a variety of countries and settlement in more than two countries in one’s life course are not rare cases in today’s world. There exists a range of different names and concepts to describe the continuation of migratory movements, most prominently the terms ‘onward’ and ‘stepwise’ migration (see the review by Ahrens and King, Chap. 1). While there are many similarities between them, they are not interchangeable. Onward migration can be defined as a secondary migratory movement, which occurs after living for a certain period of time in one 8 Multinational Migration in the Global South: Complex and Non-linear Trajectories… 162 destination country and is directed to another country, which is not the one of origin (King & Karamoschou, 2019). It is not planned or intended in advance on departure from the country of origin. Some authors emphasise that onward migration is a reaction to changing circumstances at the destination. The 2008 economic crisis, for instance, triggered movements within the European Union of migrants who settled first in Southern European countries (Ramos, 2018; King & Karamoschou, 2019) or resulted in intentions or the desire to do so (Esteves etal., 2017). However, onward migration is not only caused by extraordinary events. The desire for selfimprovement– for example educational or economic– and the search for a better future for one’s children or family can be important reasons for moving again to another country. These desires result partly from a dissatisfaction with opportunities in the host society and experiences of discrimination (Ahrens etal., 2016). With regards to onward movements within the EU, various authors highlight how the acquisition of EU member-state citizenship is a decisive element both as a facilitator and a motive for onward migration (Ahrens etal., 2016; McGarrigle & Ascensão, 2017; De Hoon etal., 2019; Della Puppa & Morad, 2019). Favourable economic conditions and immigration policies may not be found at the same place and migrants use multiple movements as a strategy to achieve them in different countries. Stepwise migration describes the movement to a country with the intention to leave it again and continue the migratory trajectory at a later stage. It ‘includes multiple stops (of substantive duration) in various intermediate locations as part of an intentional, hierarchical progression toward an individual migrant’s preferred destination’ (Paul, 2011, 1844). Stepwise migration can be understood as a multistage migration strategy, which migrants apply to move up a hierarchy of destinations. Insufficient migratory capital to overcome different types of barriers, for instance restrictive immigration policies, prevents migrants from going directly to a preferred destination. Stepwise migration allows migrants to acquire and accumulate migratory capital in its different forms (Bourdieu, 1986), which can support further movements. In her research about stepwise migration by Filipino migrants, Paul (2015) shows that the next step of a migratory project is not always predictable and previously planned. The project needs to be open to alterations and allow the migrant to be flexible and react to the circumstances. Paul also indicates that a migrant may have a range of preferred destinations and not just one. Destination hierarchies orient migration journeys. They order the world according to a normative scale of values, expectations and meanings. This ‘cosmology of destinations’ ‘connects shared imaginaries about places with moral judgements and values related to migration destinations and goals’ (Belloni, 2020, 7). Values, expectations and meanings are not only attributed to a country but also to the migrant. In other words, the moral worthiness of a migrant overlaps with the attractiveness of the country which he/she was able to reach (Belloni, 2020, 2). While, in theory, the timing of the intention to move again draws a clear line between onward and stepwise migration, in reality, this differentiation may be more blurred. The different periods of stepwise migration can extend to several years. At the same time, a migrant may leave the supposed destination already after a short period of time. Several studies about transit migration and migration trajectories P. R. Jung 163 show that intentions need to be conceptualised in consideration of their dynamic and fluid nature (Collyer & de Haas, 2012; Wissink etal., 2013; Schapendonk, 2017; Zeleke, 2017). Paul and Yeoh (2020) suggest multinational migration as an umbrella term to embrace the different types of multiple movements within one’s lifetime. They define multinational migration as the movements of international migrants across more than one overseas destination with significant time spent in each country. These movements are composed of ‘complex, dynamic, and openended trajectories that are contingent on shifting and uneven capitals, structured by fluid multinational migration infrastructures, and shaped by migrants’ evolving geographical imaginaries, aspirations and sense of themselves’ (Paul & Yeoh, 2020, p.3). The trajectories do not necessarily move up a hierarchy of countries but can also include downwards and lateral movements. They can consist of circular and repetitive movements, not only unidirectional ones. Intentions for multinational migration can be planned before leaving the country of origin or arise during the journey. Finally, Paul and Yeoh highlight that, beside migrants’ capital, it is the embeddedness in migration infrastructures (Xiang & Lindquist, 2014; Lin etal., 2017), which enables or restrains multinational migration. The concept of multinational migration describes migration as open-ended trajectories during which migration aspirations and intentions as well as the ability to move evolve and change. These evolutions and changes are often determined by specific circumstances which the migrants encounter during their trajectory. Graw and Schielke’s (2012) conceptualisation of migration as a horizon of imagination and action is a useful tool with which to approach the embeddedness of migration processes at places. A horizon, in its literal sense as the outer realm of the vision, changes with movement. Following Graw and Schielke’s understanding, horizon refers also to what is familiar, known and imaginable for a person. In this sense, movement indicates not only a change of the horizon of the physical space but also a possible change of perspective and expectations. These shifts of the horizon result, for example, from new acquaintances, new information, exposure to different sources of media or the acquiring of new migratory capital. However, they can also be an outcome of emerging opportunities and specific circumstances. These opportunities can channel movements in directions that were not previously intended or foreseen and can trigger unplanned departures. Carling and Haugen (2020) suggest the concept of circumstantial migration to describe the unpredictable ways in which migration trajectories and experiences unfold under the influence of coincidence and micro-level contexts. Coincidental factors that act at the micro-level include chance encounters with others, good or bad luck at critical junctures and the accidental discovery of opportunities. The authors argue that the consideration and analysis of coincidence and micro-level contexts allows us to understand ‘the twists and turns as constitutive elements of many migration experiences’– i.e., the nonlinearity of migration– as well as the ‘prominent role circumstances play under certain migration regimes’ (Carling & Haugen, 2020, p.2780). Moreover, it allows the examination of the interrelation between plans and serendipities. The movements of Senegalese migrants in Brazil include both onward and stepwise migration and often can be defined as circumstantial migration. I decided to opt for the term 8 Multinational Migration in the Global South: Complex and Non-linear Trajectories… 164 ‘multinational migration’, since its definition incorporates the movement of all three types. 8.3 Methodology The empirical data presented in this chapter result from four periods of fieldwork, each lasting from 2 to 4 months and conducted between 2017 and 2019. Using biographical interviews and ethnographic methods, I studied the trajectories of Senegalese migrants in the city of São Paulo and in Praia Grande– a coastal town which is located about 80km east of the metropolis– and in the two medium-sized cities of Caxias do Sul and Passo Fundo, which are important industrial and agricultural sites in Brazil’s most southern state of Rio Grande do Sul. The four cities were chosen due to their importance in Senegalese immigration in Brazil. São Paulo, Caxias do Sul and Passo Fundo all have relatively large Senegalese communities but are also important for other forms of mobility and circulation of Senegalese within the country. Praia Grande is a popular, temporary destination for Senegalese streethawkers, who sell their products on the beaches during the Brazilian summer months. The research was part of a wider doctoral project about Senegalese migration to Brazil. For this chapter, I focus on 11 interviews with Senegalese migrants who either have experience of multinational migration or expressed their intention to move again to another country. Except for one interview via Skype with a Senegalese who moved from Brazil to Portugal, all interviews were conducted during my fieldwork in Brazil, using either Portuguese or French. I translated the interview passages used in this chapter to English. Additionally, a migration history chart or MHC (Carling, 2012) was elaborated together with the migrants (see Fig.8.1). Internal movements– both in Senegal and Brazil– and international movements were recorded in the MHC and are represented as horizontal segments of the trajectory. Vertical segments indicate the time spent at a specific place. The temporal axis of the MHC was divided in years and consequently movements of shorter duration were not recorded. However, during the interviews it became clear that these shortterm movements were often important for later decisions about multinational migration. In the beginning the objective was to collect information about the family’s migration history but the size of many families with members who reside in a great variety of countries complicated this task. Instead, the MHC focused on the life trajectory of the migrant and those family members or friends who influenced it more directly. Figure8.1 is an example of a digitalised version of the MHC and shows the trajectories of Sadio2 (S.), who will be presented below. Sadio has 13 siblings in total, all from his father’s polygamous marriage, but only his older brother (O.B.) and his youngest brother (Y.B.) emigrated too and are included in the 2 Names are changed to guarantee the anonymity of the participants. P. R. Jung 165 Fig. 8.1 Example of a migration history chart 8 Multinational Migration in the Global South: Complex and Non-linear Trajectories… 166 MHC.Furthermore, the MHC indicates the year of Sadio’s marriage and divorce, which both influenced his movements, and the birth of his daughter (D.). F. is a friend, whose acquaintance Sadio made in Cape Verde in 2009, and who influenced his movement to Brazil. MHC and interviews are complementary tools for the study of migration trajectories. The MHC helped the interviewee to recall the timing of movements by relating them to events, year or age (see Carling, 2012, pp.150–151). Its visual aspect facilitates the identification of stages of life, the interconnections between different individual trajectories and transnational social relations. In most cases, the elaboration of the MHC took place before conducting the interview. The movements and stages of life identified through the MHC later served as an orientation during the interview. In the two cases in which the MHC was only elaborated at a later stage, it allowed to cross check the timing of movements indicated in the interview. More in-depth information about migration decisions and movements were collected through the interviews. Moreover, ethnographical methods in the form of informal conversations and observations were important for the data collection and noted in a field diary. With one exception, all the cases analysed here are men. This reflects the gender distribution of Senegalese immigrants in Brazil, who are mainly men between 19 and 50years old (Tedesco & Mello, 2015; Herédia & Gonçalves, 2017). Only 1.6 per cent of an immigration stock of 3173 Senegalese in the state of Rio Grande do Sul are women (Uebel, 2017). This is not surprising, since Senegalese emigration is generally rathera male domain (SENEGAL, 2018). The participants are mainly from the region of Dakar, different cities in the so-called peanut basin and the Casamance and have diverse ethnic backgrounds. Their age ranges from 22 to 47years and their civil status includes unmarried, married and separated. Some migrants originate from poor families, while others have a middle-class background with fathers who worked as public servants. The class background reflects itself in some cases in the level of education, which include qualifications in primary and secondary school and academic diplomas as well as Quran schools. 8.4 Multinational Migration toandfromBrazil 8.4.1 Multinational Migration fromCape Verde The Cape Verde archipelago lies about 500km west of Senegal’s coast. The multinational migration of (West) African migrants from Cape Verde to Brazil can be understood as a new chapter in the archipelago’s long history as an intersection between Africa, South America and Europe. Due to their strategic position in the Atlantic, the islands were an important transit point in both the transatlantic slave trade and, later, for steamships, which needed to reload coal for their voyages between Europe and South America. Cape Verde is widely known for its long P. R. Jung 167 history of emigration (Batalha & Carling, 2008) but, since the second half of the 1990s, the country has witnessed the arrival of citizens of ECOWAS member states.3 Especially in the beginning, the islands were considered as a stepping-stone for migrants aiming to reach the EU.However, restrictive migration policies in EU countries, together with increasing border controls in Cape Verdean waters– for example, in the form of military cooperation with European countries– hindered these movements (Marcelino & Farahi, 2011; Furtado, 2013). Additionally, a constant economic growth, especially due to the booming construction and tourism sectors and both lower financial burdens with regards to the migration and legal entry barriers in Cape Verde, attracted a growing number of West African migrants, among them Senegalese, who are the second biggest group of citizens from other ECOWAS countries (Jung, 2015). As movements from Cape Verde to Europe became more difficult, migrants started to look westwards for alternatives. The following three cases are examples of this reorientation. Sadio is a 47-year-old Fulani from the region of Kolda in the Casamance. It was difficult to gain a living and support the family in Senegal and, after he separated from his wife, with whom he has one child, he decided to emigrate to Cape Verde in 2008. He moved to the capital, Praia, where a friend and his older brother already lived, with the expectation that it would be easier to gain a living there. However, from the beginning he did not see Cape Verde as his final destination. Instead, he intended to move again to Spain, Portugal or Brazil. In Praia he worked in construction but his revenue was not enough to really improve his and his family’s life. The situation became even more difficult with the decline of job opportunities in the building sector. ‘I had to leave there, otherwise nothing would get better’, Sadio told me. His intention to move to Spain, Portugal or Brazil remained strong but it was not easy to realise. Getting a visa for the two European countries was too difficult and soon he abandoned the idea to move there. Through Guinea-Bissauan and Senegalese merchants who travelled regularly for their commerce between Cape Verde and Brazil and a friend who had already migrated to Brazil in 2012, he informed himself about the possibilities and regulations to move to South America instead. Visa regulations for Brazil were much easier but his next migratory step was delayed. He explained to me the financial reasons for this delay. ‘[M]oney was very difficult to earn. I also had to help my family in Senegal. I needed some time to save the money necessary to leave. It took a while’. It took him 8 years before he was finally able to leave Cap Verde. He travelled to Brazil on a one-month business visa in October 2016. After arriving in Recife, in the north-east of Brazil, Sadio went to Fortaleza, where a Senegalese friend with whom he had worked in Cape Verde lived. The friend helped him to apply for asylum. He stayed for 4 months in Fortaleza, waiting for news from another Senegalese, also an acquaintance from Cape Verde, who was looking for a job for him in Passo Fundo, the city where Saido now lives and works. Sadio did not only consider Cape Verde 3 The protocol on the Free Movement of Persons, Residence and Establishment permits nationals of the 15 Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) member states free movement in the regional bloc. 8 Multinational Migration in the Global South: Complex and Non-linear Trajectories… 174 About one year later, he was trying to get a visa for Australia and a private enterprise was taking care of his request. Assis is one of two migrants whom I met in Brazil, who applied several times for a visa for different countries but, until now, were never successful. While this visa lottery could be understood as a strong wish to leave Brazil, Assis’ intentions are dynamic and adapt themselves to the circumstances. Migration is as an active learning process. As we saw above, Assis arrived as a young 20-year-old in South America and, according to him, with absolutely no idea of what to expect. The experience that imagined opportunities can differ from the reality encountered in a country and his knowledge of the difficulties of starting from zero impacted on his approach to further movements– he does not want to take risks. I only think about leaving for three months. Only three months. After three months, I will come back. Go out to see and come back. [….] I go there just to analyse. I analyse, see how it is there and then I come back here. […] I could imagine something else and (when) I get there, the reality is different. So first I want to keep my store, let someone take care of it. Then I will visit another [country] and see what happens on the other side and if it’s better I’ll come back here and see how I’m going to solve it. Assis intends to let someone, preferably a relative, look after his store during his time away. This strategy resembles that used by Mamadou for his migration from Cape Verde to Brazil. A temporary movement for exploration purposes as a strategy to minimise the risk of disillusionment and failure was also mentioned by other migrants, especially those who are doing relatively well in Brazil. Migration experiences are a crucial element for this approach. The concern over starting again in a new country and undergoing the same difficulties that they successfully had overcome in Brazil, lead to an attempt to minimise the risks. By contrast, migrants who have nothing to lose or no other obligations in Brazil– for example a family– would often not hesitate to move again to another country. Moussa, who expressed his disappointment with his migratory experience in Brazil, has no doubts and intends to leave Brazil as soon as possible and move to Canada. ‘If I get a visa tomorrow morning, I’m leaving tomorrow’, he told me without showing any fear that migrating to Canada could be unsuccessful as well. However, I recently spoke with Moussa5 and his situation in Brazil has completely changed. He has moved from South Brazil to the North and currently lives in Belém in the Amazon Delta. There he once helped a Senegalese woman who travelled to Brazil to buy chili peppers. Through this experience he discovered, almost by coincidence, a new income opportunity and now works as a middleman between Senegalese and Chinese buyers and Brazilian producers. At least for the time being, his intention of onward migration is suspended. This and the other cases show the heterogeneity and fluidity of multinational migration intentions and preparations by Senegalese immigrants in Brazil. 5 Telephone call on 03 January 2021. P. R. Jung 175 8.5 Conclusion In one form or another, multinational migration is an integral part of Senegalese migration to Brazil. Onward migration from Cape Verde, the movement across the border from Argentina or the intention to move to an EU country or North America, all demonstrate how Senegalese immigration in Brazil is embedded in wider contexts of (global) mobility. Multinational migrations to Brazil are a central factor in the discovery of Brazil by Senegalese migrants and generally also paved the way for the direct migration from Senegal to Brazil which started later. Self-improvement is the main motive for multinational migration directed to and from Brazil. Here, aspirations with regards to better employment opportunities and higher income are very important. However, self-improvement also refers to personal growth resulting from experiences in a new country or continent and the search for new challenges. While Brazil’s economic growth first attracted Senegalese migrants in Cape Verde and Argentina, the ongoing economic crisis creates intentions to leave Brazil. There is, nevertheless, no clear-cut point in time when movements changed direction. Until now, movements in both directions happened simultaneously. This indicates that each migrant evaluates conditions differently. While some migrants are disappointed with the situation in Brazil, others found better conditions than at their last place of residence. Important for the understanding of multinational migration intentions from Brazil is the different status which is associated with each destination as well as the status that is accorded to migrants themselves for reaching particular destinations (Belloni, 2020). The USA is higher on the destination hierarchy and a Senegalese who managed to go there is regarded differently to one who lives in Brazil. Aspirations for onward movement are constructed in transnational spaces. Many of the interviewees have relatives and friends in several countries. These kinship or friendship ties connect different places and are a part of those transnational spaces which span more than two countries. While relationships based on kinship or common origin are especially important in the decision to leave Senegal, in the cases presented here, people’s intentions for multinational migration are often embedded in relationships which developed during the migration journey and often include friends and acquaintances of a different nationality. The results show that intentions for onward movements and the strategies to do so are situated in specific localities. The examples of Mamadou– who uses his store in Cape Verde as a safety-net– or of Abdoulaye and how his intention to move to Brazil was constructed in Praia, demonstrate this situatedness. A Senegalese who moved to Cape Verde may have never imagined that, at some point in his life, he would visit Brazil– much less live there. However, the migration to Cape Verde changed the migratory horizon. The spatial and temporal dimensions of the migratory trajectory are open-ended and not fixed. This openness also implies that a migrant may not move at all or may decide to return to his home country or last country of residence. Migration intentions are dynamic. They change over time and adapt to circumstances and the emergence of 8 Multinational Migration in the Global South: Complex and Non-linear Trajectories… 176 opportunities. Finally, the study demonstrates how different forms of mobility intersect. Temporary movements either result in intentions for multinational migration or are used for exploration purposes. Acknowledgements I would like to thank Russell King, Jill Ahrens and the anonymous reviewers for their helpful feedback. My special gratitude goes to the Senegalese migrants, who shared their experiences and histories with me. This research was supported by the Portuguese Foundation for Science and Technology (FCT) (grant number PD/BD/128347/2017) and the DiasporaLink Program financed by the Research Executive Agency (grant number 645471). 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