The twisting path to adulthood: Roma/Cigano youth in urban Portugal

Social Inclusion (ISSN: 2183–2803) 2022, Volume 10, Issue 4, Pages 93–104 https://doi.org/10.17645/si.v10i4.5683 Article The Twisting Path to Adulthood: Roma/Cigano Youth in Urban Portugal Judite Ie 1and Marit Ursin 2,* 1Department of Sociology and Social Work, University of Valladolid, Spain 2Department of Education and Lifelong Learning, Norwegian University of Science and Technology, Norway * Corresponding author ([email protected]) Submitted: 27 April 2022 | Accepted: 26 August 2022 | Published: 10 November 2022 Abstract While there is a growing body of research on Ciganos/Roma in Portugal, little is known about how Cigano youth transition into adulthood. In this article, we address this gap by drawing on a qualitative study on the transitions of young Ciganos living in Cascais, a coastal municipality in the Lisbon district. Using a multi‐method approach, we explore the life course trajectories of Cigano youth within the areas of education, livelihoods, and marriage, and how these areas shape their transition experiences. The empirical material shows that the transition into adulthood of Cigano youth is influenced by broader structural and socio‐cultural factors. Processes of socialization, ethnicity, and gender restrict young Ciganos’ par‐ ticipation in education and formal labor markets, which increases their vulnerability to marginalization and exclusion in society. Cigano youth, however, initiate different pathways in their life trajectories to achieve adulthood. By focusing on the voices of Cigano youth, we challenge the homogenization of their lives in Portugal and highlight how social age and linked lives shape their transitions into adulthood. Keywords Cigano/Roma; education; linked lives; marriage; social age; youth transition Issue This article is part of the issue “Life Course Justice and Learning” edited by Aija Lulle (University of Eastern Finland), Remus G. Anghel (SNSPA–National University of Political Studies and Public Administration / Romanian Institute for Research on National Minorities), Caitriona Ní Laoire (University College Cork), and Russell King (University of Sussex). © 2022 by the author(s); licensee Cogitatio (Lisbon, Portugal). This article is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribu‐ tion 4.0 International License (CC BY). 1. Introduction Despite the European Union and Portugal’s concern with inequalities and citizenship of Ciganos/Roma, poverty, illiteracy, marginalization, and social exclusion continue to be prevalent within this population (ERRC/NÚMENA, 2007; FRA, 2017; Magano & Mendes, 2021). Portuguese Ciganos are generally perceived as a homogenous group, stereotypically depicted as “nomads,” free from com‐ mitments and bonds except blood ties (Mendes, 2007), living in social housing alongside other Cigano families (Magano, 2017). These generalizations, however, dis‐ miss the individual diversity and cultural plurality of Cigano life paths and fail to cover the complexity of their social realities (Magano, 2017, 2022). Cigano cul‐ ture in Portugal is commonly based on customs and the value attributed to age and experience, shaping their notions of status, gender roles, family relations, and distancing them from non‐Ciganos (e.g., Magano, 2010; Mendes, 2007). While groups may “claim to own culture” for the sake of group identity, “not everyone inside a group [of Cigano culture] shares the same beliefs and norms” (Anderson‐Levitt, 2012, pp. 444–445). Hence, being a Cigano is connected to experiences and processes of socialization that individuals acquire within their own ethnic group by sharing moral val‐ ues (e.g., respect, honor, shame) and traditions and customs expressed through rites of passage (Magano, 2010), which are regarded as pillars for group cohesion and identity (Hogg et al., 2017). In the Portuguese con‐ text, the word for Roma individuals is ciganos. We use the term in Portuguese, capitalized, because it is recog‐ nized and used by Portuguese Ciganos themselves (see Magano, 2017). Social Inclusion, 2022, Volume 10, Issue 4, Pages 93–104 93 While there has been an increase in research on Portuguese Ciganos in general, there is a paucity of research on how Cigano youth experience transitions into adulthood. In any socio‐economic context, youth is con‐ sidered a life‐changing period in which young people acquire and develop educational and training skills that are crucial components in achieving adulthood (World Bank, 2006). However, studies have shown that there are many ways in which young people live and experi‐ ence such transitions, varying within and across ethnic‐ ity, social class, gender, and geographical environment (e.g., Arnett, 2007; Ursin & Abebe, 2017; van Blerk, 2008). Structural and socio‐cultural factors allow us to under‐ stand the diverse contexts that impinge upon the transi‐ tions of young Ciganos, as they share and initiate differ‐ ent stages in different dimensions of their life trajectories (Magano, 2017). In this article, we draw on an ethno‐ graphic and a multi‐method study to explore the com‐ plexities of transitions through education, work, and mar‐ riage of Ciganos coming of age in Cascais, Portugal, and to show the importance of “social age” (Laz, 1998) and “linked lives” (Heinz, 2009) in their transition experiences. The study aims to explore how both Cigano and main‐ stream Portuguese culture influence Ciganos’ transitions to adulthood. We start with an overview of the theo‐ retical and conceptual framework and previous research on youth transitions, followed by a contextualization of young Ciganos regarding education, employment, and social policies in Portugal and a provision of some key features of contemporary Cigano society. In the method‐ ology section, we discuss the study’s research design and ethical considerations. Then we present the empirical material, exploring the interconnected themes of school‐ ing, livelihoods, and marriage before discussing the data in relation to previous research and chosen conceptual framework. At last, we offer a brief conclusion. 2. Conceptualizing Youth Transitions In the mainstream culture of the Global North, youth transitions have commonly been seen as moving from dependency to independency. Inspired by develop‐ mental psychology and analyses of post‐war genera‐ tions, youth studies in the 1980s and early 1990s detected three main pathways of becoming a “successful adult”: school‐to‐work transition, domestic (family) tran‐ sition, and housing transition (Coles, 1995). Although researchers have documented that youth transitions of the 1950s and 1960s were more heterogeneous than previously assumed (see Galland, 2007), it remains the “golden standard” of growing up. Hence, the acquisition of higher education, entry into the formal labor mar‐ ket, and subsequent economic independence are per‐ ceived as essential transition markers by leading inter‐ national organizations (see UNICEF, 2011; World Bank, 2006). Youths who fail to comply with the golden stan‐ dard have been labeled “deviant” (Jones, 1995) or hav‐ ing transitions that are “delayed, broken, highly frag‐ mented and blocked” (Chisholm, 1993, as cited in Wyn & White, 1997, p. 95). Furthermore, the golden standard promotes a normative understanding of youth and adult‐ hood, rendering early marriage, teenage pregnancy, and school dropouts as “social problems.” The applicability and universality of the golden standard have been criti‐ cized as more diverse accounts of young people’s biogra‐ phies are increasingly informing theorizations (Furlong et al., 2011; Robertson et al., 2018; Ursin & Abebe, 2017; van Blerk, 2008). Youth is rooted in socio‐temporal spaces where social categories are experienced and interpreted differently. Bearing in mind that “youth” is a socially and cultur‐ ally constructed phenomenon (cf. Berger & Luckmann, 2000), its existence as a distinct category of life is neither biologically determined nor universal but differs across space and time. According to Berger and Luckmann (2000), social constructionism is advantageous as an ana‐ lytical tool when exploring interpretations, in this case questioning the “taken‐for‐granted‐ness” of how youth transitions unfold. Here we would add that while the period of youth as a social phenomenon has been exten‐ sively analyzed within the social sciences, there is a need to unravel the social construction of adulthood as it is often rendered self‐explanatory, permanent, and uni‐ versal within transition studies (Horton & Kraftl, 2005). As some studies have demonstrated, (young) adulthood may also be transitory, multiple, ambiguous, and com‐ plex (Langevang, 2008; Ursin & Abebe, 2017). We are inspired by theorizations concerning social age as opposed to chronological age, where the social interpretation of age is ascribed meaning contextually, determined by historical, political, biological, cultural, and social conditions (Clark‐Kazak, 2013; see also Laz, 1998; Sørsveen & Ursin, 2021). Laz (1998) suggests that the way age is “done” is shaped by normative under‐ standings and expectations around how we are sup‐ posed to “act our age.” She describes how experiences and expectations of aging, as well as life course transi‐ tions (i.e., education, marriage, childbearing, and work), are patterned by—and work in interplay with—ethnicity, class, and gender in addition to political and economic forcesthat give rise to the institutions, practices, and poli‐ cies that create and reinforce these patterns. However, whilst our culture provides us with resources for “doing age,” individuals draw on and give meaning to these (see Sørsveen & Ursin, 2021). While we often conform to prevailing norms and conceptualizations, we might also question these in the process of creating and maintaining our selves, roles, and identities (Laz, 1998). Transitions thus occur at the intersection of personal choice, and rejection, and adaption to cultural, bureaucratic, institu‐ tional, and structural factors. As Huijsmans (2013) asserts, a relational approach to age is beneficial, as it is attentive to agency while appreciating how relations of age are tied into struc‐ tural processes. To make sense of life courses, it is important to emphasize highly relational aspects, varying Social Inclusion, 2022, Volume 10, Issue 4, Pages 93–104 94 by class, ethnicity, gender, and other social variables. Walther (2006), for example, defines southern European countries as sub‐protective transition regimes charac‐ terized by a low percentage of formal employment and a high rate of unprotected living conditions, result‐ ing in youth transitions that are marked by informal work and high dependency on extended family. He dis‐ misses what he perceives as “a diagnosis of ongoing de‐standardization, individualization, and fragmentation of transitions” (Walther, 2006, p. 120) in the European context. Following this, Jeffrey (2010) challenges the assumption that people move from dependence to inde‐ pendence, arguing that adulthood is more about states of interdependence rather than autonomy in many soci‐ eties (see Ursin et al., 2022). Aligned with the relational approach, Heinz (2009) notes that while we have suc‐ ceeded in documenting young people’s agency in tran‐ sitions, we know little about how “linked lives” (i.e., their relationships) contribute to the outcomes of transi‐ tions. Similarly, while transition points and markers such as school‐to‐work provides insights into life trajectories, Wyn et al. (2019) argue that such focus ignores the fact that young people’s relationships enable these transi‐ tions. In the same vein, others have argued that youth transition pathways should not be perceived simply as a means of securing education and employment but should also be acknowledged as new spaces of identification and belonging (Robertson et al., 2018; Wyn et al., 2019). Although few studies focus specifically on youth tran‐ sitions among Portuguese Ciganos, some studies explore education, work, and marriage, documenting great cul‐ tural heterogeneity and variation in social and spa‐ tial integration (Magano, 2010; Mendes, 2007; Nicolau, 2010), particularly between those who live a Cigano life from those who live a non‐Cigano life, with several dif‐ ferences in terms of lifestyles (Magano, 2010). Recent studies reveal changes within the Cigano communities in terms of increased educational level, stronger ties to formal employment, and weakened traditions of early, arranged marriages (Magano, 2017, 2022; Mendes & Magano, 2016). However, the tradition of the Cigano marriage remains a tenet of the Cigano culture and a rite of passage to the adult Cigano world (Magano, 2017, p. 50). Marriage functions as an affirmation of Cigano culture through the valorization of endogamic marriages carried out at a very young age, especially for girls upon reaching the age of puberty (Magano, 2017; Mendes & Magano, 2016). This current study draws on valuable findings from previous research and adds a novel focus on life course transitions among young Ciganos with an emphasis on their relationalities—their so‐called “linked lives.” In the following sections, the current situation of young Ciganos will be described further. 3. Cigano Youth, Education, and Social Policies Ciganos are the poorest ethnic group with the worst housing conditions in Portugal (Mendes & Magano, 2016). Many Portuguese Ciganos are illiterate and do not complete any level of schooling, including compul‐ sory schooling (12 years of schooling; see Magano, 2022; Mendes et al., 2014). Drop‐out rates and school fail‐ ure continue to be common among Cigano children even before the completion of the second cycle of the Portuguese school system (6th grade; Mendes et al., 2014). Girls leave school between the ages of 11–14 and boys between 16–18 years of age (Mendes & Magano, 2016). A survey carried out in public schools by the Ministry of Education showed that the num‐ ber of Ciganos enrolled in schools decreases as the level of education advances, and this is more notice‐ able for girls (Direção Geral de Estatísticas de Educação e Ciência, 2020). In a national study about Cigano communities, Mendes et al. (2014) found that 57% of Ciganos were unemployed, looking for a job, or had never been employed. Those who reported being unemployed said that they took on traditional, low‐skilled activities within the informal sector (e.g., street vending, agriculture, cleaning, and construction) and did not recognize these activities as work. According to Mendes et al. (2019), there is a strong presence of Ciganos in informal jobs, but a growing insertion of Ciganos (sometimes having to hide their ethnic identity) in the formal labor market is also noticeable. In the job market as in the rest of society, Ciganos are often subject to systematic racism and dis‐ crimination (Magano, 2017; Mendes & Magano, 2016). In an attempt to improve the situation of the Roma people at a national and European level, the European Union prosed that member states define national strategies for integration (European Parliament, 2011). The Portuguese National Strategy for Integration of Ciganos (ACIDI, 2013) is based on four main goals, includ‐ ing access to health, education, housing, and employ‐ ment/vocational training. This strategy was reviewed in 2018 by acknowledging that, despite considerable social changes in the past years, many Ciganos still face dis‐ crimination, poverty, and social exclusion (Mendes et al., 2014). This review sought to improve Ciganos’ integra‐ tion and general well‐being as well as deconstruct stereo‐ types between Ciganos and non‐Ciganos (Mendes & Magano, 2021). Recent changes were made in the defini‐ tion of the strategy, specifically in terms of clarification and implementation of the measures, and the prioritiza‐ tion of interventions regarding gender equality, knowl‐ edge about Cigano individuals, and their participation in the implementation of this strategy (ENICC, 2018). Several social policies have been implemented in Portugal to increase the educational level and voca‐ tional training of the Portuguese population, such as the Educational Territories of Priority Intervention, the Social Insertion Income (RSI), and the New Opportunities Program, to name a few. The Operational Program for the Promotion of Education, awarding scholarships to Cigano students, and the Educa program to support Cigano students in primary and secondary education Social Inclusion, 2022, Volume 10, Issue 4, Pages 93–104 95 were recently developed (Magano, 2022). Much effort has also been put into promoting equal work opportu‐ nities for, and integration of, Cigano youth in the for‐ mal job market. Of relevance to the following analysis, the Municipal Mediators Pilot Project, launched in 2009, employs Ciganos as mediators to liaise between Ciganos and mainstream society and improve Ciganos’ access to local services (Castro et al., 2010). 4. Conducting Research With Cigano Youth: The Methodology This study draws on data from two‐month fieldwork car‐ ried out by the first author with young Ciganos in a neighborhood in Cascais. The overall aim of the study was to explore Cigano youths’ transitions to adulthood. The first author was familiar with the participants’ cul‐ ture and fluent in the local language. Purpose sampling strategy was used for the selection of the research site, and we also relied on snowball sampling to find Ciganos who wanted to participate in the research. It proved difficult to recruit girls, perhaps because they depend on parents’ and husbands’ consent, as per cultural cus‐ toms. Therefore, in‐depth interviews were conducted with eight youths of 17 to 24 years of age with similar social origins: Five boys and one girl whose parents were both Ciganos, and two female siblings (Ines and Katia) whose mother was Cigano but whose father was not. The sample size allowed for an in‐depth approach to a novel analytical insight and generate rich data (Vasileiou et al., 2018). Table 1 provides an overview of the partici‐ pants’ statutes regarding education, work, marriage, and parenthood. Most participants’ parents had low school‐ ing levels (one being illiterate). All participants lived in social housing. The data was collected between June and August 2015. The study was inspired by a rights‐based approach, ensuring participants’ rights throughout the research process (Ennew et al., 2009); it had a multi‐ method approach that included participant observation and informal dialogue, focus group discussion, semi‐ structured interviews, and used the life‐grid method. Contextual information about young people’s everyday lives was obtained through participant observation and informal dialogues in community spaces, such as cafes, supermarkets, sidewalks, and bars. This enabled devel‐ opment and redefinition of research themes and con‐ textualization of empirical data gathered through other methods (Ennew et al., 2009). Six participants participated in two gender‐ segregated focus groups: One group with three girls and one group with three boys (see Table 2). Examples of general themes discussed are: when is one considered an adult; what does it mean to be an adult; similarities and differences between Cigano and Portuguese culture; relationships with non‐Ciganos. Examples of questions in the individual interviews are: How is/was your life at school? How do you make a living? What culture do you think influences you the most? For participants who found it difficult to recall events or who showed difficulties in expressing themselves verbally, the life‐grid method was employed. This tool and the visual overview of their life histories functioned as a good aide to memories (Bell, 2005). The life events written on the grid mostly concerned age/event, including work, family, and culture, facilitating further discussion. Focus groups were tape‐recorded and lasted approx‐ imately one hour each. The individual interviews were also tape‐recorded (except one, for which notes were made manually as this participant felt uncomfortable Table 1. Biographical overview of participants. Schooling Marital/ Name Age level Given reasons for school dropout Occupation parental status Bruno 19 5th grade Did not learn anything about Cigano School mediator Single/no children history, culture, and customs David 22 5th grade Did not learn useful knowledge School mediator/ Married/no children Drug dealer Fabio 19 12th grade Not relevant Student Single/no children Gabi 17 8th grade Forced by father Domestic work Married/with children Ines 24 Higher Not relevant Unemployed Single/no children education Katia 19 4th grade Finds education unnecessary to make Domestic work Married/with children a living (vending) Miguel 22 5th grade Felt stigmatized and excluded in the Drug dealer Married/ classroom by his teacher and colleagues wife pregnant Rui 22 5th grade Did not receive support and School mediator Single/no children encouragement from home Social Inclusion, 2022, Volume 10, Issue 4, Pages 93–104 96 Table 2. Overview of participants’ gender, age, and involvement in research tools. Name Age Gender Research tools Bruno 19 Boy Focus group/Individual interview David 22 Boy Focus group/Life‐grid Fabio 19 Boy Individual interview Gabi 17 Girl Focus group/Life‐grid/Individual interview Ines 24 Girl Focus group/Individual interview Katia 19 Girl Focus group/Life‐grid Miguel 22 Boy Focus group/Individual interview Rui 22 Boy Individual interview being recorded) and lasted between 30 minutes and two hours. All tape recordings were transcribed verba‐ tim by the first author. In analyzing the transcripts, we engaged in a community of interpretation and validation (Brinkmann & Kvale, 2014). Key themes were identified according to the study’s aim and organized according to descriptive and analytic codes (Creswell & Poth, 2016). Recurrent themes were school experiences, livelihood opportunities, and preparation for marriage, which struc‐ tures the following analysis. We chose excerpts describ‐ ing young Ciganos’ sensemaking of their pathways to adulthood, explored literature and theories to better understand the complexity of these paths, and discussed and validated analytical points. The study was approved by the Norwegian Social Science Data Services. Participants provided both writ‐ ten and verbal consent before the study started. They were assured that their privacy and anonymity would be secured and that they could withdraw from the study at any time without providing any reason. The young par‐ ticipants decided on the venue for the interviews and focus groups, suggesting the Youth Club as it was conve‐ nient and comfortable, being local yet providing privacy to talk freely. 5. Results In the following, we explore our main themes: (a) young Ciganos’ gendered encounters with the school system; (b) childhood and adolescence as preparation for mar‐ riage; and (c) finding livelihood possibilities at the mar‐ gins of society. The themes are closely interrelated, affecting one another, as the following will demonstrate. 5.1. Young Ciganos’ Gendered Encounters With the School System 5.1.1. Male Experiences of Discrimination and Lack of Recognition For many Cigano boys, school life was marked by discrim‐ ination, exclusion, and prejudice by teachers who “oth‐ ered” them based on their ethnic background. Miguel recalled: “My teachers used to put me in a corner by myself and would only talk to me when other stu‐ dents didn’t need her.” Rui and Fabio were favored by their teachers for having minimal Cigano physical traits. Rui reported that his teacher considered him a smart boy, who responded “perfectly for his age mentality.” However, this changed radically when the teachers dis‐ covered his Cigano ethnicity and started to ignore him. Like Rui, Fabio said that not having typical Cigano traits was to his benefit at school, and he would consciously hide his ethnicity. In addition to ethnic discrimination as a form of oth‐ ering Cigano boys at school, they also expressed a lack of relevance of formal schooling. While some boys criti‐ cized the lack of Cigano history, culture, and customs in Portuguese national curriculum, others felt the culture of schooling is incompatible with Cigano culture. For exam‐ ple, Bruno stated: “Schools should also include our his‐ tory and music.” David acknowledged that schooling was necessary to learn to read and write, which they needed “to get a driving license” and “deal with government bureaucracies,” suggesting the very practical reasons why one would attend school. He complained that schooling should be “more orientated to practical life.” Similarly, Miguel did not see schooling as a means to achieve a liveli‐ hood in his future: “I won’t get money from books.” Bruno reasoned that he “didn’t have a head to be at school” and that Ciganos “don’t go far in school.” Overall, the boys confirmed a belief that schooling is not only irrelevant but also incongruous with Cigano social life and identity. 5.1.2. Female Experiences of Gendered Expectations The girls’ school experiences differed somewhat from the boys’, as they did not raise the issue of discrimina‐ tion or othering in school. Rather, cultural expectations regarding girls’ position in the Cigano society marked their transition narratives. Gabi explained that she was forced by her father to leave school in 8th grade to marry (at age 16). She described her father’s gendered upbring‐ ing as the following: Social Inclusion, 2022, Volume 10, Issue 4, Pages 93–104 97 For him, I [should have] stopped at 5th grade. He thinks that being able to read, write, and count is good enough for a girl. But with my brother, he was different. He supported him and encouraged him to finish secondary school. Gabi expressed disappointment in leaving school and wished that she had been able to continue her studies. She also connected her dropout to an abrupt end to child‐ hood: “I wished I could have been a teenager….I went from childhood to adulthood.” Contrary to Gabi, Katia said: “I hated school, but I kept going to keep the state benefits.” She talked about how embarrassed she felt being 16 years old and study‐ ing with younger children. Katia perceived early school departure as the right thing to do. She asserted: “I don’t want my baby girl to continue to study beyond 9th grade. I want my child to have the same destiny as me,” mean‐ ing leaving school to marry. For Katia, the more time a girl spends in school, the more likely it is that she will be sexu‐ ally active outside marriage. She explained that this is not tolerated; a woman must be a virgin when she marries. In addition, in her mind, school attendance increases the chances of a girl encountering a non‐Cigano adoles‐ cent, also strongly discouraged by the Cigano commu‐ nity. According to Bruno, his parents reasoned in similar ways, as his sisters were not allowed to continue educa‐ tion when reaching 16: “At 16 girls have to be with their parents, so they won’t bring a bad reputation and shame to the family.” Ines, however, followed a different educational tra‐ jectory, more in line with mainstream culture and values. Ines considered herself paya—an outcast—for acquir‐ ing certain habits and customs that are in line with non‐Ciganos, such as continuing studying and interacting mostly with non‐Ciganos. Ines believed this is atypical in Cigano communities. Her decision to continue her stud‐ ies instead of marrying brought disappointment to her family, she explained, being accused by her mother and grandparents of disrespecting Cigano traditions. Despite being encouraged to quit schooling, she began to explore other social realities beyond Cigano communities in 5th grade: “I got to know other people who weren’t Ciganos, I started to read…things that I hadn’t read before.” She continued: “I started to interact more with teachers, and they influenced my way of thinking, and they somehow made me wonder: Why shouldn’t I con‐ tinue to study? That there isn’t any harm in doing so.” 5.2. Childhood and Adolescence as Preparation for Marriage As seen concerning education, preparation for marriage was a vital component in a girl’s upbringing. Both Gabi and Katia described learning different household activ‐ ities from early on to avoid problems with their future husband and in‐laws. Katia, who married at the age of 14, said this preparation allowed her to become a “good woman, good mother, and a good daughter‐in‐ law.” Raising a daughter herself, Katia stated that she wants her daughter to leave school early to marry, con‐ tinuing: “But instead of marrying at the age of 14, I want her to marry when she is 17.” Ines, however, refused to follow the path taken by her younger sister and other family members who married at the age of 14 or 15. She anticipated being constrained when getting married: “As long as I am in my mother’s house, I can do and live as I like….I can’t have paya habits when I go to my in‐laws….I must listen and obey.” In her view, having been raised by a single mother (her father left when she was 10 years old) allowed her a certain degree of independence and paya lifestyle. Ines spoke about attempts at negotiating her future, as she said she neither wants to marry nor leave her mother’s house. This seems to have allowed her to continue her studies. The gendered expectations towards Cigano boys in adolescence were also connected to preparation for mar‐ riage, however with a different focus. The boys’ upbring‐ ing concentrated on learning how to support their future family and become breadwinners. In the focus group dis‐ cussion, the boys described being taught by the elders in the family collective how to negotiate and exchange goods from an early age. Rui said that at the age of 11 to 12 they were expected to help with their father’s busi‐ ness, as a way of learning “the malice of life’s cruel ways,” referring to the development of survival strategies. The gendered expectations regarding preparation for adulthood and marriage were deeply entwined with the socio‐spatial radius of girls and boys in their adolescence. While the girls were prepared for domestic tasks and roles, the boys learned how to navigate public space socially as well as spatially. As Bruno said: “For Ciganos it is worse to be a girl than a boy because a girl can’t go out as a boy does. If she does, she will bring a bad rep‐ utation.” Since public space is perceived as threatening to girls’ virginity (“purity”), at the time of marriage, they have, according to Bruno, “to stay at home” and, in the words of Rui, be “in charge of the house.” Restricting the socio‐spatial radius of girls circum‐ scribed their social lives and reduced their chances of meeting a non‐Cigano partner, in the same manner as leaving school early, as mentioned above. The partici‐ pants explained that they are expected to have intra‐ ethnic marriage and find a spouse within their own com‐ munity. If not, the family is looked down upon and loses respect in the community. As Katia reflected: “If my baby girl ends up marrying someone with a different ethnic background, I will kick her out of the house.” 5.3. Finding Livelihood Possibilities at the Margins of Society The young participants expressed a sense of economic responsibility towards their families and revealed cre‐ ativity regarding how to get by. Katia occasionally par‐ ticipated in informal vending activities. Although she Social Inclusion, 2022, Volume 10, Issue 4, Pages 93–104 98 initially wanted to work in a nursery, Katia reasoned that her educational background prevented her from securing such a job. However, she complained that her vending revenue combined with child benefits and RSI was not enough to provide for herself, her husband, and their daughter. Thus, she depended on financial help from her mother and mother‐in‐law. Gabi did not receive any family allowance or child benefits and thus aspired to complement her domestic work with formal work. Despite lacking experience in income‐generating activities, she reasoned that she might find a job as a cleaner. She expressed disappointment that neither her father nor husband allowed her to work, indicating strong gendered roles, responsibilities, and power hier‐ archies within the family. Despite having a bachelor’s degree in social work, Ines explained that securing a job turned out to be diffi‐ cult: “I graduated last year and since then I began looking for a job [as a social worker], but all my applications have been unsuccessful. I haven’t even been called for an inter‐ view in any place I applied.” Due to family obligations and having to support her mother who had health issues, she sought temporary employment as a hotel housekeeper: “I had to consider any kind of job because my mother isn’t very well. I can’t sit back and wait for the job I really want.” Ines remained optimistic and anticipated that continu‐ ing her studies and completing a master’s degree would make her “more attractive to the labor market.’’ For the boys in the study, livelihood prospects were somewhat different. Some of them were employed as mediators, a job relatively common among Ciganos, liais‐ ing between the Cigano communities and mainstream society. For Rui, the job as a mediator was seen as an opportunity that allowed him to develop valuable skills and experiences and finish high school. He wanted “to be somebody in life” and dreamt of “becoming a banker.” Some expressed that despite securing a mediator posi‐ tion, where their ethnic background was found valu‐ able, they still experienced prejudice. Bruno, for instance, explained: “The problem is when we tell them how to deal with the kids [Cigano children], they ignore what we say. They don’t listen to us. But we know how Cigano kids work, they don’t.” With a low level of education, difficulties in access‐ ing the formal job market, and money problems, Miguel and David searched for income possibilities at the ille‐ gal margins of society, reporting to engage in drug trade. Miguel described how he had to financially support his pregnant wife, grandmother, and father who was recently released from jail. He dreamt of investing his income in a business or buying a house but reasoned that “the money…from selling drugs is only enough for food and accommodation.’’ 6. Discussion The empirical material provides insight into how transi‐ tions to adulthood may unfold in contemporary Cigano communities in urban Portugal. The study reveals a series of school experiences and perceptions, heavily influenced by the youths’ ethnic identity and gender. The boys experienced being “othered” in two ways, both by being discriminated by teachers and by not finding rel‐ evance in formal schooling, which follows the study of Smith (1997). In addition to an aversion to the level of theorization of contemporary schooling, they also found that their culture and history were made invisible and insignificant in the curricular activities. Despite this, the boys completed more schooling than the girls, support‐ ing findings in previous studies with young Ciganos in Portugal (Magano, 2010, 2017; Mendes & Magano, 2016; Mendes et al., 2014). Magano (2017) also found that Cigano men provide different reasons for not completing compulsory education, often stressing personal choice rather than a parental decision. In the girls’ transition narratives, a diversity of mind‐ sets concerning education emerged. In Gabi’s case, she not only wished to continue schooling but also per‐ ceived attending formal education as a crucial part of adolescence. Having been denied this opportunity by her family, she reckoned that she had “lost” her youth. This social construction of youth rests upon a norma‐ tive understanding aligned with mainstream society, where continued schooling is seen to provide breath‐ ing space between childhood and adulthood, prolong‐ ing the period without heavy family responsibilities. Ines, who was able to continue studying, perceived the school venue as a place to expand her social, educational, and cultural horizons—a place where she could explore and develop her paya identity. Katia, on the other hand, regarded schooling as dreadful, as a necessary evil to obtain state benefits. Her viewpoints aligned with traditional Cigano values and worldview, where the school arena increases the risk of girls encountering non‐Cigano boys, seen as a threat to the preservation of female virginity. The girls’ educational trajectories were heavily influenced by gen‐ dered expectations concerning family obligations and marriage, seen as a key transition to adulthood by most of the participants. This is in line with previous research, stating that when young Cigano girls reach puberty, the family becomes more protective (Magano, 2022). The socio‐spatial and temporal freedom is seen as contagious and dangerous, threatening the “purity” of girls who spend time with non‐Ciganos (Magano, 2022; Mendes et al., 2014). In Magano’s (2022, p. 4) words, “the goal of preserving virginity until marriage makes her a hostage to the family, preventing her from prolonged schooling or professional undertakings outside of the domestic sphere.’’ How girls and boys were socialized into—and pre‐ pared for—their future rolesas husbands and wives were highly gendered and anchored in Cigano cultural norms and customs. While the girls learned about domestic tasks and trained to be “good” wives, mothers, and in‐laws, the boys were taught how to economically Social Inclusion, 2022, Volume 10, Issue 4, Pages 93–104 99 sustain the family by seizing monetary opportunities available in society. This echoes Magano’s (2022) find‐ ings that the Cigano family has a crucial role in preserving gender‐based traditions regarding marital commitments, even if this conflicts with schooling. Magano reminds us that family pressure makes it hard to reject Cigano val‐ ues and expectations. Bearing in mind the patriarchal nature of Cigano culture, the absence of Ines’ father seems to have provided her more leeway in choosing her life trajectory. Their gendered roles also had a great impact on their livelihood trajectories. Earning a living entailed drawing on whatever resources available, ranging from social ben‐ efits to formal employment whilst barriers encountered included internal cultural and gendered perceptions and structural discrimination in both the educational system and the job market (see also Magano, 2017). Many par‐ ticipants expressed being challenged by needing formal education and skill training to find work due to the growing social division of the labor market in contem‐ porary Portugal. All the girls expressed a wish to con‐ tribute to the family economy, yet their options varied. Although Cigano female labor force is of utmost impor‐ tance to the survival of the family (Mendes et al., 2014), their role remains tied to—and valorized for—tasks con‐ ducted in the domestic realm (Magano, 2022). This often results in a situation where the women are overbur‐ dened (Mendes & Magano, 2016). In this study, both Katia and Gabi had extensive domestic tasks. While Katia sometimes also took part in vending activities, Gabi’s family denied her access to income‐generating activi‐ ties. Cigano women’s obedience to male authority is not often questioned, and it is internalized from an early age as necessary for group cohesion and harmony (Lopes, 2008). Women questioning or rejecting traditional roles risk family conflict or being cut off entirely (Magano, 2010), such as seen in the case of Ines, who studied and participated in the formal job market despite her fam‐ ily’s disapproval. With limited school and work opportunities, three boys in this study viewed their job as mediators as the most feasible gateway to formal employment. Although Cigano mediators are seen as important to bridge the gap between Cigano communities and mainstream society (Magano & Mendes, 2021), some of the young mediators reported experiences of exclusion and discrimination. Two boys also engaged in livelihoods that are deemed “immoral” by society. As such, this study differs from the findings of Mendes and Magano (2016) in that not all Cigano participants worked in the formal labor mar‐ ket. Being involved in the drug trade, Miguel and David were acutely aware that livelihood choices are not neu‐ tral but engender processes of inclusion and exclusion. Their unconventional livelihood choice conflicted with mainstream society, reinforcing their positions as socially excluded (see Ursin & Abebe, 2017). Rather than per‐ ceiving certain livelihoods as marginalized, these liveli‐ hoods must be seen as emerging in marginalized con‐ texts, acknowledging the socio‐cultural, economic, polit‐ ical, and historical conditions that keep some Cigano youth at the margin. Although most literature and pol‐ icymaking deem involvement in unconventional liveli‐ hoods as failed or unfulfilled transitions, it is necessary to decouple the link between adulthood and the formal labor market (van Blerk, 2008) and recognize it as alter‐ native transitions to adulthood (Ursin & Abebe, 2017). The empirical material suggests that the socially con‐ structed character of both education and work should be renegotiated and reconstructed. Rather than tak‐ ing for granted that education equalizes formal school‐ ing, this study suggests that informal education and intergenerational transfer of skills and values among Ciganos are important for success in entering adult‐ hood. Furthermore, informal education—in relation to involvement in both domestic tasks and vending—is dif‐ ficult to discern from contributions to informal work. At the same time, formal schooling is seen, in the case of Katia, as work, earning state benefits due to her school attendance. The transition narratives of these youths stand in con‐ trast to normative understandings of youth and young adulthood, and their transitions are often rendered “deviant” by normative understandings. For instance, while early marriage, teenage pregnancy, and school dropout are commonly perceived as “social problems,” several of the participants see these as both necessary and normal in order to enter adulthood. Furthermore, research and policy on youth transitions in the Global North have tended to conceptualize the school‐to‐work transition as consisting of two chronologically separated domains, based on the assumption that young people do not work while they study and that schooling results in relevant employment. For the Cigano youth in this study, this dichotomy is problematic as all participants had been working since childhood, combining schooling with domestic or remunerated activities. Hence, the engage‐ ment in (renumerated) work does not function as a def‐ inite “marker” of adulthood. In addition, the imagined move from dependence to independence, either rela‐ tionally or economically, does not materialize for most young Cigano adults, as their social life and culture rest upon a deep state of intergenerational interdependence. This is seen in how young people depend on their par‐ ents and in‐laws, and the other way around, in the case of Ines’ sick mother. Within transition studies, marriage is seen as having lost its key function as a marker of adult status (Arnett, 2007), yet among many of these Ciganos marriage was perceived as a cornerstone in becoming an adult (see also Magano, 2022). In fact, great parts of their child‐ hoods and youth revolved around preparation for mar‐ ried life when they are expected to work, take care of each other, and raise children of their own. This also high‐ lights the longitudinal character of transitions and shows that vital transitions occur throughout the life course of most Ciganos, in their childhood, present being, and Social Inclusion, 2022, Volume 10, Issue 4, Pages 93–104 100 future becomings (Elder et al., 2002). Commenting on the appropriation of normative ideals of what constitute a “normal” youth transition, Valentine and Skelton (2007, p. 105) highlighted that “not all young people either aspire to all of these ‘norms,’ or achieve them in a form that can be measured or acknowledge in conventional ways.” Many young Ciganos living in Portugal will neither achieve nor should be expected to achieve adulthood based on linear and normative notions, as their lives underscore the importance of a “multiplicity of futures” in grasping the complexity and diversity of transitions (Jeffrey, 2010). The empirical material supports the idea of social age, where age is produced by normative age‐based assumptions on how to behave along the life course (Laz, 1998). The study brings to the surface the importance of both ethnicity and gender in the making of social age, where age‐based expectations of the Portuguese mainstream society and policymaking often differ from those of the local Cigano community regarding school‐ ing, work obligations, marriage, and childbearing. Most of the participants conformed to Cigano norms, repro‐ ducing the “Cigano way of life” (Magano, 2022). However, some questioned prevailing norms, most visibly Ines. In many ways, Ines’ life trajectory is aligned with, and adapted to, mainstream values and political objectives, taking higher education and postponing marriage and pregnancy. Overall, the study thus confirms previous research findings that the degree of importance given to Cigano customs and traditions varies among the young generation of Ciganos (Magano, 2022; Mendes & Magano, 2016). In relation to this, the importance of young peo‐ ple’s linked lives (Heinz, 2009) in molding their transition experiences also becomes apparent. The relationships in which their lives are embedded provide strong expec‐ tations, structural benefits and barriers, and degrees of leeway to their own agentic behavior, ranging from feel‐ ing in charge of major life decisions to being subject to social pressure. This is, for instance, seen in the case of formal education, where Gabi wished she had contin‐ ued studying while Ines remained in school despite her family’s disapproval. In most cases, family and commu‐ nity seem to form the basis of their linked lives, being the dominant force in the life choices of youth. This concurs with previous studies on Cigano communities, documenting strong intra‐ethnic sociability and solidar‐ ity where the family is the keystone (Mendes & Magano, 2016). However, Ines’ trajectory shows how her scope of agency is enacted through resistance to her ethnic background while facilitated by her out‐of‐community interpersonal relationships. Connecting with supportive teachers motivated her to study within an intercultural social environment that surpassed the Cigano communi‐ ties. Her trajectory differs greatly from that of her sister, Katia, who remained loyal to the Cigano gendered roles and values, wishing likewise for her daughter. By draw‐ ing attention to the formations of linked lives, we recog‐ nize the importance of both self‐identification (as Cigano or paya) and sense of belonging (in the Cigano or the mainstream community) as part of their navigations into young adulthood (cf. Robertson et al., 2018; Wyn et al., 2019). 7. Conclusion Following recent developments in critical youth stud‐ ies, this study shows the need to focus on individual voices and experiences in unraveling the complexity of the transition experiences of Cigano youth in Portugal. The findings have shown that predominant and norma‐ tive ideas, values, and norms that tend to focus on one specific transition need to be protracted in order for us to understand their cultural‐specific context. Furthermore, the study suggested some of the ways in which gen‐ der and ethnicity shape the multiple transitions to adult‐ hood of young Ciganos. We argue that the socially con‐ structed character of youth transitions, including the school‐to‐work model, should be acknowledged. In addi‐ tion, both research and policies concerning youth transi‐ tions should be more flexible, taking into consideration the different realities and embodied experiences of con‐ temporary youth and embracing social realities and cul‐ tures that remain marginalized. To make sense of local and global policies on increas‐ ing school enrolment and its impact on Cigano/Roma youth, it is necessary to balance attention not only to the relevance of learning and suitability of skills for work opportunities but also to young people’s constrained choices, especially for Cigano/Roma girls. Yet, the het‐ erogeneous character of the ways Cigano/Roma youth navigate into adulthood might render it difficult to cre‐ ate valid solutions. To cater for the diversity of youth tra‐ jectories witnessed in this study, we suggest that poli‐ cymakers’ initiatives should be highly context‐sensitive and individually tailored, rejecting the idea of “one‐size‐ fits‐all.” In addition, policy initiatives need to be wary of cultural conditions as both a resource and a poten‐ tial barrier in young people’s lives. We propose encour‐ aging Cigano/Roma children and youth to integrate into the formal educational system, thereby enhancing their future chances in the formal labor market, at the same time as they should be encouraged to maintain their cul‐ tural heritage. It is crucial for schools to be more inclu‐ sive and representative, enhancing a sense of belong‐ ing among Cigano/Roma students. This includes having Cigano/Roma history, culture, and music on the curricu‐ lum as well as raising teachers’ consciousness about Cigano/Roma culture and the detrimental effects of eth‐ nic discrimination and marginalization. Acknowledgments Our sincere gratitude goes to the young people who took part in this study. Their openness and generosity to share their life stories generated invaluable information Social Inclusion, 2022, Volume 10, Issue 4, Pages 93–104 101