Ugandan women’s approaches to doing business and becoming entrepreneurs

Full Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at https://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=ctwq20 Third World Quarterly ISSN: (Print) (Online) Journal homepage: https://www.tandfonline.com/loi/ctwq20 Ugandan women’s approaches to doing business and becoming entrepreneurs Soledad Vieitez-Cerdeño, Roser Manzanera-Ruiz & Olga Margret M. M. Namasembe To cite this article: Soledad Vieitez-Cerdeño, Roser Manzanera-Ruiz & Olga Margret M. M. Namasembe (2023): Ugandan women’s approaches to doing business and becoming entrepreneurs, Third World Quarterly, DOI: 10.1080/01436597.2023.2189580 To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/01436597.2023.2189580 © 2023 The Author(s). Published by Informa UK Limited, trading as Taylor & Francis Group Published online: 30 Mar 2023. Submit your article to this journal Article views: 204 View related articles View Crossmark data Third World QuarTerly Ugandan women’s approaches to doing business and becoming entrepreneurs Soledad Vieitez-Cerdeñoa , Roser Manzanera-Ruizb and Olga Margret M. M. Namasembec adepartment of Social anthropology, university of Granada, Granada, Spain; bdepartment of Sociology, university of Granada, Granada, Spain; cinstitute of Gender, and Women’s Studies, university of Granada, Granada, Spain ABSTRACT Uganda ranks first in female entrepreneurship in Africa, and Kampala is one of the country’s most important urban/commercial hubs. The markets of Kalerwe, Mulagoo-Nsooba, Nakasero, Ntinda and Seguku constitute the research setting. Important trading centres, these markets are also relevant social spaces for locals to interact with each other. This research addresses Ugandan women’s approaches to doing business and being entrepreneurs, offering a typology: business owner, survival entrepreneur, opportunity entrepreneur and transitional entrepreneur. Based on a qualitative methodology, 16 female entrepreneurs were interviewed during fieldwork (2019–2021). Data were collected through open-ended interviews, and a thematic analysis followed. By addressing female businesses from a postcolonial African perspective, the connections between culture and entrepreneurship are made explicit in understanding women’s entrepreneurship, thus filling a gap in the existing literature which has mostly focussed on the informal/ popular economies (as safe haven for victims of neoliberalism) or the African economic creativity (as panacea for development). Whether driven by necessity or opportunity, the results show that Ugandan women’s entrepreneurial initiatives are grounded in cultural and social values that overcome the structural constraints they face. Introduction Uganda ranks first in female entrepreneurship in Africa, followed by Ghana, Botswana, Malawi and Angola (MCIWE 2019). However, there is a shortage of research on African female entrepreneurs except for a few relatively recent studies (Anyansi-Archibong 2021; Moreno-Gavara and Jiménez-Zarco 2019; Boateng 2018). In this paper we analyse Ugandan women’s entrepreneurship by using a qualitative approach, and ‘interrogating entrepreneurship from the unique perspective of women’s lived experiences’ (Boateng 2018, 26). Based on a selection of 16 women, interviewed during fieldwork (2019–2021), we show a typology of female entrepreneurs operating in the markets of Kampala. ARTICLE HISTORY Received 21 June 2021 Accepted 7 March 2023 KEYWORDS Women gender entrepreneurship informality creativity Uganda © 2023 The author(s). Published by informa uK limited, trading as Taylor & Francis Group CONTACT roser Manzanera-ruiz [email protected] https://doi.org/10.1080/01436597.2023.2189580 This is an open access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons attribution-NonCommercial-Noderivatives license (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/), which permits non-commercial re-use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited, and is not altered, transformed, or built upon in any way. The terms on which this article has been published allow the posting of the accepted Manuscript in a repository by the author(s) or with their consent. 2S. VIEITEZ-CERDEÑO ETAL. In sub-Saharan Africa, up to 42% of the non-agricultural labour force is estimated to be self-employed; this is the highest rate in the world, and women are more likely to become entrepreneurs than men. Approximately 52% of working Ugandans are self-employed according to one source (Copley, Gokalp, and Kirkwood 2021), although other sources point to 76% of working nationals (UNHCR 2021). Even though the rate of female self-employed is 82.3% (WB 2019), not much research has been done to characterise women’s entrepreneurship, and this studies contributes to filling that gap. Female entrepreneurship contributes enormously to socioeconomic development in Africa, but measures designed to promote women entrepreneurs have been widely criticised, and the research continues to be limited (Anyansi-Archibong 2021; Moreno-Gavara and Jiménez-Zarco; Boateng 2018; Brush and Cooper 2012). The main criticism focusses on structural conditions that hinder entrepreneurial sustainability, as well as on contradictory situations that arise when the same models and institutions are used in different contexts (McQuaid, Vanderbeck, and Mbabazi 2020; Iwu and Etim 2019). The markets of Kampala: Kalerwe, Mulagoo-Nsooba, Nakasero, Ntinda and Seguku This research was conducted in the central Ugandan city of Kampala, a business capital with a projected population of over 1.6 million (UBOS 2021). Due to the substantial number of migrants from other countries, there is a significant influx of people and goods to Kampala, the largest city of the country. During the last two decades, although still classified as a low-income country (Anyansi-Archibong 2021), Uganda has been rapidly growing (3%) (WB 2019), although this has not translated directly into a better standard of living for many Ugandans (Nyombi 2016). Businesses are booming in Kampala, particularly in marketplaces, along roadsides and in neighbourhoods. However, most enterprises are informal, and most of the urban population live in low-income or poor settlements with minimal infrastructure and services (Anyansi-Archibong 2021). Public markets in Kampala are important for the livelihood of small local retail businesses. For centuries local public markets have played a significant role in communities in Africa. These markets are important trading centres where people can earn a living, but they also create social spaces in neighbourhoods for locals to meet and interact with each other, as well as linking rural and urban communities (APS 2020). The interviewees operate in the markets of Kalerwe, Mulagoo-Nsooba, Nakasero, Ntinda and Seguku. These markets do not have nearby bus stops, meaning that customers must walk long distances. Kalerwe market, like others in the area, has undesignated bus stops 5–10 minutes apart (APS 2020). Kalerwe is a highly populated, low-income neighbourhood, north of Kampala’s central business district, with a busy roadside marketplace. Mulago-Nsooba refers to an area located on two hills in the central district of Kampala, also a low-income area where the increase of commercial property and industrial expansion on marshland has greatly disadvantaged the poor because of persisting flooding. Nakasero is in central Kampala, and government offices, including the Parliament of Uganda, as well as the most luxurious hotels and restaurants, and banking institutions, are located on top of the Nakasero hill. Commercial activity is booming in the regions west and south of Nakasero. Ntinda, in north-eastern Kampala, is another high-income area, a new urban marketplace, very busy and lively. Ntinda started as a small trading THIRD WORLD QUARTERLy 3 centre in the 1960s, with a farmers’ market and a few shops; by the mid-1980s, Ntinda had become a trendy neighbourhood for upscale residents. Finally, Seguku is located in south-western Kampala, a 15-minute drive from the city centre, and is a high-income neighbourhood, full of hotels for tourists. Female entrepreneurship in postcolonial African perspective: popular economies and creativity The embedding of economic activity in society/culture allows the joint analysis of economic and socio-cultural aspects to explain economic behaviour (Alenda-Demoutiez 2022; AnyansiArchibong 2021). The African principle of reciprocity as linked to entrepreneurship shows in features such as buyer–seller interaction, collaborative partnerships and the fostering of long-term relationships (Darley, Luethge, and Blankson 2013). Undoubtedly, the connections between culture and entrepreneurship are revealing for understanding female entrepreneurship in Uganda. Studies have pointed to women’s reasons for starting a business as necessary to maintain themselves and their children, meeting the most immediate family needs (Anyansi-Archibong 2021; Boateng 2018). The interconnection between social and familial relationships for women entrepreneurs is crucial (Monteith and Camfield 2019), with collateral social relationships, where group, extended family and/or lineage goals and well-being prevail (Mupedziswa, Rankopo, and Lengwe-Katembula 2019); as well as respect for elders and a sense of community (Darley and Blankson 2008). Thus, the most prevalent reasons for female entrepreneurship include the following: social and kinship ties; group, extended family and/or lineage welfare; respect for elders (generation); and sense of community (Monteith and Camfield 2019; Mupedziswa, Rankopo, and Lengwe-Katembula 2019). We approach postcolonialism here not as a single theory, but as a problematisation of female entrepreneurship in contemporary development theory of particular relevance to Africa (Moore 2020), because it puts into value women’s economic significance and achievements (Hirsch and Lopes 2020). A postcolonial lens is relevant, since Eurocentric misconceptions resulting from colonial and development history have prioritised material wealth and individualism in research on African entrepreneurship (Allen and Amadi 2022; Nkomo 2011). Research on the characterisation of women entrepreneurs in Africa has been limited (Boateng 2018; Bullini Orlandi 2017; Tshabalala and Ezeuduji 2016; Langevang, Namatovu, and Dawa 2012). When looking at cultural features, studies either show culture as an obstacle to development (Kansheba 2020) or closely scrutinise socialisation and cultural values of entrepreneurs as juxtaposed (Mamadou 2020). In both instances the local knowledge and experiences of African women entrepreneurs are not considered in the analysis, nor is there any categorisation of the different ways of doing business and being an entrepreneur in Uganda (Anyansi-Archibong 2021). Thus, a specific focus on women’s knowledge, experiences or perceptions is required to then explain their business practices inductively in context, even if they remain marginalised in the so-called informal or popular sectors of the economy. Clarifying the links between culture and entrepreneurship is important for understanding Ugandan women’s economic activities, usually classified either as popular/ informal economies or, more recently, creative economies, both linked to increasing neoliberalism in Africa. 4S. VIEITEZ-CERDEÑO ETAL. Markedly female African popular economies: self-employment and business ownership Many of the female entrepreneurial activities are framed in the informal economy (Chen and Carre 2020), a sector that has been much contested since Hart (1973) studied the case of the Frafras migrants in Accra (Ghana). At the time, the author stressed the importance of this sector as an indigenous enterprise (Hart 1973, 89). In fact, this type of enterprise is informal in terms of production and employment, not only for the Ugandan national economy, but for the global economy (Amofah 2021; Chen and Carre 2020). Overall, perspectives on informality have been considered linked to poverty and marginalisation in urban spaces (Danquah, Schotte, and Sen 2021). The issue of the legality of enterprises is very complex in Africa and has been connected to colonisation and modernisation in terms of the control of African labour (Anyansi-Archibong 2021; Kinyanjui 2014). These popular economies tend to be depicted as a ‘refuge or safe haven for the victims of neoliberalism’ (Kinyanjui 2014, 12). However, informal economies preceded the austerity measures imposed by structural adjustment programmes in the mid/late 1980s (Forster etal. 2019). African popular economies are markedly female, particularly in the food and the clothing markets. Informality as linked to the economy has been defined in multiple ways over time, but we are particularly interested in popular economies. Popular and solidarity economies also focus on savings schemes such as chilemba, kiremba, upato or kwegatta (Uganda) – that is, rotating savings and credit associations (roscas), such as xitique (Mozambique), a non-market economic tool with socioeconomic objectives that reaffirms personal or community identities and reinforces group cohesion (Cunha 2015, 2016). From a decolonial point of view, popular economies are also considered alternative economies (with distinctive ways of producing, distributing and consuming). Thus, Ugandan female entrepreneurship is treated here as a sociocultural institution embedded in the global market system (Amofah 2021). In Africa, the differentiation between formal and informal businesses stems from a dualistic view of the economy that dismisses a multitude of cultural and social elements (Anyansi-Archibong 2021). Formality or informality of businesses in Uganda is based on whether they are registered with the authorities, pay taxes and have social protection (Chen and Carre 2020; Mugoda etal. 2020). In regions such as sub-Saharan Africa, where formal institutions are often weak or dysfunctional (AEO, 2017), women entrepreneurs are more likely to turn to their relatives for support than elsewhere. Examples of formal institutional voids are poorly developed infrastructure, insufficient capital and labour markets, or inefficient laws and regulations. In these contexts, family constitutes a valuable alternative since it offers the trust, solidarity and resources that formal institutions fail to provide (Wolf and Frese 2018). African creativity: socioeconomic dynamism and diversifying means of living African popular economies are also a revolutionary and heroic enterprise, as they imply a socioeconomic dynamism for a large section of the population who struggle to earn a living, to upgrade their position, to define their identities, and to find a place in the cities (Kinyanjui 2014). African economic creativity, far from disappearing from the urban landscape, as THIRD WORLD QUARTERLy 5 predicted in the 1970s and 1980s, has tended to grow and become a hallmark of identity (Hracs, Comunian, and England 2022). Indeed, Robinson (2002) proposes a focus on the ordinary aspects of cities in terms of creativity, diversity, modernity and distinctiveness. Kinyanjui (2014), in the same vein, proposes an analysis of the diversity and creativity of the African city in relation to indigenous African markets and solidarity entrepreneurship, considering collective organisation as a key form of business in the city centre (cf. AnyansiArchibong 2021). African economic creativity has often been seen as a panacea for development, even claiming that it would place African countries on the international map (as if they had never counted before) (Hracs, Comunian, and England 2022). In the last two decades it has been linked to the way African people redefine themselves and project a different image and cultural impact (Comunian, Brian, and England 2021). For their part, the United Nation (UN) and United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD) recognise that economic creativity lies at the interface among creativity, culture, economics and technology, as expressed in the ability to create and circulate intellectual capital, has the potential to generate income, jobs and export earnings while at the same time promoting social inclusion, cultural diversity and human development. (2008, iiii) From this viewpoint, creative economies could be a great catch-all – that is, a broad spectrum of business models in which activities can range from commercial to public and community-based. Here we argue for the dynamism and creativity of African economies, as well as the agency of Ugandan women entrepreneurs, in terms of subsistence and resistance to the globalising neoliberal economy (Michaeli 2021; Kinyanjui 2013). These African entrepreneurs manage to free themselves from other obligations arising from male (or other unwanted community) relationships and achieve economic and social independence. Most of these women are mothers with several children, single or divorced/separated. They run various associations and businesses such as street food stalls and textile or tobacco marketing, as well as savings schemes (Hogdson and McCurdy 2001). Such a creative economy as that of Ugandan entrepreneurs generates not only economic value but also often cultural, social, educational and psychological value through personal fulfilment and satisfaction (Anyansi-Archibong 2021; Comunian, Brian, and England 2021). Female entrepreneurship is associated with self-employment and business ownership; women hold the majority share and manage the decision-making process (Carter and Shaw 2006). Such businesses are generally small and part of the informal or popular sector of the economy (Anyansi-Archibong 2021; Vossenberg 2013). A woman entrepreneur is someone who starts a business on her own or with one or more partners; takes on financial, administrative and social risks and responsibilities; and manages day-to-day operations (UNDP 2004). These women face widespread gender bias and stereotyping that classifies them as unskilled ‘passive victims’ of (or intruders in) a male-dominated sector (Iwu and Etim 2019). As Boateng (2018) recalls, historically, African female entrepreneurs have played a key role in economic development, whether out of survival/necessity or opportunity (AnyansiArchibong 2021; Moreno-Gavara and Jiménez-Zarco 2019). African female survival entrepreneurs generate revenues for their households based on their skills and charisma, while opportunity entrepreneurs have become leaders of relevant sectors (textile, banking and finance, entertainment, oil or gas) (Boateng 2018). 6S. VIEITEZ-CERDEÑO ETAL. Methodology To analyse women’s entrepreneurship in Uganda, fieldwork was carried out between 2019 and 2021, using a qualitative approach. The city of Kampala was selected, given its importance as a business hub, and its history and accessibility. The main tool was the field journal for collecting data on observations of occurrences, theoretical notes, and methodological problems; semi-structured and open interviews were also used. Instruments such as observation (experiencing), interviewing (enquiring), and secondary materials (examining) (Wolcott 1994) allowed us to collect rich data, consisting of ‘a wide and diverse range of information collected over a relatively prolonged period of time’ (Lofland and Lofland 1995, 16). The entrepreneurial process is a dynamic process; it occurs over time and involves multiple stakeholders as well as various dimensions of the immediate environment. Thus, wherever possible, triangulation of the various data sources was used to check the validity of statements obtained in the interviews, and to safeguard the credibility of the findings. Purposive sampling served to select the informants (Creswell 2012). A total of 16 cases were analysed in depth to characterise a wide array of businesses. The entrepreneurial activities of the interviewees were very diverse: market and street businesses, retail shops, restaurants, vegetable farmers, greenhouse farmers, seed vendors, and mobile money providers. In Kampala, market businesses are conducted in large public markets where the women sell fresh food and produce such as fruit, vegetables, and matooke (green bananas). Street businesses are located on the main streets or along the roadside where they sell fresh fruit and food. Retail shops can also be found in and around markets selling dry goods; greenhouse farmers sell their crops in markets, as well as vendors who sell seeds to farmers. Finally, mobile money businesses facilitate financial transactions in the markets and along the main roads, providing services such as sending and receiving money through buyers’ and sellers’ smartphones to initiate and conclude transactions. Interviewees were selected based on their willingness to participate in the interviews, and the locations of their businesses in the study area. In order to be sensitive to women’s entrepreneurs’ hectic daily life, and avoid interfering with their business activities, the interview schedule was decided by the entrepreneurs themselves. Snowball sampling was used, since the first interviewees often helped to recruit more informants through word of mouth. The contact strategy consisted in approaching female entrepreneurs in markets, retail shops and streets, and explaining to them the study aims and interest in having them participate. The third author presented herself as a graduate student at Makerere University and obtained informants’ consent for them to take part in the research. The interviewees were informed that their confidentiality and anonymity were always ensured during the presentation of the research in every interview being conducted. Thus, trust was established between the female entrepreneurs and the interviewer, her presence was accepted, and it was understood that the study would not only be a long-term commitment but would also make their voices heard and their experiences highlighted. Interviews were conducted in the Luganda language, and a research assistant with experience in qualitative research was also recruited and trained. Data analysis was structured as follows: first, interview transcripts were read several times to collect recurrent themes and identify emerging patterns; secondly, data were organised, coded and analysed. A first round of coding produced a set of organisational and theoretical codes (primary coding) (Maxwell THIRD WORLD QUARTERLy 7 2012). This round of coding allowed us to link business and culture more closely – that is, to assess whether the type of business is influenced by the socioeconomic environment, social networks and family ties. These codes were supplemented with new ones that emerged from the data (secondary coding) to identify key sub-themes and related dimensions (Gioia, Corley, and Hamilton 2013). Emerging codes in the second round were the following: relationships between entrepreneurs (ie partnerships), customer loyalty (care, agreements, etc.), generational issues and children’s education. All of these, in turn, informed the subsequent reformulation of the existing theory (Fletcher 2017). The literature review was primarily performed in the archives/libraries of Makerere University (Uganda) and Universidad de Granada (Spain). The data were processed to identify the most significant aspects of the women’s entrepreneurial initiatives, expectations and constraints, with special attention given to key and recurring ideas. The links between social relations and entrepreneurship proved important for understanding women’s entrepreneurship in Uganda. Culture and entrepreneurship A characterisation of female entrepreneurship: from small business owner to transitional entrepreneur The informal or popular economy in Uganda accounts for 97% of all enterprises in the country (Nangoli etal. 2013). Since it does not require a large capital outlay to launch businesses, business survival is favoured overall. Popular economy does not require high academic qualifications and businesses do not have to be formally registered (Rugasira 2016), making them a safe haven for women entrepreneurs. In Uganda, 51.5% of women ages 18 to 65 are active in this economy and pursue an informal education as an alternative to abandoning formal education altogether (Guloba, Sewanyana, and Birabwa 2017). Families unable to educate their daughters through the formal system thus turn to informal education to equip them with the necessary entrepreneurial skills (Kayongo, Kawooya, and Mijumbi-Deve 2019;) and is subject to fewer regulations than are businesses in the formal sector. The 2015 Uganda Women Entrepreneurship Programme (UWEP) sought to improve access to financial services and boost entrepreneurial economic growth (Ministry of Gender, Labour, and and Social Development 2019). However, there have been few long-lasting initiatives with a specific mandate to promote women’s entrepreneurship, and the number of women who have benefitted from them annually appears to be relatively modest. In addition, there are few organisations that offer support to women entrepreneurs (Mugabi 2014; Amofah 2021). Furthermore, local entrepreneurial efforts are sidelined in favour of large multinational corporations, thus undermining initiatives aimed at promoting local entrepreneurial development. Under these conditions, even women who have received an education find it difficult to access paid employment or to obtain credit (Atekyereza 2001). Social issues tend to motivate women to begin businesses, and female entrepreneurs often measure success by the extent to which they help others (Boateng 2018), and many started their businesses in the popular economy out of the necessity to feed their children and families. Still, data from the Global Entrepreneurship Monitor 2016/2017 Women’s Report show that 61.8% of African women entrepreneurs stated that they started a business driven by opportunity, rather than by survival or necessity (GEM 2017), and our 8S. VIEITEZ-CERDEÑO ETAL. research data in Uganda show that only 31.25% of Ugandan entrepreneurs are driven by necessity. This research addresses how female entrepreneurs’ lives and experiences help them to achieve their aspirations and goals. Inspired by Boateng’s approach (2018, 36) on ‘interrogating entrepreneurship from the unique perspective of women’s lived experiences’, we discuss the results based on the following types of Ugandan entrepreneurs: small business owner, survival entrepreneur, opportunity entrepreneur and transitional entrepreneur. These are operating businesses, run by Ugandan women, within the city of Kampala in and around markets such as Kalerwe or Ntinda, and along main streets or roadsides where they sell their products (see Table 1). In this context, female entrepreneurship is a form of self-employment, business ownership and decision-making management. These businesses tend to be registered with authorities (for example, a market or a street vendor will have previously applied for and been granted the market stall site). Overall, female entrepreneurs pay minimal taxes and avoid paying them as much as possible. Interviewees repeatedly complained about tax payment because if they pay taxes, no real profit is made. No social protection is derived from business registration or tax payment. Small business owners run a retail shop or a restaurant, and/or have their own means of transportation (eg a truck) to develop their business further. Ugandan female entrepreneurs of this type often have partners or develop a savings scheme. For instance, Interviewee 29 runs a fast food restaurant in the high-income area of Ntinda market (four years in business). A catering graduate and a married woman, she sees her business as a legacy for her children. She recently managed to buy a plot of land and has been supplementing her husband’s earnings to provide for the family and keep their children in school. Also, Interviewee 27, a matooke vendor in Kalerwe market, has been in business for two years in this low-income area; she owns a truck to sell matooke and seeks expansion through her daughter’s education to keep investing in the business. Interviewee 27, despite her primary level of education, has bodaboda partners, but also heads a savings scheme and thus has become quite prosperous. Interviewee 88, a single mother with a university education, runs a retail shop in the Ntinda new market area, and has seven years of business experience. Located in a Table 1. Types of entrepreneurships, characterisation and interviewees. Type definition interviewee Small business owner (25%) ownership of a small business (eg a retail shop or a restaurant) or of means of transportation (eg a truck) to develop business further. Partnership with other entrepreneurs. 27 29 88 94 Survival entrepreneur (31.25%) Sale of products that they produce themselves as surplus or those to which they have easy access and distribution (eg a sack of potatoes). 17 21 22 46 54 opportunity entrepreneur (25%) ambition for their business in the medium to long term. 6 7 34 44 Transitional entrepreneur (18.75%) Started their business driven by survival, but eventually get capital and/ or partnership to seek further opportunities. 2 8 39 THIRD WORLD QUARTERLy 15 understanding and appreciating African culture is not an option but a necessity (Amponsah, Omoregie, and Ansah 2018; Kakonge 2017). Cultural elements such as the sense of community and responsibility for the family, the ability to provide for their offspring and families, and the guarantee of their well-being are central to women’s entrepreneurship (Monteith and Camfield 2019). Small business owners are sometimes, although not always, educated beyond primary school level, working in both high and low-income areas; they also tend to conceive enterprises as a legacy for their children or generational gender mandate. Survival entrepreneurs tend to be single or separated women with low-level education who can rarely make ends meet, due to rotting produce or shortage of cash. Opportunity entrepreneurs harness available business opportunities, have secondary education, and are ambitious and charismatic. They have inherited a sense of business from female relatives. Finally, we have coined a new category: transitional entrepreneurs, women initially driven by necessity/survival who seek opportunities, employ people, or get them started in business through mentoring. By typifying distinctive female entrepreneurs in Uganda, we have been able to observe that these women have based their business actions on non-monetary and non-quantifiable measures of fulfilment. Thus, they create social networks and a sense of community, and extend their benefits beyond their social circle, thereby also contributing to the Ugandan economy (Estrin, Korosteleva, and Mickiewicz 2013). Therefore, in Kampala, female entrepreneurs’ business activities transcend the purely economic and individual personal gain, and demonstrate social relationships, cultural values of partnership and loyalty, lack of competitiveness, and generational and family consideration. Collective organisation and solidarity entrepreneurship appeared a key form of business in the city centre in Uganda (Anyansi-Archibong 2021). Although this research was limited by COVID-19, further proposals to improve women’s entrepreneurship remain to be explored in the future. This study has various practical implications: firstly, those related to policies aimed at women’s economic empowerment, since the Ugandan government has implemented programmes to promote female entrepreneurship but women entrepreneurs of Kampala have not benefitted from them. Secondly, these programmes are often framed by materialistic concerns rather than by the structural transformation of inequality and a focus on women’s culture and their social organisation (Cornwall 2018). Policies aimed at supporting female entrepreneurship must offer women more opportunities for business training adapted to their daily life and business activities. Conclusion African development policies have focussed on self-employment and business for the national economic growth of countries such as Uganda. By addressing Ugandan female businesses from a postcolonial African perspective, the connections between culture and entrepreneurship are made explicit in understanding women’s entrepreneurship. Our findings highlight the importance of the cultural meaning in doing business and being an entrepreneur for women, thus filling a gap in the existing literature which has mostly focussed on either the informal or popular economy as a safe haven for victims of neoliberalism or, more recently, on African economic creativity as the panacea for the development of Africa. 16 S. VIEITEZ-CERDEÑO ETAL. This research has shown that whether driven by necessity or opportunity, Ugandan women’s entrepreneurial initiatives are grounded in sociocultural values that overcome the structural constraints they have faced historically. Market business, street business, restaurant, retail shop, mobile money, vegetable farmer or greenhouse farmer businesses have been identified from the unique perspective of women’s lived experiences. Disclosure statement No potential conflict of interest was reported by the authors. Funding We would like to thank the funding support for this research provided by the I+D+I project, “Digital transition, social cohesion and gender equality: mobile banking and digital female empowerment in Africa” (DIGITALFEM), reference: TED2021-130586B-I00, funded by MCIN/AEI/10.13039/501100011033 and by “European Union NextGenerationEU/PRTR”. Notes on contributors Soledad Vieitez-Cerdeño is Professor in the Department of Social Anthropology, and Researcher at the Institute of Women and Gender Studies (University of Granada, Spain). With an MA (1989) and PhD (2000) in Social Anthropology (University of California, Santa Barbara), she is a founding member of the research team AFRICAInEs-Research Applied to Development (SEJ-491). Her main areas of research are gender equality projects and policies; social and women’s movements; gender, culture and development; and feminisms and local alternatives to development. Email: [email protected] Roser Manzanera-Ruiz is Professor and Researcher in the Department of Sociology and the Institute for Women’s and Gender Studies, both at the University of Granada, Spain. She currently leads the multidisciplinary research team AFRICAInEs-Research Applied to Development (SEJ-491). Her lines of research are gender, globalisation, development and social change. She has participated in various research and development cooperation projects, particularly in Sub-Saharan Africa. Email: [email protected] Olga Margret M. M. Namasembe holds a PhD in Women’s and Gender Studies from the University of Granada, Spain. She is a member of AFRICAInEs-Research Applied to Development (SEJ-491), an Andalusian multidisciplinary research team. Her research deals with gender, women entrepreneurship, and entrepreneurial success in Uganda, and she seeks to contribute research to the field of African entrepreneurship. Her research interests are entrepreneurship, economic development, and business management. Email: [email protected] ORCID Soledad Vieitez-Cerdeño http://orcid.org/0000-0002-4801-7552 Roser Manzanera-Ruiz http://orcid.org/0000-0001-9020-8371 Olga Margret M. M. Namasembe http://orcid.org/0000-0002-4084-7770 Bibliography AEO. 2017. Entrepreneurship and industrialization. African Economic Outlook (AEO), African Development Bank, Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development. New york: United Nations Development Programme. THIRD WORLD QUARTERLy 17 Alenda-Demoutiez, J. 2022. “From Economic Growth to the Human: Reviewing the History of Development Visions over Time and Moving Forward.” Third World Quarterly 43 (5):1038–1055. doi: 10.1080/01436597.2022.2042680. Allen, F., and L. Amadi. 2022. Decolonizing Colonial Development Models in Africa. Lanham, MD: Lexington Books. Amofah, S. 2021. “Indigenous Women Social Entrepreneurship; Poverty Alleviation Tool Used by Development NGOs in Ghana.” Athens Journal of Social Sciences 8 (2): 151–168. Amponsah, S., D. Omoregie, C. O, and Ansah, B. O. 2018. African Cultures and the Challenges of Quality Education for Sustainable Development. Commission for International Adult Education, 49–56. Anyansi-Archibong, C. 2021. The Foundation and Growth of African Women Entrepreneurs. Cham: Palgrave Macmillan. doi:10.1007/978-3-030-66280-6_1. APS. 2020. Local Markets in Kampala. Advocates for Public Space. Commission for International Adult Education. Paper presented at the American Association for Adult and Continuing Education (AAACE) Commission for International Adult Education (CIAE) Annual Pre-Conference, 67th, Myrtle Beach, SC, Sep 30-Oct 2, 2018. https://files.eric.ed.gov/fulltext/ED597469.pdf Atekyereza, A. P. 2001. “The Education of Girls and Women in Uganda.” Journal of Social Development in Africa 16 (2). doi:10.4314/jsda.v16i2.23876. Boateng, A. 2018. African Female Entrepreneurship. Cham: Palgrave Macmillan. doi:10.1007/978-3319-65846-9. Brush, C. G., and S. y. Cooper. 2012. “Female Entrepreneurship and Economic Development.” Entrepreneurship & Regional Development 24 (1–2):1–6. doi:10.1080/08985626.2012.637340. Bullini Orlandi, L. 2017. “Am I an Entrepreneur? Identity Struggle in the Contemporary Women Entrepreneurship Discourse.” Contemporary Economics 11:487–498. doi:10.5709/ce.1897-9254.259. Carter, S. L., and E. Shaw. 2006. Women Business Ownership: Recent Research and Policy Developments. Small Business Service. Stirling, Scotland: University of Stirling. Chen, M., and F. Carre. 2020. The Informal Economy Revisited. London: Routledge. Cole, W. M. 2018. “Poor and Powerless: Economic and Political Inequality in Cross-National Perspective 1981–2011.” Journal of International Sociology 33 (3):357–385. doi:10.1177/0268580918760430. Comunian, R., J. H. Brian, and L. England 2021. Understanding and Supporting Creative Economies in Africa. London: King’s College. Copley, A., B. Gokalp, and D. Kirkwood. 2021. Unlocking the Potential of Women Entrepreneurs in Uganda. Washington, D.C.: World Bank. Cornwall, A. 2018. “Beyond Empowerment Lite: Women’s Empowerment, Neoliberal Development and Global Justice.” Dossier Development, Power, Gender, and Feminism 52. doi:10.1590/180944492 01800520002. Creswell, J. 2012. Qualitative Inquiry and Research Design: Choosing among Five Traditions. Thousand Oaks, California: Sage Publications. Cunha, T. 2015. “Women in Power Women". Outras economias criadas e lideradas por mulheres no Sul não imperial.” Buenos Aires: CLACSO. Cunha, T. 2016. “O xitique delas. Um ensaio feminista pós-colonial sobre o xitique em Moçambique.” In Solidariedade e Alternativas Sociais, edited by L. I. Germany Gaiger and A. Mendonça dos Santos. N. São Leopoldo: Universidade do Vale do Rio dos Sinos. Danquah, M., S. Schotte, and K. Sen. 2021. “Informal Work in Sub-Saharan Africa.” IZA Journal of Development and Migration 12 (1):1–44. doi:10.2478/izajodm-2021-0015. Darley, W. K., and C. Blankson. 2008. “African Culture and Business Markets.” Journal of Business & Industrial Marketing 23 (6):374–383. doi:10.1108/08858620810894427. Darley, W. K., J. D. Luethge, and C. Blankson. 2013. “Culture and International Marketing.” Journal of Global Marketing 26 (4):188–202. doi:10.1080/08911762.2013.814819. Estrin, S., J. Korosteleva, and T. Mickiewicz. 2013. “Which Institutions Encourage Entrepreneurial Growth Aspirations?” Journal of Business Venturing 28 (4):564–580. doi:10.1016/j.jbusvent.2012.05.001. Fletcher, A. J. 2017. “Applying Critical Realism in Qualitative Research: Methodology Meets Method.” International Journal of Social Research Methodology 20 (2):181–194. doi:10.1080/13645579.2016.1 144401. 18 S. VIEITEZ-CERDEÑO ETAL. Forster, T., A. E. Kentikelenis, B. Reinsberg, T. H. Stubbs, and L. P. King. 2019. “How Structural Adjustment Programs Affect Inequality.” Social Science Research 80:83–113. doi:10.1016/j.ssresearch.2019.01.001. GEM. 2017. “Global Entrepreneurship Monitor 2016/17 Women’s Report.” https://www.babson.edu/ Academics/centers/blank-center/global-research/gem/Documents/GEM%202016-2017%20 Womens%20Report.pdf Gioia, D., K. Corley, and A. Hamilton. 2013. “Seeking Qualitative Rigor in Inductive Research.” Organizational Research Methods 16 (1):15–31. doi:10.1177/1094428112452151. Guloba, M., S. Sewanyana, and E. Birabwa. 2017. Rural Women Entrepreneurship in Uganda. Economic Policy Research Centre. Research Series No. 134. Kampala, Uganda: Makerere University. Hart, K. 1973. “Informal Income Opportunities and Urban Employment in Ghana.” Journal of Modern African Studies 11 (3): 61–89. Hirsch, A., and C. Lopes. 2020. “Post-Colonial African Economic Development in Historical Perspective.” Africa Development 45 (1):31–46. Hogdson, D. L., and S. A. McCurdy.(eds.). 2001. “Wicked” Women and the Reconfiguration of Gender in Africa. Portsmouth: Heinemann. Hracs, B. J., B. Comunian, and L. England, eds. 2022. Developing Creative Economies in Africa. London: Routledge. Idang, G. E. 2015. “African Culture and Values.” Journal of Political Science 16 (2):97–111. doi:10.25159/2413-3086/3820. Iwu, C. G., and E. Etim. 2019. “A Descriptive Literature Review of the Continued Marginalisation of Female Entrepreneurs in Sub-Saharan Africa.” International Journal of Gender Studies in Developing Societies 3 (1):1–19. doi:10.1504/ijgsds.2019.096755. Kakonge, J. O. 2017. “The Role of Culture in Africa’s Development.” Pambazuka News. https://www. pambazuka.org/economics/role-culture-africa-development Kansheba, J. M. P. 2020. “Small Business and Entrepreneurship in Africa.” Small Enterprise Research 27 (2):110–124. doi:10.1080/13215906.2020.1761869. Kayongo, E., I. Kawooya, and R. Mijumbi-Deve. 2019. “The Causes of School Dropout at the Transition between Primary to Secondary School and Possible Control Measures.” Acres. https://acres.or.ug/ wp-final-causes-of-school-drop-out.pdf Kinyanjui, M. N. 2013. “Women Informal Garment Traders in Taveta Road.” Nairobi. African Studies Review 96 (3):147–164. doi:10.1017/asr.2013.83. Kinyanjui, M. N. 2014. Africa Now. Women and the Informal Economy in Urban Africa Now. London: Zed Books. Langevang, T., R. Namatovu, and S. Dawa. 2012. “Beyond Necessity and Opportunity Entrepreneurship.” International Development Planning Review 34 (4):439–460. doi:10.3828/idpr.2012.26. Lofland, J., and H. L. Lofland. 1995. Analysing Social Settings: A Guide to Qualitative Observation and Analysis. Wadsworth: University of California. Mamadou, S. 2020. “Is There a Strategic Approach to Entrepreneurship in Africa?” European Business & Management 6 (4):67–83. doi:10.11648/j.ebm.20200604.12. Maxwell, J. A. 2012. A Realist Approach for Qualitative Research. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. MCIWE. 2019. “MasterCard Index of Women Entrepreneurs.” https://newsroom.mastercard.com/wpcontent/uploads/2019/12/Mastercard-Index-of-Women-Entrepreneurs-2019.pdf McQuaid, K., M. R. Vanderbeck, and B. Mbabazi. 2020. “Girls Have Powers.” Gender, Place & Culture, 605–626. doi:10.1080/0966369X.2020.1729704. Michaeli, I. 2021. Women’s Economic Empowerment. Cham: Palgrave Macmillan. doi:10.1007/978-3030-89281-4. Ministry of Gender, Labour, and Social Development. 2019. Uganda Women Entrepreneurship Programme (UWEP). Kampala, Uganda: Ministry of Gender, Labour, and Social Development.https:// mglsd.go.ug//uwep/. Monteith, W., and L. Camfield. 2019. “Business as Family, Family as Business.” Geoforum 101:111–121. doi:10.1016/j.geoforum.2019.03.003. Moore, E. V. 2020. “What the Miniskirt Reveals: Sex Panics, Women’s Rights, and Pulling Teeth in Urban Uganda.” Anthropological Quarterly 93 (3):321–350. doi:10.1353/anq.2020.0050. THIRD WORLD QUARTERLy 19 Moreno-Gavara, C., and A. I. Jiménez-Zarco. 2019. Sustainable Fashion. Cham: Palgrave Macmillan. doi:10.1007/978-3-319-91265-3. Mugabi, E. 2014. Women’s Entrepreneurship Development in Uganda. Geneva, Switzerland: International Labour Organisation. https://www.ilo.org/empent/. Mugoda, S., S. Esaku, K. R. Nakimu, and E. Bbaale. 2020. “The Portrait of Uganda’s Informal Sector.” Cogent Economics & Finance 8 (1):1843255. doi:10.1080/23322039.2020.1843255. Mupedziswa, R., M. Rankopo, and M. Lengwe-Katembula. 2019. “Ubuntu as a Pan-African Philosophical Framework for Social Work in Africa. In Social Work Practice in Africa, edited by J. M. Twikirize and H. Spitzer, 21–38. Kampala, Uganda: Fountain Publishers and African Books Collective. Namatovu, R., S. Dawa, C. Katongole, and F. Mulira. 2012. Understanding Women Micro and Small Business Entrepreneurs in Uganda. ICBE-Research Fund. Investment Climate and Business Environment, Research Fund Report No. 01/12. Kampala, Uganda: Makerere University Business School (MUBS). Nangoli, S., D. Turinawe, G. Kituyi, C. Kusemererwa, and M. Jaaza. 2013. “Towards Enhancing Business Survival and Growth Rates in LDCs.” International Journal of Humanities and Social Science 3 (8):284– 291. doi:10..1.1.1049.9667. Nkomo, S. M. 2011. “A Post-Colonial and anti-Colonial Reading of ‘Africa’ Leadership and Management in Organization Studies.” Organization 18 (3):365–386. doi:10.1177/1350508411398731. Nyombi, H. 2016. “Evolution of Uganda’s Economy and the Road to Middle Income Status.” Uganda Media Centre, November 24. https://ugandamediacentreblog.wordpress.com/2016/11/24/ evolution-of-ugandas-economy-and-the-road-to-middle-income-status/ Robinson, J. 2002. “Global and World Cities.” International Journal of Urban and Regional Research 26 (3):531–554. doi:10.1111/1468-2427.00397. Rugasira, A. 2016. “Unpacking Uganda’s Informal Economy.” The Independent. https://www.independent. co.ug/unpacking-ugandas-informal-sector/ Tshabalala, S. P., and I. O. Ezeuduji. 2016. “Women Tourism Entrepreneurs in KwaZulu-Natal, South Africa: Any Way Forward?” Acta Universitatis Danubius. Œconomica 12(5):19–32. 20 S. VIEITEZ-CERDEÑO ETAL. UBOS. 2021. Statistical Abstract. Kampala, Uganda: Uganda Bureau of Statistics. https://www.ubos. org/wp-content/uploads/publications/01_20222021_Statistical_Abstract.pdf UNDP. 2004. Cultural Liberty in Today’s Diverse World. Oxford: United Nations Development Programme. http://hdr.undp.org/sites/default/files/reports/265/hdr_2004_complete.pdf UNHCR. 2021. Uganda Employment Policy Brief. Geneva, Switzerland: The UN Refugee Agency. Vossenberg, S. 2013. Women Entrepreneurship Promotion in Developing Countries. Maastricht: Maastricht School of Management. http://web2.msm.nl/repec/msm/wpaper/msm-wp2013-08.pdf WB. 2019. “Self-Employed, Female (% of Female Employment) (Modeled ILO Estimate) - Uganda.”Accessed 1 March 2022. https://data.worldbank.org/indicator/SL.EMP.SELF.FE.ZS?locations=UG Wolcott, H. F. 1994. Transforming Qualitative Data: Description, Analysis, and Interpretation. Thousand Oaks, California: Sage Publications. Wolf, K., and M. Frese. 2018. “Why Husbands Matter.” Africa Journal of Management 4 (1):1–32. doi:10.1 080/23322373.2018.1428019.