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Fátima Noronha8Terminological Variation in Specialised Discourse: The Case of the Mediterranean Diet doi.org/10.35321/term30-1 Terminological Variation in Specialised Discourse: The Case of the Mediterranean Diet Terminologinis variantiškumas specializuotame diskurse: Viduržemio jūros regiono dietos atvejis FÁTIMA NORONHA University of Algarve, Centro de Investigação em Comunicação e Artes (CIAC) ORCID id: https://orcid.org/0000-0003-3583-5991 ABSTRACT In this work, we show how terminological variation produced among different groups of specialists affects terminological databases. We use the Mediterranean Diet as a case study, a composite domain where traditional activities have their own embedded knowledge and terminology, which, however, is seldom accounted for in main terminological resources. Though inevitable, variation sprouting from different communities needs to be properly handled and explained. We propose a perspective on the concept of specialist and specialised discourse, allowing for a more efficient organisation of specialised corpora and a better grasp of the origins of diastratic variation. We also present a theoretical ecolinguistics-based framework for domains where traditional communities play the role of specialists. We aim to help communicative mediators in better decision-making and informed choices depending on their target. KEYWORDS: terminological variation, diastratic variation, ecolinguistics, Mediterranean Diet, specialised discourse. ANOTACIJA Šiame darbe atskleidžiame, kaip terminijos duomenų bazes veikia terminologinis variantiškumas, susidarantis dėl specialistų grupių skirtumų. Atvejo analizei pasirenkame Viduržemio jūros regiono dietą – sudėtinę sritį, kurios tradicinei veiklai būdingos nusistovėjusios savitos žinios, sava terminija, bet ji retai įtraukiama į pagrindinius terminologijos išteklius. Nors variantiškumas neišvengiamas, skirtingose bendruomenėse susidarantį variantiškumą reikėtų tinkamai įvertinti ir paaiškinti. Mes siūlome specialisto ir specializuoto diskurso požiūriu grindžiamą koncepciją, kuri leistų tinkamiau sudaryti specializuotus tekstynus ir geriau suvokti diastratinio variantiškumo kilmę. Sritims, kuriose specialistų vaidmenį
9Terminologija | 2023 | 30 atlieka tradicinės bendruomenės, siūlome taikyti ekolingvistika grindžiamą teorinę sistemą. Siekiame padėti komunikacijos tarpininkams priimti geresnius ir, priklausomai nuo keliamo tikslo, informatyvesnius sprendimus. ESMINIAI ŽODŽIAI: terminologinis variantiškumas, diastratinis variantiškumas, ekolingvistika, Viduržemio jūros regiono dieta, specializuotas diskursas. INTRODUCTION Terminological variation is one of the current subjects of interest in terminology studies, with several authors debating how extralinguistic and intralinguistic factors influence these phenomena and, consequently, the terminology of a domain. As term variation occurs in discourse when terms are verbalised, communicated, and shared, the result is frequently expressed by different denominations, reflecting different discursive human needs, communicative goals, cognitive structures, and knowledge regarding a specific subject (Freixa 2005, 2006, 2013; Fernández-Silva et al. 2014; Freixa, Fernández-Silva 2017). Therefore, terminological work is not limited to knowledge representation, as it has an important communicative function, covering the needs of professionals enrolled in communicative mediation activities, field experts, educators, language policymakers, and the public. This is achieved by building and making available terminological resources. These resources should comply with international standards to meet the principles of precision, reliability, and efficiency, while eliminating and controlling term variation. Yet, variation occurs and sometimes its origins and causes are embodied in the methodologies of terminological work itself and affect even large and popular databases. The presence of unexpected forms of variation was shown by Noronha and Célio Conceição (Noronha 2018; Noronha, Conceição 2020a) within some relevant terminological resources commonly used by translators in the Aquaculture domain, in English and Portuguese (European). These products (e.g., IATE1, Eurotermbank) are the property of international organisations or corporations. They are mainly produced for in-house purposes, in legislative and administrative contexts, to improve consistency at internal and/ or external levels. Nevertheless, an unexpected number of different cases regarding term variation in these resources was found. Table 1 shows how 1 IATE - Interactive Terminology for Europe in https://iate.europa.eu/home [Accessed in 21/05/2023].
Fátima Noronha10 Terminological Variation in Specialised Discourse: The Case of the Mediterranean Diet the same IATE entry (ID #1129093) is denominated by different linguistic forms. Table 1. Denominative variation in IATE termbase (entry ID #1129093) showing different denominative forms for the same concept PORTUGUESE ENGLISH FRENCH ROMANIAN estabelecimentos de aquicultura exploração unidade de aquicultura aquaculture establishment aquaculture farm farm ferme aquacole ferme d’aquaculture, installation d’aquaculture fermă de acvacultură unitate de acvacultură, When no other information is provided, it allows users to disseminate uncontrolled forms of denominative variation. With repeated use, some forms eventually fossilize, that is, they become accepted within some discursive communities (Noronha, Conceição 2017; 2020a). Moreover, some forms are not consensually recognised or accepted, among different specialised communities, such as administrative professionals, researchers, and other professionals. Therefore, we have different communities using different denominations. This raises some questions. Were all relevant specialists considered when building these databases? Who was left behind and whose knowledge was being represented when planning and building a terminological resource? How to address variation in order to improve terminological resources by providing better information on variation? 2. DIASTRATIC VARIATION Variation can have different causes, and dealing with it may require an approach that considers diversity in specialised discourse. Moreover, distinct discursive communities may not be limited to scientific or technical discourses, but they may be in communities with different cultural and social backgrounds (Picton 2010, 2014; Tercedor-Sánchez 2011; Condamines 2017; Delavigne 2017). These can be a source of variation, namely diastratic variation, which emerges in discursive practices performed by different communities of specialists in the domain as a consequence of socio-cultural differences. As Picton and Dury (2017) noted, this
11Terminologija | 2023 | 30 diastratic variation has been reduced to divergences between specialised and non-specialised, or vulgarised, discourse. They also consider “<...> that within a given field of expertise <...>, there are different scenarios in which specialists communicate with one another and, most importantly, there are different types of specialists who use their own specific terms” (Picton, Dury 2017: 61). Usually, the focus of terminology is on academic and technical contexts, considered as the natural environment of specialised knowledge, and, therefore, of specialised discourse. As much of the work in terminology is based on the methodologies of corpus linguistics, terminology uses specialised texts produced by discursive communities that are considered relevant within technical and scientific fields of activity. Larger production of texts in these fields of activity makes available large volumes of materials, limiting terminology studies to some discursive communities. This must be considered when searching for causes of terminological variation as terms circulate in a context of complex social, cultural, and communicative practices. Opening our perspective on these interactions will allow us to better grasp variation, namely diastratic variation. As Conceição (2005) states: We cannot study the terminology of groups considered culturally hegemonic (the specialists) in a simplistic manner, as terminological harmonisation takes place mainly during the different processes and different levels of social acts and communicative structures. This constitutes, as well, a way to ensure a continuum between common language and specialised languages (Conceição 2005: 137).2 We share this point of view: the study of terms cannot be restricted to a single community of speakers as sole representatives of the domain. The starting point must take different discursive perspectives into account and open the definition of who can be considered a specialist. In numerous areas, like sports, many specialists are not researchers or even professionals: they are non-professional specialists, as they may exhibit enough degree of knowledge on the domain to be able to understand and produce a specialised discourse, as stated by Bowker and Pearson (2002): <...> a specialized field does not necessarily have to be one that is highly ‘technical’, nor do the experts have to be ‘professionals’. For instance, if you have 2 Our translation; original in French.
Fátima Noronha12 Terminological Variation in Specialised Discourse: The Case of the Mediterranean Diet a hobby, such as quilting or mountain biking, <...> there are some specialized terms associated with this hobby (Bowker, Pearson 2002: 27). Condamines (2017) provides another example of recreational fishing and the way how the emotive factor affects the use, sharing, and change of terms by practitioners. She notes the lesser attention given to term behaviour in discourses considered as specialised but produced outside technical and scientific communities, particularly when the speaker is emotionally bounded with the domain and the discourse is not neutral, noting the need to register terms often considered jargon: <...> I contend that in specialized domains belonging to sports or hobbies, what appears as a jargon (in the sense of terms or usages far from those used in “neutral situations”) must be described and registered in a dictionary and, sometimes, may be explained directly by the subjective involvement of the speaker (Condamines 2017: 14). Addressing the wine-tasting domain, Gautier (2019) also notes that the terminology used by industry professionals and consumers in wine tastings is heavily based on sensorial and (highly) subjective criteria. He refers to the need for a holistic and innovative approach as a way to explore complex domains in which various stakeholders and discursive contexts interact at a professional, institutional and personal level. Approaching these specialized circles in all their complexity therefore requires leaving the field of neutral, supposedly objective and falsely smooth discourses – which undoubtedly have all their relevance when the objective is strictly terminological and normative – to integrate less smooth data, what we propose to call “discourses in tension”, that is to say those where controversies are played out, discussions, internal influences in the concerned field <...> (Gautier 2019: 377).3 Thus, if we accept that a specialist not necessarily matches a high educational profile, we will be able to look beyond the technical and academic contexts, the traditional focus of terminology. This not only includes recreational activities, but, particularly, activities and communities enrolled in traditional activities. In these communities, knowledge and know-how is often empirical and obtained through ancestral practices and non-formal learning processes, such as master-apprentice relationships. However, this condition is often not valued socially. In defence of skilled professionals 3 Our translation; original in French.
13Terminologija | 2023 | 30 whose know-how is based on experience, Conceição (2006) noted that they should also be considered as relevant communicative intervenients in the domain’s terminology: <...> in traditional activities, instead of knowledge socially valued by formal education, there is knowledge obtained by experience, which is poorly socially valued. Thus, we argue that “artisans” also must be considered a specialist in their activity and that their knowledge is also specialised (Conceição 2006: 497).4 Then, different communities may have their own discourse, their own terminology, and they can generate different dynamics in the domain’s terminology. Nevertheless, some communities are not supposed to include specialists as they are located outside the academic sphere despite the embodied knowledge they hold and their ability to communicate it through language. Discourses produced out of academic or technical contexts may be skipped, as well as the terminology they may hold, and the way terms are changed within these communities. This led us to rethink theoretical and methodological approaches to how better address variation, namely diastratic, especially in domains with discursive communities not usually covered by large databases. 3. CASE STUDY: THE MEDITERRANEAN DIET 3.1. Defining The Mediterranean Diet To illustrate our point of view, we took the Mediterranean Diet (MD) as a case study. This concept was coined by Ancel Keys (Real & Graça 2019; Delgado et al. 2022) to represent the lifestyle of the people living around the Mediterranean Basin and not merely a food pattern. The Mediterranean Diet5 was included on the Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity by UNESCO6 in 2013 and defined as “a set of skills, knowledge, rituals, symbols and traditions concerning crops, harvesting, fishing, animal husbandry, conservation, processing, cooking, and particularly the sharing and consumption of food”. Respect for the natural environment and its rhythms results in a sustainable economy with emphasis on the consumption of seasonal products or on simple 4 Our translation; original in Portuguese. 5 Diet – from the Greek díaita, meaning way of life, life style. 6 Mediterranean Diet, in UNESCO. Available at: https://ich.unesco.org/en/RL/mediterranean-diet-00884 [Retrieved in 20/05/2023].
Fátima Noronha14 Terminological Variation in Specialised Discourse: The Case of the Mediterranean Diet food preservation and processing techniques. The UNESCO definition reinforces values such as conviviality at mealtime as a fundamental social ritual for the consolidation of the cultural identity and sustainability of local communities. Other values represented in the UNESCO definition are hospitality, intercultural dialogue, respect for cultural diversity and cultural expressions, and celebrations. Physical activity is also included in the MD set of values, representing a time when it meant manual work and other physical activities (e.g., agriculture work, craftsmanship). In the Figure 1. The MD framework (Real et al 2020) Food Central role of water on food and cooking; Chemical composition of food; Commensality; Essentialy vegetarian model (spotlight on cereals, legumes, vegetables, fruits, herbs, nuts and seeds); Frugality; Local production; Preservation (salting, drying, pickles); Seasonality; Simple cooking; Transformation; Trilogy bread-wine-olive oil Conviviality Community; Eating together; Family; Festivals and celebrations; Sharing knowledge, flavor and traditions; Social and communication exchanges Lifestyle Concern with fresh and local produce, seasonality and sustainable production; Mediterranean way of living; Physical activity; Protection and enjoyment of the Mediterranean landscape; Respect and communion with nature; Rest; Values (creativity, hospitality, intercultural dialogue, neighborliness, respect for diversity, sharing) Sustainable Food Production Agriculture (biodiversity, local production, production of species adapted to local ecosystems, sustainable production, traditional production); Animal husbandry; Fishing Animal husbandry; Chant; Cooking; Crafts (food consumption, preservation, transports); Fishing; Food processing (example: preservation); Gastronomy; Harvesting; Heritage; Knowledge; Poetry; Religious and pagan rituals; Skils; Symbols; Tradition With impact on: Enviroment Climate; Flora; Food sustainability Economy Circular economy; Exchange, agreement and mutual respect; Markets Health Health promoting food pattern; Nutrition Tourism Agrotourism; Hospitality: Restaurants Culture Culture Culture Culture
15Terminologija | 2023 | 30 UNESCO description, women also play an important role in the transmission of traditional knowledge and the safeguarding of ancient techniques. Local markets act as actual forums, elected places for the exchange, sharing, and transmission of knowledge and completion of businesses. The conceptual complexity of the MD was discussed by Real et al. (2020), who proposed a conceptual framework to improve the communication of the concept and its dissemination to the public, while contributing to the development of public policies aiming for its safeguard. Their model (Fig. 1) was based on four pillars: food, conviviality, sustainable food production, and lifestyle which represent “a cultural model, with impact on areas such as the environment, economy, health, and tourism” (Real et al. 2020: 6). The model reveals a multidisciplinary and interdisciplinary framework where we can find distinct cultural, social, and environmental dimensions, as well as different layers of intervenients in different areas of activity. Therefore, knowledge is embedded in communities linked to traditional activities and it may play a role in the domain’s discourse and terminology. 3.2. Terminology of the Mediterranean Diet: First Approach A previous study on the MD’s terminology, conducted by Machinho (2018), showed that this multidisciplinary and interdisciplinary scenario corresponds to the definition of a composite domain (Conceição 2005; Fréjaville 2009). Composite domains are complex structural networks of distinct fields of activity constantly interfering with each other. They are represented by a high diversity of stakeholders, distinct specialists from different social and cultural communities and backgrounds, with distinct communicative contexts, which may result in terminological variation. Machinho also notes the underestimated terminological representation of knowledge from communities linked to traditional activities, as she also considers specialists of these discursive communities as holders of specialised knowledge: <...> a terminology for the Mediterranean Diet that includes popular terminology can allow people to link scientific terminology with the popular terms known by the local communities that use these terms and always have. Although these terminologies are not the result of scientific knowledge per se, they are the result of empirical knowledge that has developed over time, and as such also constitute specialised knowledge (Machinho 2018: 59).
Fátima Noronha16 Terminological Variation in Specialised Discourse: The Case of the Mediterranean Diet The author provides some examples of denominative variants in a list containing terms regarding olive oil, wine, and herbs in European Portuguese (PT-eu). One of her examples is the native aromatic plant Foeniculum vulgare Mill (fennel, EN-uk) and its different set of common names used in the meridional region of Algarve, Portugal: Scientific name: Foeniculum vulgare Mill. Family: Apiaceae (Umbelliferae) Common names (PT-eu): erva-doce; fiôlho; fionho; funcho; funchoamargo; funcho-bravo; funcho-de-florença; funcho doce; funcho hortense. In the references7 used by Machinho, the two subspecies of Foeniculum vulgare Mill. (Foeniculum vulgare Mill. subsp. vulgare var. dulce Mill., or Foeniculum vulgare Mill. var. vulgare) were not identified. We found the same information in some botanical reference websites (Universidade de Évora8; Universidade de Trás os Montes e Alto Douro9). This confirmed the broader use of the common specific names for both subspecies. Nevertheless, and considering only the dulce variety, the choice of the denominative form funcho doce (sweet fennel) was the only adopted official denomination on the website of the European Medicines Agency.10 Of course, the decision on the denominative form aims to reduce communicational misunderstandings. We question, however, the reason for this choice and whether another denominative form (funcho doce, erva-doce) should be (or not) displayed as an option, with proper information on its use, in a public terminological database. On the other hand, how are these forms used outside the discursive context of large organisations? Are there other similar cases where distinct discursive communities produce different terminologies and/or use other variants given different social and cultural contexts? 7 Romano A., Gonçalves S. 2015: Plantas silvestres comestíveis do Algarve, Faro: Universidade do Algarve. Available at: https://issuu.com/ualg/docs/plantas-silvestres-comestiveis-do-a [Retrieved on 19/05/2023]. 8 Museu da Biodiversidade da Universidade de Évora. Available at: https://www.museubiodiversidade.uevora.pt/ elenco-de-especies/biodiversidade-actual/plantas/angiospermicas/foeniculum-vulgare/ [Retrieved on 21/05/2023]. 9 Jardim Botânico da Universidade de Trás os Montes e Alto Douro (UTAD). Available at: https://jb.utad. pt/especie/Foeniculum_vulgare [Retrieved on 21/05/2023]. 10 Fruto de funcho doce. Resumo do Relatório do HMPC destinado ao público. Available at: https://www. ema.europa.eu/en/documents/herbal-summary/foeniculum-vulgare-miller-subsp-vulgare-var-dulcemiller-thellung-fructus-fennel-fruit-sweet-hmpc_pt.pdf [Retrieved on 20/05/2022].
23Terminologija | 2023 | 30 This means that we are not using discursive materials obtained directly from local communities but through a third party, the cultural mediator or the researcher. This can provide an explanation for variation found in the corpus as well (produto sazonal vs. produto da época; ramos de cheiros vs. boneca de cheiros). 4. REFRAMING TERMINOLOGICAL VARIATION The examples above led us to reflect on two ways to approach variation and the way different discursive communities can affect a domain’s terminology. First, we look into the strategy to adopt when preparing extraction corpora, as it should include different discursive communities and their discourses as key role players in the domain’s terminology. Second, if we want to broaden the concept of specialist and specialised discourse to accommodate discursive communities beyond academic and/or technical contexts, we will need a theoretical framework that allows us to expand the concept of the specialist and to accommodate fringe discursive typologies produced outside these communities. We will address the former using the communicative context methodology proposed by Remígio-Oliveira (2010) and the latter by framing terminology with the perspective of ecolinguistics. 4.1. Communicative Contexts While studying vulgarised discourse in the functional food domain, Remígio-Oliveira (2010) focused on the identification of communicative contexts in this domain, which she understands as the “specific circumstance in which the vulgarized discourse <...> is produced, considering the textual producers, their intention of communication and the public to whom they are addressed” (Remígio-Oliveira 2010: 252–253). She noted how terminology characterises vulgarised discursive typologies as exhibiting a lower level of abstraction, lower terminological density, and less precision. Remígio-Oliveira argues by stating that: <...> a lower level of abstraction does not necessarily have to be less precise. The discourse may contain fewer terms and fewer and/or distinct conceptual characteristics may be activated there, but nevertheless, precision can be – and should be – constant at various levels. <...> The ability to make simple what is initially complex does not, or should not, have any consequence on the accuracy of what is uttered (Remígio-Oliveira 2010: 232–233).
Fátima Noronha24 Terminological Variation in Specialised Discourse: The Case of the Mediterranean Diet Then, she advances a model for the identification of communicative contexts within the domain, using a horizontal discourse typology instead of the hierarchised vertical typology used in terminology (Bowker and Pearson 2002; Guantiva et al. 2008; Nazar and Cabré 2012). Here, relevant communicative contexts within the domain are identified and highlighted dynamically, allowing new intervenients and other discursive interactions among them and not only with adjacent levels. Moreover, her model can represent how different communities (as different social groups) communicate depending on the social and cultural links established (Fig. 2). As per Remígio-Oliveira (2010), this is to be carried out during the preliminary study on the domain, the first phase of terminographic work, which she designates as the pre-terminographic phase. It includes the process of identifying relevant intervenients within the domain, the typology of the discourses produced, and the delimitation of their communicative contexts. This has methodological consequences when selecting materials for a corpus, which should reflect the diversity of textual producers and communicative situations. The way these groups are linked depends on each domain itself and can only be identified during the pre-terminographic phase. Figure 2. Communicative contexts - domain of Functional Food (adapted from Remígio-Oliveira, 2010: 237) academia: teachers & researchers policy makers mediators food industry stakeholders mediaconsumers educators students
25Terminologija | 2023 | 30 Also, Rodríguez-Tapia (2018) considers that discursive categories (vulgarised, specialised, semi-specialised) can accommodate different groups and spheres of activity and proposes three main typologies for specialised discourse: (1) specialists, as text producers, (2) mediators and professionals with some degree of formal education, and (3) consumers, seen as passive intervenients, thus not text producers. By adapting these contributions to the communicative contexts of the MD domain, we can now identify different discursive communities relevant to the domain terminology and the communicative contexts where variation can possibly occur. Based on their proposals, we focused on text producers and advanced four categories for the MD contexts: 1. Academia – with higher formal education (scientific or technical); researchers; 2. Professionalised activities – specific formal instruction (academic, technical) in the domain; full professional activity (companies, businesses). Figure 3. Proposal for identification of communicative contexts – text producers (multileveled ellipsis); mediators (square boxes, traced lines); passive users/consumers (square boxes, full line)
Fátima Noronha26 Terminological Variation in Specialised Discourse: The Case of the Mediterranean Diet 3. Traditional activities – stakeholders with little or no formal education; professional training not formal (professional or academic training); specialists such as traditional artisans. 4. Legislators/administrators – formal instruction (academic, technical or professional) received in another field of activity (law, accounting, management), working in a particular area (public administration, policymakers) Beyond text producers, and according to Remígio-Oliveira and Rodríguez-Tapia typology, we also can add discursive actors such as communicative mediators, educational professionals, and consumers (as passive actors, not text producers). The proposed model is shown in Figure 3. We also account for a vertical hierarchy inside each of these contexts, to include teaching/learning relationships. Our focus is on text producers on the MD, we can now use the model as a starting point to identify specialists within the domain, communicative contexts, and discursive relationships among them. As Remígio-Oliveira’s model is centred on communicative context identification, without excluding non-academic or technical communities, we can now look for a theoretical framework to broaden the concept of specialist (and specialised discourse) and to accommodate communicative contexts and discursive communities beyond the technical and scientific fields as specialists. 4.2. The ecolinguistic approach theoretical approaches in terminology have understood that the representation of specialised knowledge can be approached not only from a conceptual point of view. This is the case of the communicative and linguist dimension brought by Cabré (2003), the social dimension of the socioterminology approach (Conceição 2005; Gaudin 2005), the cultural terminology (Diki-Kidiri 2000), and the ethnographic approach (Depecker 2014). These frameworks accept that, beyond technical and scientific spheres of activity, there are discursive intervenients who should be included in the studies of a domain’s terminology. Temmerman and Van Campenhoudt (2014) also pinpoint the need to integrate terminological theoretical approaches with those from other disciplines, including methodologies, leaving room for a broader theoretical framework on terminological variation. Therefore, to explain terminological variation in specialised discourses, one should seek to integrate different points of view (cognitive, linguistic, and socio-communicative),
27Terminologija | 2023 | 30 while broadening the concept of specialist and specialised discourse. Moreover, some domains show another trait which needs to be addressed when analysing the causes of terminological variation: the connection to the environment and the way it influences human populations, their culture, language, knowledge, and terminology. Knowledge built, shared and communicated through language, via terminology, may also reflect ecosystemic processes. The MD intervenients, their products (the result of labour and lifestyle), and activities are conditioned by natural factors (biological, geological, biophysical) and dependent on them. This creates a bond between humans and the ecosystem, even if this is anthropogenic. A terminological approach to variation, especially in the presence of a composite domain, where a diversity of spheres of activity intertwin generating many different categories of specialists, will need to take this into account. In a previous paper, Noronha and Conceição (2020b) presented a first approach to terminological variation, using the ecolinguistic framework according to Sune Steffensen and Alvin Fill (2014) and their definition for ecolinguistics, later improved by Kravchenko (2016) as: <...> the study of (language understood as) the processes and activities through which human beings – at individual, group, population and species levels – exploit their environment in order to create an extended, sense-saturated ecology that supports their existential trajectories (Kravchenko 2016: 111). According to Steffensen, Fill, and Kravchenko, this definition describes language as a system deeply entwined in our biology, an impact agent in the ecosystem and our existence, through the way we use it in discourse. It links conceptualisation with language and the extended ecological context in which they occur, which may include not only cognitive or linguistic factors but social, cultural, and environmental ones as well. On the side of terminology, the cognitive motivation for terminological variation, defended by Fernández-Silva (2016), prompts an organic connection of language to cognition, which matches the ecolinguistic perspective, as per Steffensen, Fill, and Kravchenko. Using this ecolinguistic perspective, not as a paradigm but rather as a platform for the observation of a linguistic phenomenon, we could approach terminological variation from a unified point of view, as referred to by Honório do Couto (2014). He assumes language, cognition, culture, society, and nature as parts of a whole, meaning that we can study any problem that emerges at the level of specialised
Fátima Noronha28 Terminological Variation in Specialised Discourse: The Case of the Mediterranean Diet discourse without losing sight of cognitive, social, cultural, and environmental motivations. On the other hand, Nash and Mühlhäusler (Nash 2011; Nash, Mühlhäusler 2014) advance a methodological proposal for ecolinguistics. This methodology is based on data collection from populations on Pitcairn and Norfolk islands (Australia). They showed how the social and natural environment influences language and the population’s lexical choices of toponyms. The ecolinguistic field work, as named by Nash and Mühlhäusler (2014) demands a close relationship with local communities and an understanding of the socio-cultural and biophysical context. They consider this to be essential to obtain relevant linguistic data and to build textual corpora (Nash 2011). From the terminology point of view, this compares to the pre-terminographic phase of identifying field specialists and communicative contexts. Empirical minimalism, a second methodology of Nash and Mühlhäusler, is highlighted by Albuquerque (2019) and refers to the need to deal with each domain as unique, distinctive, and singular case study. He advises that care must be taken when applying methods, procedures, and conclusions from another discursive context in the current domain. Looking at the terminology side, it reinforces the notion that each domain has unique traits, requiring a customised pre-terminographic approach to the characteristics, the discursive and communicative ecosystem, the specificities of the participants of a domain, and the search for causes of variation related to linguistic or non-linguistic factors (anthropogenic and/or biophysical). Therefore, we will address a composite domain such as MD, characterised by a high diversity of social groups, activities, and discourses commonly produced out of the academic/technical context, showing traits strongly marked and dependent on cultural, social, and environmental factors as well (food production, food processing, craftmanship, etc.). The representation of their terminology is a matter of traditional knowledge preservation, and, from a holistic point of view, of understanding how human and environmental factors affect variation. Framing terminological variation using the ecolinguistic approach may allow addressing these phenomena from a holistic perspective, with some methodological implications (Noronha, Conceição 2020b) : a) It reinforces the role of denomination in the study of the term, a unit which cannot be fully approached only through conceptual traits.
29Terminologija | 2023 | 30 b) Factors affecting terminological dynamics and variation (cultural, social, political, and biophysical) can be fully integrated into terminology studies as they become part of the processes within the extended human ecosystem. c) Variation is now part of the ecosystem of specialised discourse, and its control is a harmonization process requiring a proper description to the user; normalisation is a means, not an end, to be used for specific purposes in specific communicative contexts. Currently, for the MD, the pre-terminographic phase is work in progress. An interdisciplinary collaborative network is being established, including different identified groups of specialists and communicative contexts within the initially proposed categories of text producers identified in Figure 4: (1) academia; (2) professional activities; (3) traditional activities, (4) lawmakers. Applying Remígio-Oliveira’s approach to the MD, we are conducting a comprehensive study on the domain to confirm and identify relevant intervenients and their communicative contexts. In addition, by adapting the methodology of Nash and Mühlhäusler, we are working closely with cultural mediators, such as local development associations, acting as relay stakeholders between us and local specialists on activities linked with the MD profile. A local survey is being undertaken to collect terminological data directly from these local specialists by performing Figure 4. Text producers in the MD and communicative contexts
Fátima Noronha30 Terminological Variation in Specialised Discourse: The Case of the Mediterranean Diet interviews whenever no written data is available. This will allow us to build a social-cultural framework for these groups and their extended ecosystems. After the pre-terminographic phase, the methodology will follow terminographic work by elaborating, processing, and analysing extraction corpora. Data retrieved up to date is being used to build a new corpus on MD. This corpus is composed of linguistic data classified according to their typology and socio-cultural context identified so far. The new corpus is being file-annotated to identify diastratic groups and to highlight diastratic variation that might occur, accordingly, in major groups of text producers. 5. CONCLUSION The discursive communities of the MD, their knowledge, and activities are conditioned by natural factors (biological, geological, biophysical), and dependent on them, create a bond between humans and the ecosystem, even if this environment is anthropogenic, such as an urban one. Any terminological approach, especially in the presence of a composite domain, will need to take this into account. In highly diverse interlinguistic and intercultural contexts, understanding the specialists and their communicative contexts are key to better communication. Enhancement of communicative mediation and terminological resources used by language professionals requires a better understanding of the causes of variation which can be rooted in discursive contexts. Broadening the concept of specialist and specialised discourse will allow registering and explaining variation by controlling it more efficiently. Moreover, in composite domains such as the MD, the architecture of a terminological resource must consider the diversity of discursive scenarios and their main stakeholders as specialists. For a better understanding and explanation of terminological variation, namely of the diastratic nature, the normalisation ideal cannot overlap with the importance of preserving cultural and linguistic diversity and knowledge in domains strongly shaped by traditional activities, knowledge, and way of life. In this matter, an ecolinguistic approach to terminology can be used to frame this goal. This is an ongoing project to be developed during a doctoral thesis. It aims to contribute to a better understanding of the dynamics of specialised discourse, while preserving the knowledge and the know-how of specific communities in a society that wants to be sustainable.
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