Zietelos tarmės įvardis

LIETUVIŲ KALBOTYROS KLAUSIMAI, III LIETUVOS TSR MOKSLŲ AKADEMIJA THE PRONOUN IN THE ZIETELA DIALECT1 A. VIDUGIRIS 1 §. The Zietela dialect has traditionally been called the speech of the villages of Zasečiai and Pagiriai. These villages are in the northern part of the Zietela (Belarusian Diatlovo) district, Grodno region, Belarusian SSR. Lithuanian is now hardly used in public life or in families here. Only a few representatives of the dialect can speak Lithuanian well (the youngest is 50 years old, and the oldest 96). Besides Lithuanian, the principal speakers of the dialect also know the local Belarusian dialect (i.e., “po-prostu”), Russian, and Polish well. The Zietela dialect differs in the following phonetic features from the nearest places where Dzūkian Lithuanian is spoken: Ródūnia, Varanávas district (about 60–80 km in a straight line from Zietela), the Lazūnai area (Jūrótiškiai district, about 80 km), the village of Naujieji Giernykai2 (Ščiūčinas district, about 50 km), and the village of Ažierkai (Grodno district, about 120 km): it preserves the nasal vowels ą, ę and the mixed diphthongs am, an, em, en intact, e.g.: ižgązdina3, tęsa “continues, carries,” kampas, pantis, temt ~ temti, penki; it also does not dzūkize, e.g.: pari, gaid’s, dienà, dvi, svėčias, mẽdžas “tree.” Thus, in these two features the Zietela dialect coincides with the Western and Central Aukštaitian dialects. In all other phonetic features, the Zietela dialect is either 1 A summary of this article was presented at a dialectology conference in 1959. “The Pronoun in the Zietela Dialect” is part of the larger work “The Zietela Dialect,” now being written. The history of research on the population and the dialect has already been discussed in greater detail; see A. Vidugiris, “Some Features of the Zietela Dialect” and “New Works on Lithuanian Dialects.” — Questions of Lithuanian Linguistics, 2, 195—213, 239—246, Vilnius, 1959. 2 In the northern part of Ščiūčinas district, Grodno region, Belarusian SSR (8 km from the district center), lies the so-called village of Naujieji Giernykai (Belarusian Новые Герники), whose inhabitants, according to local people, moved there from Varėna and Marcinkonys in the second half of the 19th century. Formerly, 18 Lithuanian families lived here; now (according to 1958 data) their number has decreased by more than half. At home and among themselves, the older people speak a beautiful Dzūkian dialect. The children no longer know Lithuanian. 3 The transcription specified in the program for collecting materials for the atlas is used; see Program for Collecting Materials for the Atlas of the Lithuanian Language, 2nd ed., 105—118, Vilnius, 1956. The stress mark over the sounds a and e also indicates their length. The length of an unstressed sound is marked with a dot above it on the right. The length of the sounds i and u is marked throughout, regardless of whether they are stressed or unstressed. The length of the inherently long sounds o and ė is never marked. The accent marks (´, ~) of pure and mixed diphthongs indicate the length of the corresponding component, except for i, u + l, m, n, r, whose first component in the Zietela dialect is always short. Capital letters are used in the names under investigation. The accents of diphthongs and long vowels are marked by ear. 8. Kalbotyros klausimai, III 113 similar to the Dzūkian and neighboring Eastern Aukštaitian dialects, or is distinctive and occupies a separate place among the dialects of the Lithuanian language. § 2. The pronoun provides much evidence of the archaic and distinctive character of the Zietela dialect. The pronouns of the Zietela dialect retain quite a number of old morphological elements that are sometimes no longer found not only in other dialects, but even in other parts of speech in the same dialect. Therefore, the morphology of the pronoun is described here in greater detail. In the Zietela dialect, as in the standard language, there are gendered and genderless pronouns. There are only two numbers. Not even any remnants of the dual have been observed: its place is taken by plural forms with the numerals du, dvi, abu, abi, for example: o kanà jūs abù vaikščiojat “and where did you two walk”; only mės dvi būvom Zieteloj. Pronouns are divided into classes according to their meaning and their functions in the sentence. Personal pronouns § 3. The following personal pronouns are used in the dialect: aš, tu, anas “he” and anà “she.” The latter two pronouns, anas and anà, are discussed in greater detail with the gendered pronouns (see §§ 14, 21–33). Because of their distinctive inflection, the personal pronouns aš, tu and the reflexive pronoun savè “oneself” are described separately. They are inflected as follows: Singular Plural N. aš (lėš) tù — mẽs || mės, jū·s || jū·s G. manè, tavè, savè mū·su⁴, jū·su· D. mán, táu, sáu mùmⁱ⁴, jùmⁱ⁴ A. manè, tavè, savè mùs || mùm, jùs I. manīm, tavīm, savīm mùmⁱ⁴, jùmⁱ⁴ In.⁵ savī· II.⁵ manīn⁶ savīn Ad.⁵ manip || tavip || savip || mū·sip⁴ || jū·sip⁴ || manīm(p), tavīm(p), savīm(p) mū·sīm(p), jū·sīm(p) Al.⁵ mù·sūm(t) || jù·sūm(t)⁶ || mù·sūmpƚ, jù·sūmpƚ Features of the declension of the non-reflexive pronouns (aš, tu, savè) § 4. Two parallel nominative singular forms of the first person immediately catch the eye: aš and ėš. The form ėš (sometimes aš) is used less often than aš: ėš mẽko nežnaũ; 4 Forms with two stress marks show that stress may fall both on the stem and on the ending, e.g. mùmi || mùmī, mù·sip || mù·sip. 5 For convenience, all four postpositional locatives are referred to by their Latin names: interior stative (inessivus)—inessive, interior directional (illativus)—illative; exterior stative (adessivus)—adessive, exterior directional (allativus)—allative. 6 Some forms that could not be elicited (manīn, mù·sūm, jù·sūmt) were taken for the paradigm from Ch. S. Stang, Die litauische Mundart von Zasėčiai im Gebiet von Wilna. — “Norsk Tidsskrift for Sprogvidenskap”, 18, 189 (1958). 114 aik šeri, es tau graža· merga· parodi·su; es visa žinojau7. The antiquity of the form es is attested by old writings8 and other languages, namely: Latvian es, Old Icelandic ek, Armenian es, Greek ἐγώ, Latin ego9. Linguists explain the coexistence of the forms es and aš in Lithuanian by the alternation of the vowels a- and e- at the beginning of the word10. However, this alternation of a and e cannot be explained solely by the present-day Zietela dialect, since no other examples of e at the beginning of a word have been found (cf. ašis, ažaras, ėglė, apušė). Perhaps an exception was made for this word, which is monosyllabic. The second-person pronoun tū is sometimes also used with the emphatic particle -ai: o kur tūjei buvai (here j is inserted between vowels to avoid hiatus). § 5. The genitive and accusative singular forms coincide completely, namely: aš ir nu-nuok nebūs tavė čā “and even today you will not be here,” pamėšk dėle savė “leave it for yourself,” aik nug manė, bo aš kūlsu tavė “go away from me, because I will beat you,” sakė, kad manė išrinkęs “he said that he would pick me up.” The ending e and its use in both these cases are thought to be very archaic, cf. Old Church Slavonic mene, tebe, sebe11. The old Lithuanian writings also attest the same shared ending for both cases12. It is possible that the singular genitive ending -e, still found today in some of our dialects, is equally old—for example, in the northern part of Šakiai district and the southwestern part of Kaunas district (on the left bank of the Nemunas), and in some places in Kaišiadorys and Vievis districts. Here, however, these forms often have stress on the stem, namely: mane, tave, save or manė, tavė, savė (alongside the common manė, tavė, savė, or manės, tavės, savės)13. Meanwhile, all the Dzūkian dialects geographically closer to Zietela (around Azierkai, Rodūnia, Varanavas, and Lazūnai) pronounce the singular genitive as follows: manī, tavī, savī; alongside mānī, tāvī, sāvī; and the accusative as manī, tavī, savī alongside mānī, tāvī, sāvī or manī, tavī, savī. § 6. The singular dative mostly has shortened forms, that is, the same forms as in standard Lithuanian, namely: mān (less often mān), tāu, sāu. Only a couple of times were longer forms heard, e.g.: ānas man dúoja dúonos “he gives me bread”; jām reīkā savī “he needs himself”. As we can see, these latter, longer forms bear stress on the ending. Old writings indicate that stress was on the stem, cf. Daukša’s Postilė—māng 28726, 7 It should be noted that not all speakers of the dialect use the form es with equal frequency. It is most often pronounced by B. Žukelis (about 50 years old), P. Chaleckienė (96 years old), and V. Kaška (60 years old). 8 A. Bezzenberger, Beiträge zur Geschichte der litauischen Sprache, 161, Göttingen 1877; J. Endzelīns, Latviešu valodas gramatika, 504, Rīgā, 1951 (hereafter — Gramatika); P. Arumaa, Untersuchungen zur Geschichte der litauischen Personalpronomina, 9–11, Tartu, 1933 (hereafter — Untersuchungen …); Lietuvių kalbos žodynas, 2, 843 (ed. J. Balčikonis), Vilnius, 1947. 9 See J. Endzelīns, Gramatika, 504; J. Endzelynas, Baltų kalbų garsai ir formos, 147, Vilnius, 1957. 10 P. Arumaa, Untersuchungen…, 9–12; J. Otrębski, Gramatyka języka litewskiego, 3, 135, Warszawa, 1956 (hereafter — Gramatyka…). 11 J. Endzelīns, Gramatika, 504–507, 510; J. Endzelynas, Sounds and Forms of the Baltic Languages, 147–148; J. Otrębski, Gramatyka…, 3, 135–137. 12 Cf. Bezzenberger, cited work, 161, 162. 13 Cf. the material collected for the Atlas of Lithuanian Dialects from the southern part of the Lithuanian SSR, and the dialectological card index of the Institute of the Lithuanian Language and Literature (Question 284 of the Program). 115 tāvi-gu 175₃₀, tāvi 481₂₈, savi 16₂₇¹⁴. The accent has probably shifted here according to the forms of the singular adessive manip, tavip, savip. Only once was I able to overhear the enclitically used singular dative form mi, namely: „anas āčunčia mi kō“ he (the son) sends me something“ (P. Chaleckienė from Pagiriai, aged 96). In old texts, mi has both dative and accusative meaning, e.g.: iš to mi auga džiaugsmas; anas mi veda15 § 7. The singular instrumental form has no final -i, e.g.: manim, tavim, savim. In the forms tavim, savim, the consonant v alternates with j, e.g.: tajim, sajim. These consonants also alternate in the singular adessive (cf. § 9). In the Lazūnai dialect, no consonant is heard in place of v: saim ‘with oneself’, eišu su taim ‘I will go with you’. The dialect has peculiar constructions in which the pronoun savim is an instrumental of the agent, equated with the instrumental of means, e.g.: pàc sajim nešasi; pãties savim pastãtė pìrkà ‘they built the cottage all by themselves, without anyone else’s help’; cf. nebūva ārlə, gãvom sàvim partrāukti; stùmk sàvim (Šakyna); āriem sàvim (Kuršėnai). Occasionally, the singular adessive is used with the meaning of the singular instrumental, e.g.: sa taip nôra gerāst susidėdinet ‘I would rather get together with you’; às sa taip neisù ‘I will not go with you’. § 8. The singular inessive and illative have the same ending as the ia-, - or consonant-stem nominal forms, namely, -in, -yn: manīn; prìrbinkāi vãndinio savīn ‘I gulped water into myself’; dar ānas savī turi vãndinio ‘now he has water in himself’. § 9. The singular adessive forms are varied, e.g.: manip išgurdinėj dañtis ‘my tooth fell out’; bùt manīmp ku dėlo ‘I had some flax to spin’; manīm dar ìr dvi kárvi ‘I still have two cows’; manīm nenōri bū't ‘it does not want to be at my place’; tavōp jau senì nagìnėi ‘your wooden shoes are already old’; and tajìp kas ìr ‘and what do you have’; kas tavōmp tìep kvėpà ‘what smells so good at your place’; or tajìmp momà ìr ‘do you have a mother’; tavīm čebãtai ìlgì ‘your shoes are long’; and savīmp tu nėturi alavẽlo ‘don’t you have a pencil with you’; anù sajìp viso turi ‘she has everything (at her place, at home)’. The forms manip, tavip (|| tajip), savip (|| sajip) are, it is assumed, formed from the old non-postpositional locative, which coincided with the old dative (mani, tavi, savi), and the postposition -pi. The other forms, namely, manīmp, tavīmp || tajīmp, savīmp || sajīmp, are thought to be analogical formations, arising on the model of the singular adessive forms of related pronouns: jãmp, tãmp, which gave the impression that the singular adessive of pronouns has the ending -mp. This ending was then attached to the old non-postpositional singular locative (or dative) forms¹⁷. P. Arumaa explains these latter forms as influenced by the plural adessive forms mu'sīm̄p, ju'sīm̄p¹⁸. In the forms manīm, tavīm, savīm, consonant v has been lost because it is difficult to pronounce. ¹⁴ See Dau(k)ša’s Postil, facsimile edition, Kaunas, 1926; cf. also J. Endzelīns, Gramatika, 507; J. Otrebski, Gramatyka..., 3, 136. ¹⁵ A. Bezzenberger, cited work, 163, 164. ¹⁶ Cf. A. Bezzenberger, cited work, 251, 253; J. Endzelīns, Gramatika, 508; N. van Wijk, Die pronominalen Adessivformen des Altlitauischen. Archivum Philologicum, 4, 49, Kaunas, 1933; A. Laigonaitė, Pašalio vietininkai dabartinėje lietuvių kalboje. — Kai kurie lietuvių kalbos gramatikos klausimai, 29, Vilnius, 1957 (hereafter Pašalio vietininkai...). ¹⁷ Cf. N. van Wijk, cited work, 49; A. Laigonaitė, Pašalio vietininkai..., 29. ¹⁸ Cf. P. Arumaa, Untersuchungen..., 174–175. 116 One cannot agree with P. Arumaa and A. Laigonaitė regarding the acute accent of the latter forms. “Loved us, the girls.” The latter form mũn is also used in other Eastern Aukštaitian dialects. It is thought to have entered this dialect from the dative or instrumental of the dual25. § 12. The inessive and illative plural forms of these pronouns have not been encountered at all. They are replaced by the plural adessive (see § 13) and allative (see § 14), which are always used in the dialect when referring to people or living things. § 13. In form, the plural adessive varies, e.g.: mu·sip bū·stasi ki-titskai “things are done differently at our place”; kã ju·sip gatãvina “what are they preparing (to eat) at your place?”; mu·sim(p) mãža u·tarina “at our place, few speak Lithuanian”; mũ·sim šnū·rai ilgì “at our place the land strips are long”; ju·sim(p) kãp “as at your place”; bũs svečėi ir mu·sim ir ju·sim “there will be guests both at our place and at yours.” As we can see, their endings are almost exactly the same as those of the singular adessive, namely: manip || manĩm(p), tavip || tavĩm(p). On this basis, P. Arumaa and N. van Wijk also explain their emergence by analogy with the singular adessive forms26. The same analogy can explain the ending stress of these forms (mu·sip, ju·sim(p)), while the forms with stress on the stem (mũ·sip, mũ·sim(p)), regarded as reflecting an older stress pattern, compare the plural genitive mũ·su·, jũ·su·. § 14. It should be noted that, among all other declinable parts of speech and other pronouns, only the non-gendered pronouns have retained in the dialect the plural allative forms that are no longer used, e.g.: vienas ataidinėja mu·sum saldõtas “one soldier comes to us”; koplõnas atãj mu·sumpt “the priest came to us”; ãnas ju·sumpt nuvẽji “he went to you”; manã kãrvė ju·sum nubėgo “my cow ran to you.” Probably because these forms in a way replace the illative of these pronouns, which is not used in the dialect (cf. § 12), Ch. Stang included them under the plural illative27. The plural allative is formed from the plural genitive and the postposition -pi, thus mu·sumpt < * mu·sun + p(i) + t, ju·sump < + *ju·sun + p(i). The sound n before p becomes m in the dialect (cf. im-pìlk, ši·mpjožus), while p, when it occurs at the end of a word or before an added t, is dropped because it is difficult to pronounce. The consonant t was probably added later, after i had already been lost. The final stress of these forms can be explained by analogy with the singular and plural adessive (manĩmp, mu·sĩmp). The plural allative is now disappearing in the Zietela dialect. It is most often replaced by the preposition “to” with the accusative: ažk pas mũs; pas jũs neĩsu. Note. The non-gendered pronouns kãs, viskãs, niẽkas are inflected like gendered pronouns, and are therefore discussed below. § 15. The third-person pronoun has two genders: masculine ãnas “he” and feminine anà “she.” The plural nominative has the same stem: ãni·es || ãni·s || ãnes || ãni· || ãni, ãnos. The forms of all the other cases are derived from the stem jis, ji. It is thought that the forms jis, ji, jie, jos have been replaced here by the demonstrative pronoun anàs, anà28. In old writings, alongside the forms jis, ji, jie, jos, other forms are also found, e.g.: ans mi gano; anas už mi guli/jis rupečius; anys, anis, anie29 In the Zietela dialect, the forms jis, ji, jie, || jė, jōs, e.g. ar jō, are also still occasionally used. 25 Cf. J. Endzėlins, Gramatika, 516; P. Arumaa, Untersuchungen..., 53, 50–77. 26 Cf. P. Arumaa, Untersuchungen..., 184; N. van Wijk, cited work, 49. 27 See Ch. S. Stang, cited work, 189. 28 Cf. J. Endzėlins, Gramatika, 517; J. Endzelynas, Baltų kalbų garsai ir formos, 150. 29 See A. Bezzenberger, cited work, 163, 168. 118 I don’t know whether he himself wanted to: she is marrying off her daughter “she is marrying off her daughter”; and she is beautiful, too; and they carried vegetables from the garden to the kitchen garden; she knows how to cook well “she knows how to cook well.” The same phenomenon is also known in the Slavic languages, e.g.: Old Church Slavonic on, ona, oni, but jego, fich30 That the Zietela dialect was not entirely free from Slavic-language influence is shown by the generalized nominative plural form common to both genders ānies || āni’s || ānēs || āni· || āni, since the feminine form ānos is rare. Sometimes these forms are used with the additional consonants h, j, namely: jānas, hānas, janā, hanā, jāniės, hāni’s cf. Belarusian ён, яна, яны. This pronoun is declined as follows: Singular Plural Nom. ānas, anā āniės || āni’s || ānēs || āni·, ānos, jiē || jiė, jōs Gen. jō, jōs jū· Dat. jām, jē||jāi (rare) jēmi || jīmi, jōmi Acc. jō·, jā jūos || jū·s, jās Instr. jīo || jū·, jāi jēīs, jōmī Iness. jame(?) jūosā, josā Ill. jūosnā, josnā Adess. jām̄p || jāmp, jēip || jīp, jēsmip || jēsmz || jēmp || jūosmi, jōsmi All. jōsp, jōs. For further details on the case features of gendered pronouns, see §§ 21–33. Possessive pronouns § 16. In the dialect, possessive pronouns are used very widely and in various forms. The pronouns mānas, manā, tāvas, tavā, sāvas, savā retain forms for all cases, e.g.: mānas brōlis tei pāčā nimirė “my brother died too”; reiks pjēva pjāut savā; nebūs jau manōs karvutėkos “my little cow will be gone”; bōču tavām vištiek “for your father, anyway”; žūrėk jāi tāva· žmōgu· išvīko “look, they’ve already dragged your husband away”; kelū savū nuvaoj “he went on his way”; sa manāi momāi bit ānas “he was with my mother”; pirkōj manōj bit; tavōn mašīnon ū.tari·t “to speak into your machine (tape recorder)”; savaṇp brōlīp pasikl āusk “ask your own brother”; sunāi mani išāugo jāi; nupirkāu po skēpā· savōmi dukterīmi “I bought each of my daughters a headscarf.” These pronouns are inflected like adjectives. The pronouns mu·siškēs, mu·siškė, jū·siškēs, jū·siškė indicate that surrounding things belong to, or are associated with, a group of people, e.g.: mu·siškis liežūvis negražūs “our language is unattractive”; nuvažāu nekatru mu·siškī “some of our people went away”; o jū·siškėj zešėj dāugis bū·sta “and do many people live in your settlement?”; mu·siškūs āču·zdenī šen “they sent our people here.” But these pronouns are also used without the suffix -iškis, e.g.: mū·sis su·nūs nesāpranta “our son does not understand (Lithuanian)”; mū·sē vesē didelē “our village is large”; āniė bū·mu·soj bazni·čōi; o kāp jū·sis apėkū·nas tūrisī “and 30 Cf. J. Endzelīns, Gramatika, 517; J. Endzelynas, Baltų kalbų garsai ir formos, 150—151. J. Otrębski, Gramatyka..., 3, 143. 119 “how is your guardian doing”; jū·sip šonip moža daugėst bū·sta “perhaps more people live in your area”; pautai mu·si maži “our eggs are small”; mū·siemi vaikāmi prisakīta “our children have been told.” Quite a few similar pronoun forms also occur in the surrounding Dzūkian dialect, for example: iš mū·sos selōs rāsėsi litvinas “a Lithuanian came from our village”; mū·sis bē rnas atāji iš darbo; ti· mū·ses sōthos bīzvo “there were our ploughlands”; iš mū·sos ū·tarkos džēka-vojasi “they make fun of our speech”; bū·sta mū·sei nekurbī tì “some of our people live there” (Lazūnai); paprastā ū·tarka mū·se “our ordinary speech” (Dieveniškės); o jūsis, kap atvažuoja, tai ir nepaīso ingi šonu: žmogū “and your (son), when he comes, does not even pay attention to an old person” (Ramaškonys). In Zietela, the generalized genitive of possessive pronouns is used only occasionally, for example: ir tū savo bobāi nupirk skāptā “and you buy a headscarf for your wife”; māno pōnu· nėr namī; nėra mū·su· bōco jāu “our father is no longer here.” Demonstrative pronouns § 17. Some demonstrative pronouns are disappearing. Certain case forms of the pronouns šis, šitas ‘this’ have survived only in particular expressions, namely: iki šitam šoni; tai šo, tai tō pripirko; aiti šitana galan “goes to this end”; an šitu· pirštu· nagas neaugo; jėmė rastrindinėt tai šiuo, tai tuo “began rubbing it with this one, then that one”; dār po anām kāri “still after that war.” Now, in place of the pronouns this, this one, the pronoun ičaī || ičaiḱ, itoī has become established, while in the sense of the pronouns anās, kitas the pronoun tasāi || caī || caīk, tōi || brōlis gadnēsnis kab caīk is used: “this brother is better than that one”; caīk kėlās krēliškis, o icaik dai-navīškis; icaik vešēs gālas Jakšāi vadinasi, o caīk Misūnai “this end of the village (Zasęčiai) is called Jakšai, and that one Misūnai”; itoi pūsēi gadnēsme pieva, kab tōi “on this side (of the river) the meadow is better than on that one.” The pronoun itas, ita, of the same root, is widely used in Aziērkai, Lazūnai, Dieveniškės, Ramaškonys, around Rodūnia, and also in the eastern and southern part of the Lithuanian SSR. The pronouns itis (alongside itys), itūds, itāids³¹ are also familiar in the eastern Latvian SSR area. In E. Fraenkel’s view, these pronouns arose through the blending of the demonstrative pronouns tās, tā, tokžs || tokās, tokā + it with Belarusian гэты, гэты, эти, этакий, гэтаки, гэтакі³². P. Arumaa also explains these pronouns as resulting from Slavic influence³³. However, this leaves the origin of the vowel i entirely unexplained. J. Endzelynas answers this question, considering these pronouns Baltic, that is, of the same origin as šitas, šita, šitoks, šitokia. Only the first element of the pronouns itas, icaik, ita; itoi, itorės || itokās, itokā derives not from šis (cf. šias, šitoks), but from *is (cf. Latin and Gothic is, in place of which Lithuanians now use the form jis)³⁴ 31 Cf. J. Endzelīns, Gramatika, 537 (372-373 §); E. Fraenkel, Der Stand der Erforschung des im Wilnagebiete gesprochenen Litauischen. — Balticoslavica, 2, 25, Wilno. 1936. 32 E. Fraenkel, cited work, 25. 33 P. Arumaa, Litauische mundartliche Texte..., 56. 34 See J. Endzelīns, Gramatika, 537. 120 Pronouns cažk, tòj(i), icaik, itòj are declined as follows: Singular Nom. cažk, tòj(i), icaik, itòj Gen. tõ, tõs, ito, itos Dat. tām, taī, itam, itai Acc. tā, ita· Instr. tùo || tù, tāi, ituo || itù, itai Iness. tamè || tam̃, tõi, itam(e), itoi Ill. tanā, itana, iton Adess. tam̃p || tāmp, taīp, itamp, itaip Plural Nom. tìe || tìe || tì, tõs, itìe || itì, itos Gen. tũ̃ itù· Dat. itòmi || tãmi, tõmi, itìemi, itòmi Acc. tùos || tùs, tās, itus, itas Instr. tāīs, tõmi, itais, itomi Iness. tuosa, tosā, ituosa, itosa Ill. tuosnā, tosnā, ituesna, itosna Interrogative and relative pronouns § 18. Of interest is the so-called adjective-derived pronoun kìenas, kienà “belonging to whom.” It is used interrogatively, relatively, and indefinitely. The following case forms were recorded: kìenas³⁵ with the children; kìenas ānas; kienà tõj kārvė; mȯža su primìnsi kienà anà “perhaps you will remember whose she is”; kìeno dar gerà strb·chā, o katrõ ledokā “whose roof is still good, and whose is poor”; kìena kārve: tu ganai; vīsa vīena kìenam krašte bū·t “it is all the same in whose land to live”; kìeni ānis; nežināũ kienàs kārves gānė ānas; kienòs bōbos itai kārves, greta kienõ vaikas. Individual case forms of this pronoun are also used elsewhere, namely in Lazūnai and Gervėčiai³⁶, but there the stress falls on the ending—kienās (as in katràs). Alongside the pronoun katràs, katrà, the forms katrùs, katrù, are used fairly often, e.g.: katrùs žōdis tāu gražùs; katrb· ōtuoli· dùosi; katrbm šōne ragėjej. They may have arisen by analogy with the similarly inflected pronoun kuris || kurùs, kurì || kurù. Both pronouns (katràs and kuris) are used interchangeably in the dialect, without any difference in meaning, e.g.: kuris arklìs gādnėsnis “which horse is better”; katrō itai šìlkas “whose hat is this?” Almost all interrogative pronouns can also be used relatively, e.g.: kuris arklìs gādnàs, tai gerai ait vagāi “whichever horse is good, that one goes well to wo- ³⁵ J. Endzelynas reconstructs the nominative of this pronoun only with an asterisk, from klm. kienō; cf. J. Endzelīns, Sīkumi. – Latvijas PSR Zinātņu akadēmija Valodas un literatūras institūta Raksti, 6, 326, 328, Rīgā, 1958. ³⁶ Cf. J. Senkus, Kai kurie Lazūnų tarmės ypatumai. – Lietuvos TSR Mokslų akademijos darbai, A 1 (4), 191, Vilnius, 1958; P. Arumaa, Litauische mundartliche Texte..., 57. 121 gà; kurbi bijo, tai neškùla “those who are afraid do not fight”; kàs katrañ kraštañ nuvažiuoja, ten ir bi-sta; kokàs anas bit, tokàs ir irà “as he was, so he remains.” They are declined as follows: Singular Plural N. kàs, katràs, katrà katròl katròs G. kò, katrò, katròs katrù D. kàm, katràm, katràñ katrèmt || katrbmt, katròmi A. kà, katrà katrùs, katràs I. which || which, which (masculine), which (feminine), which (plural), which (instrumental) Inessive kurì || kamè, katràm, katròñ katruòsà, katrosà Illative kanà, katràñ, katròñ katrùsna, katròsna Adessive kàmp || katràmp || katràip kàm(p), katràm(p), Demonstrative pronouns § 19. The demonstrative pronoun tiekas is still used occasionally in the dialect, namely: tiekas žmogùì čà bit, šì'nas netì'ka indžiū-dinėja “the hay does not dry out quite so much.” J. Endzelīns regards the latter form tieka (as well as kieka) as the neuter nominative and accusative singular.³⁷ The pronouns jokìs, nèjokìs || nèjùkis are used rarely: nebit jokù katastrofù “there were no catastrophes”; nèjokìs žmogus neragė “no one saw”; nè-jókoì fabrikoì nepadàro, kàp čà; nèjokù žmogù nebit. The pronoun visalokìs || visalòkìs || visalòkas, visalòkà is a hybrid; cf. Lithuanian visas, visokìs and Polish wszeleki, Belarusian dialectal ўсялякі. They are frequently used, e.g.: visalokù žolù ìrà “there are all kinds of grasses”; žmonù viselòkù bit “there were all kinds of people”; visalokì žmonès ataidinèì šeñ “all kinds of people used to come here”; gàdnas ìtokis bit “such a good one it was”; itokù žodžù nesàko mu'sip “we don’t say such words here.” The pronoun visòkis || visokàs, visokà has an altered meaning: “each, one after another” (cf. Russian каждый), e.g.: visòki (greta visòki) ir jaunì, ir senì mirà “everyone dies, both young and old”; visòka dienà kolchozan ãimam, o nedèla šventavòjam “every day we go to the kolkhoz, and on Sundays we celebrate (rest)”; visòkomi dienòmi dìrbam; visòki žòdì užrašìk “write down every word.” The forms of the pronoun toks are stressed very variably, e.g.: tokìs tiltas bit padàr'ta; ir tokàs vaìras gražùs bit; tókìs dan'tìs iššàtrintas; tokì's tai žòdì's; ir tokà bit nedàlà; tokà anà ir bit. The stem of the pronoun pàč, patì often varies, e.g.: iš pàčės Vilnès atvažiàu “he came from Vilnius itself”; ir jòs pàčòs nebit čà, pas tà pàčì žmogù; pas tà pàtì būvom; čà mès pàčam kampè; patìn žmogùtin iniardè “they themselves were not here; at that very person’s place; we were at that very place; here, in our own corner; he scratched right into the pupil (of the eye)”; tòn pàčon pièvon varìsim pèkù “we’ll drive the cattle into that same meadow”; manìp pàtip tràjtas vaikù “my own three children”; manìm pàčam nèr nìeko “I myself have nothing”; tàm pàčimp bū'sti “do you live with that same person?”; dabàr žmonès pàtìes vežùoja kitàn kraštañ; vi'rai pàčès padàrè tèt. Other demonstrative pronouns are the same as in standard Lithuanian: nìekas už nìeka nemira, pàc us savè mira “no one dies for another; one dies for oneself”; sažalàlù viskàs “everything has turned green— 37 Cf. J. Endzelynas, Baltų kalbų garsai ir formos, 157. 122 “and everything”; another cow brought forth, kas penės karves tokiu penėjimu “who will feed the cows with such fodder”; pógul ūdesė pača nuvėji “she went along the very edge of the village.” The pronoun niekas is sometimes used in the dialect with the diminutive suffix -itkas: niekuo anas nekaltas aniėkitkuo. The pronoun niekas is declined as follows: N. niekas || nieks, G. nieko, D. niekam, A. nieką, I. nieku || niekuo II. niekana, L. niekur. Indefinite pronouns § 20. Some interrogative pronouns are sometimes used with the meaning of indefinite pronouns: ar būt kas mūsim “was there anyone at our place”; kokà prībėgo mu-sumīt “some sort of woman came running up to us.” A pronoun is often used together with other particles, for example: kāp kas āuginasi ir be bōco “somehow someone grows up even without a father”; mōža ir bū-tų kai kas “perhaps there would be something, too”; kai kurie arižlkos dadėdinėja “some put in vodka”; kad chòt kas bū-tųp mani “so that at least someone would be at my place”; jō bile kàs nepasūps jo “anyone will rock him”; bile kō neprīmīs “they will accept anything”; aš tau ka-nė-ka pasaki-su “I’ll tell you something.” Particularly characteristic of the dialect are peculiar indefinite pronouns formed from interrogative pronouns with the negative prefix ne-, namely: nēkas ingrūvo akīn “something fell into the eye”; nēkatras nāmas ir razgrūsta “some house also collapses”; nēkoko vãndinio dāļ “she gave some kind of water”; pirkēla padarė nēka “she built a little cottage of some sort”; anà nēkana nuvažāu “she went somewhere”; nēkatru panūvažā-dinēi Pōlščan “some of them went to Poland.” Less often, the stress falls on the ending, e.g.: nekokàs pōnas jā ēmē “some gentleman was leading her”; ānas nekā žāidojasi sa jū “he is playing something with him”; nekatrb moteriški duoda “some women weave”; nuvažāu nekatrb mušīški “some men went away.” The pronouns nēkas, nēka often shift into the io- and ē-stems, e.g.: nēbis žmōgus bùl mū-sip “some man was at our place”; nēki vīriški sairkāu, itoj strāista nē-kēs bōbos bit “this little bag belonged to some old woman”; bit nēkeip vīlnu pardūot “some woman had wool to sell”; nēke macitkā itoj karvē “this cow is somewhat small.” E. Fraenkel compares these formations with similar Slavic formations³⁸, cf. некмо, некый, 1. нечто, некоторый, which are also almost identical in meaning. One might therefore conclude that the formations mentioned above are Slavicisms. This, however, is contradicted by the fact that the Lithuanians of Zietela use these formations more often than the Slavs do. This is also evident from adverbs formed in a similar way, namely: nēkap “somehow,” nēkadaik || nēkuomet “sometimes, long ago, sometime.” Lithuanians could also have formed these expressions independently from combinations such as kas-ne-kas (cf. aš tau ka-nē-ka pasaki-su), *kokis -nē- kokis, *kaip -nē- kaip, *kada-nē-kada. Since all the stress is concentrated on the syllable ne, the second element has attached here as an enclitic, while the first—as a proclitic—was dropped because it was difficult to pronounce. Similar formations are also attested in early written texts: wósnēwos 11₁₆, nekaday 59₄₇ ³⁹ 38 Cf. E. Fraenkel, cited work, 54. 39 See Daukša’s Postilė, Kaunas, 1926; cf. J. Otrębski, Gramatyka..., 282, 300. Latvians also have similar pronouns and adverbs; cf. J. Endzelynas, Baltų kalbų garsai ir formos, 158; Mūsdienu latviešu literārās valodas gramatika, 1,539-541. Rīga. 1959. 123 Inflectional features of gendered pronouns § 21. Gendered pronouns are much closer in their case endings to other parts of speech than genderless pronouns are. Moreover, the case endings of most gendered pronouns also coincide more closely with one another. Therefore, the features of the endings of all the gendered-pronoun sections are reviewed together in one place. This group also includes the genderless pronouns kas, viškas, niškas., which have identical endings. § 22. The masculine singular dative most often has a falling-accent ending, e.g.: kàm tū jà ta·sóji; bócu tavàm visťiek. Occasionally this accented ending may also be pronounced with a rising accent: jam rèika dúot jèst. The feminine singular dative gender ending (if accented) most often has a falling accent, e.g.: ir nèkas jai intardė àkį “and someone scratched her in the eye”; adùo tu tai mèrgal; kàmgi tu tukèi dúoji “why are you giving it to that girl?”; anà pàdmeta pàutų; kitài pàuštèi “she (the cuckoo) lays eggs for another bird”; katrai mažà: dùoja; prig pačèi baznìčei pastàtė nàma. Only rarely does a rising-accent singular dative ending occur: diùož kitài dùkterai; prig jai lìnda “they crawl up to her.” The feminine singular dative ending is pronounced with a falling accent in the Dzūkian dialects as well, specifically around Leipalingis⁴⁰, Azierkai, Rodūnia⁴¹, Ramaškonys, and Kaniava (Varėna District)⁴². § 23. The masculine singular instrumental ending has mostly already been shortened, namely -(i)u; savù, tavù, katrù, tokì, pačì, kùri. Following these pronouns, the ending -(i)uo of monosyllabic pronouns may also sometimes be shortened; in the dialect, it also tends toward monophthongization, e.g.: reìka gi mán sa jùo: bùt “I really have to live with him”; nèr kù vandèno mùlk “there’s nothing with which to drink water,” alongside nebìt kù penèt “there was nothing with which to feed [them]”; tu kelù aik “go along that road.” But forms with a more or less intact ending also occur, namely: ne tùo keliù aimì “you are not going along that road”; sa tùo žlàdžiu “with that thief”; nenorėj bùt sa jùo; nèr kù⁴³ apdènkti; nièbo nekaltas; kas norės sa tokìo susiadènet, pìg. kìtoì apsidènkç (Azierkai). Only once was the singular instrumental ending -ùomi heard: nebìt kùomi (or kuomi) kàrve penèt. The ending -mi is presumably secondary here, like that of u-stem nouns; cf. 1k medùmi (Žt. medùm), lietùmi (Žt. lietùm)⁴⁴. The Dzūkians of Varanavas and Rodūnia also know this singular instrumental pronoun ending: tuòm kelalù aik (Plikiai); nechòj ànas ràkščį išmùša tuòm(i) mašù “let him knock the coffin out with that sack” (Nevėžiai); o kùom ànas gali pràbùč “and what can he live on?” (Ramaškonys); tù pirmùcinì pràvaŕė, o su tuòm sugìvèno (Paditvys, Rodūnia District). ⁴⁰ Plg. B. Savukynas, Leipalingio tarmė, dipl. darbas, rankr., 115, Vilniaus Valstybinio V. Kapsuko v. universiteto Istorijos-filologijos fakulteto Lietuvių kalbos katedra. Vilnius, 1955. ⁴¹ Plg. Lietuvių kalbos ir literatūros instituto surinktą tarmių atlasui medžiagą (287 Programos klausimas); dar plg. O. Broch, min. veik., 29. ⁴² Plg. M. Svirskas, Kaniavos tarmė, dipl. darbas, rankr., 60–61, Vilniaus Valstybinio V. Kapsuko v. universiteto Istorijos-filologijos fakulteto Lietuvių kalbos katedra. Vilnius, 1954. ⁴³ Accented singular instrumental endings most often have a rising accent. Forms with a falling accent are rare. ⁴⁴ Plg. J. Otrębski, Gramatyka..., 141. 124 The feminine singular instrumental ending -ai is always pronounced with an acute accent, for example: apsišą- minosi sa jąj45 “she married her”; negadnai vaiščiot tokai pagadai “it is unpleasant to walk in such weather”; ānas sa jąj būt “he was with her”; reiks ir mán šienáut pamačiūkū itąj nedėlei “I too will have to mow hay slowly this week”; sa savāj pačāj bū’sta “he lives with his own wife”; tái parāj jáū buvāu namie “by then I was already at home”; ānas tēn Li’dōj sa nėkēi bobāj bū’sta “he lives there in Lida with some woman.” The origin of this ending has not been fully explained. It is thought46 to be a shortened form of pronominal pronouns or adjectives, which was later generalized and extended to other parts of speech. It is possible that the analogous endings -ōū, ēū in the same case and gender in the Slavic languages contributed to the generalization of this ending and its spread to other parts of speech in the Zietela dialect; cf. приншел со своей женой. The feminine singular instrumental of pronominal pronouns, used in relatively nearby Dzūkian dialects, is phonetically different, namely: čik spi’gauj su šitu’i (gret šitu’j) sāvo armōniku; nėik su tū’i (greta tūj) mergū šōrc (Ažierkai); tū’j velkėt duris žuvelkināi (Paditvys, Rodūnia district),47 tū’i, šitu’i (Kaniava, Varėna district)48 Some more distant dialects have an ending -ai (-ā) in the singular instrumental that is almost identical to that of Zietela: certain southwestern and central Aukštaitian subdialects; cf. Pazanavys kapsian su jā, su jā49, and central Aukštaitian tāi, šitāi, amāi, jūi, takāi, pačāi50 This ending raises doubts among linguists in those pronouns in which pronominal forms are not used, e.g.: rankāi, vienāi, kitāi. Some linguists think51 that Lithuanian o-stem pronouns had two singular instrumental forms: *rankān > ranką and *rankajan (cf. Old Church Slavonic rękǫ and rękoję), from which, after n was lost and the form shortened, the form rankāi may also have arisen by analogy with the system. However, it is unlikely that pronouns had two such singular instrumental forms. It may also be supposed that this ending arose purely for phonetic reasons from acute-stressed ą (< ān), ė (< ēn); cf. kāisnis “a bite,” kāisk “bite,” pagelāisk “sharpen,” gelāistūvas “a sharpener.” The Pazanavys kapsians also have this phenomenon in the word root and closed ending: sāispara “a joint,” žāislas “goose- 45 In stressed feminine singular instrumental endings -ai(-āi), the first component is always pronounced broad and long; in unstressed endings, its pronunciation varies: sometimes it is somewhat shorter (the length of the first unstressed component of this ending is nowhere marked in the article), and sometimes it does not differ from the stressed one. Therefore Ch. Stang marks the length of the first component everywhere: bōba’i, laukina’i; cf. Ch. S. Stang, cited work, 184—187. 46 Cf. P. Arumaa, Litauische mundartliche Texte..., 70; E. Fraenkel, cited work, 49; Z. Zinkevičius, Lietuvių kalbos įvardžiuotinių būdvardžių istorijos bruožai, 100. Vilnius, 1957. 47 Cf. also O. Broch, cited work, 28—29. 48 See M. Svirskas, cited study, 60. 49 See J. Senkus, Pazanavykio kapsų tarmė, 126—127. 50 See B. Švenčionytė, Žąslių tarmė, diploma thesis, manuscript, 56, Department of Lithuanian Language, Faculty of History and Philology, Vilnius State V. Kapsukas University, Vilnius, 1956; Č. Grenda, Palomenės tarmė, diploma thesis, manuscript, 62, Department of Lithuanian Language, Faculty of History and Philology, Vilnius State V. Kapsukas University, Vilnius, 1957. 51 Cf. J. Kazlauskas, Lietuvių kalbos i-kamieno daiktavardžių vienaskaitos įnagininko ir vietininko formų kilmės klausimu. Vilniaus Valstybinio V. Kapsuko v. universiteto Mokslo darbai, 26, 57, Vilnius, 1958. 125 las“, gerāsias „gerasias“, jāisās „jāsias“⁵², and also the dialect of the Prussian Lithuanian fishermen: kaiznis, kaîšti, kaisnėlis, slāistai „slastai“, slaistūkai, žemàisės, grēžti, i̇sprēšti, spēis-ti, gabēiti, kurēiti53. (It is a pity that there are no examples in the Zietela dialect with a circumflex root vowel ė < én). Thus, a similar phenomenon may also have occurred at the end of a word in the Zietela dialect, when the acute vowels ą, ę (< ān, ēn) had not yet been shortened⁵⁴. But this conjecture is not supported in the Zietela dialect by the other endings, which also formerly had the acute accent, of the singular inessive and plural accusative. § 24. In the singular inessive, only the masculine-gender monosyllabic pronouns preserved the full ending -ame, namely: kamē buvaži (rare) || kur buvaži (sometimes); ānas būsta tamē šoni “he lives on this side”; itame palačui prabū-dinēi Soltōnas “Soltonas lived in these palaces,” alongside tam rudenī; tokām lopinī; savām krašte. The feminine singular inessive ending always lacks -e: savōi pirkōi buvāi; pirkōi manōi bit; ir įtoi piēvoi ir tōi; tokōi medžinēi tašlōi minkinam “we knead (bread) in such a wooden bread trough.” § 25. Many masculine-gender pronouns also preserved the full singular illative ending -ana, e.g.: aīti štana galān “he is going to this end”; nuvažiūja nevedōma kanā “he drove off, no one knows where”; aik itana šōnan “go this way”; važūosu tanā šōnan “I will drive that way”; as nēkana nevažavāu “I did not go anywhere”; ānas nēkana nuvažāu “he went somewhere,” alongside vienas vinanī šōnan, kitas kizān, kokan krastan nōri; patiž žmogutin intardē. Examples with a double postposition sometimes occur as well: nuvažāu tananī kraštan, kur sāule užaidinėja “he went to that region where the sun sets.” The feminine-gender ending has already been shortened: kitōn akin pažūrėk; tōn pačōn piēvon varī-sim pēku “we will drive the cattle into that same meadow”; manōn pirkōn intāik “go into my homestead.” § 26. The singular adessive forms are stressed in highly variable ways, namely: jamp irā brōlis “he has a brother”; buvāi as tenāik jamp “I was there at his place”; kamp tokām nakvojot “at whose place did you spend the night?”; itamṕ bernip; kitāmṕ žmogip bit; manīm pačām nēr niēko “I myself have nothing”; tām Adōlip dār žv nagnei “that Adolis still has leather shoes”; savāmṕ brōlip pasiklāsuk. There are two views on the formation of these forms. One view is that the singular adessive of personal pronouns, like that of masculine-gender adjectives and numerals, was formed from the singular dative, with the postposition -p(i) attached to it. Consequently, the singular adessive arose after the shortening of the old dative forms tāmui, kitāmui⁵⁵. The second view holds that the singular adessive forms are the old accusative * jān, *kitān, *tān + p(i). The more frequent dialect examples of the singular adessive with circumflex accent lend greater support to the latter view, while some forms pronounced with acute accent may have been modeled on the already shortened singular dative⁵⁶. 52 See J. Senkus, The Kapsai Dialect of Pazanavys, 64. 53 See G. Gerullis and Ch. Stang, The Lithuanian Fishermen’s Dialect in Prussia, 9, 11, Kaunas, 1933. 54 Perhaps the pre-action ending -ai should also be regarded as having a similar origin (with metatony of accent having taken place), e.g.: kadaik, kadāik, cf. kadāngi, tadāgi (Daukša’s Postil, 6₂₀₁), kadāise, kadāi (Daukša’s Postil, 7₃₈), nu’naik || nu’-nāini-šča “now, at the present time” pirmāžik || pirmā. 55 Cf. J. Endzelīns, Sounds and Forms of the Baltic Languages, 132; A. Laigonaitė, Local Cases after Prepositions…, 28; 56 Cf. A. Laigonaitė, Local Cases after Prepositions…, 28. 126 The feminine singular adessive is formed from the non-postpositional singular locative with the postposition -p(i), e.g.: jaip, manaip (< *jai + pi, *manai + pi)⁵⁷. Nowadays, singular adessive forms with a circumflex accent are more common, namely: trìs vaĩkai taĩp biẽženkaip “that refugee woman has three children”; manãip dùkterẽip vaĩkas gimė “my daughter gave birth to a child”; taĩp Šeñkaip pasiklaũsė “they asked that Šenka,” although one also hears jãi(p) irà su·nùs “she has a son.” Since the dative and adessive cases are related not only in form but also to some extent in meaning (cf. §§ 6, 9, 10, 13), it may therefore be assumed that the singular dative helped the circumflex accent become established in these forms; cf. taĩ mergì·tei dùok. The postpositional consonant p becomes voiced when it occurs before a voiced consonant or a vowel (and sometimes also at the end of a word), e.g.: ir jaĩb vaĩkas gimė; jaĩb vì·ru nerà; vaĩkuĩ jaĩb ì·r; bùvai kuòmet jaĩb “or were you ever at her place”. § 27. Masculine pronouns have no singular allative forms. A few allative forms are derived from feminine personal pronouns. Moreover, these same allative forms more often have an adessive meaning, e.g.: jõsp bìt kárvė “she had a cow”; mõža bùvot jõsp “perhaps you were at her place,” but jõs (ar jõsp?) nuãik “go to her.” As we see, the forms are made from the singular genitive with -p(i). Instead of the old allative, the accusative with the preposition pas ‘to’ is now most often used: aĩmù pàs tã Žukẽlį; ri·toĩ aĩsù ir aš pàs jì. § 28. The masculine plural nominative ending has also mostly been shortened, i.e. to -i, e.g.: tokì dideli vì·rai; su·naĩ mañaĩ; visóki mìra “all sorts of people die”; kurì mẽsta, katrì ir nemẽsta “those who like it, and those who do not”; nekatrì moteriškì dar mõka áust; nekùri mu·šiški ataidinẽj šeñ “some women still know how to weave; some of our people used to come here.” Alongside this, the full ending -ie also occurs; it is pronounced sometimes with a circumflex and sometimes with an acute accent: kaĩ kuriẽ ariẽkos dadẽdinėja; tiẽ linõž gerasnì; tiẽ pãties ataidinẽj; šiẽ mẽtai; o jiẽ iš pirkõs nešõ daržõnẽn gerbì·ba sãva. The acute-accented ending of monosyllabic pronouns occasionally shortens completely when it becomes monophthongal, e.g.: taĩ ti pãties, kad an kvãtros bùsta “those are the same ones that would rent the rooms”; taĩ ti vaĩkaĩ tep padarė. § 29. The masculine plural dative almost always has the ending -mi, e.g.: dùok dárbą vì·rami tiẽmi; davãũ visẽmi vaĩkami po cukìerką; mokẽk jẽmi; mùmi patìemi dãu žẽmės; jẽmi nerẽika dainẽt “they do not need to be given.” Stress may also fall on the ending, namely: jẽmi geraĩ manãs kunodãs penẽt. Only rarely do plural dative forms occur without -i: adùok jẽm; jìm pasakãũ. The ending of feminine plural dative pronouns is the same: nupirkãũ po skrẽpta-savõmi dukterìmi; tokõmi bóbomi niẽko nerẽika ù·tari·t “such women need not be told anything”; dùok dár tõmi. In form, it is entirely identical to the feminine plural instrumental ending, e.g.: atajàũ sa jõmi; apsìžãžino sa savõmi mergõmi; tomì žvẽrždõmi labaĩ sunku aĩt “it is very difficult to walk on that sand.” This ending probably entered pronouns, as well as other parts of speech, from i-stem or consonant-stem nouns; cf. instrumental ausìmi, akìmi, naktìmi, seserìmi || seserẽmi, dative akìmi, ausìmi, dukterìmi || dukterẽmi. Such a generalized plural dative and instrumental ending, used more rarely with other stems, is also found in other dialects, e.g. in Kargaudai (Rodūnia district), around Pelesa, in Azierkai, and in Lazūnai. Elsewhere, for example in Bieliūnai (Rodūnia district), the generalized old dual ending -ma is used for both cases: čã reĩka žmogãus akìma šviẽsoma “here one needs a person with bright eyes”; žmõnima bù·tù geraũ “it would be better for people”; žmõnis naktìma ⁵⁷ See A. Laigonaitė, Pašalio vietininkai…, 29. 127 padārē, while I never saw them with my own eyes58. Around Dieveniškės and Ramaškonys, the plural dative has the ending -mu: viziemu duosu obuolū, o saviemu riešutū; išvertē kai-lišus arkļānu pagundži:c, and the plural instrumental has the ending -mi: pajēmē viedzmu su dukte-rimi dzoviem(i)59. The origin of the endings -mi and -mu can be explained, first, by the old plural dative in -mus and instrumental in -mis and, second, by contamination with the dual in -m (from the older ending -ma)60. § 30. What was said about the singular instrumental and plural nominative (see §§ 23, 28) also applies to the plural accusative: both shortened and unshortened endings are used. The unshortened endings have an acute accent, e.g.: piė juos stiprėst turėjo si, “she held on to them more firmly”; tūos pačius jėšė, greta jųs vūšus padaužē “they beat them all to death”; kab itus kampelūs papėrtu “so that they would buy these corners (of the house)”; tūs pačius adūok jėmi, kokūs turį kampūs ir geraž “give them those same ones; what kind of roof they have, and it is good”; tū paimk jūs “you take them”. § 31. As with other nominal words, the characteristic ending of the pronouns’ plural inessive is -sa, e.g.: juosa, josā, tosā, tuosā, visuosā, įtuosā, itosā, tokūosā, tavosā, katuosā, visosā, viselokuosa, nēkuosa. The same ending is also widespread in Dzūkija—in Lithuanian SSR61 as well as in Lithuanian-speaking areas of the Byelorussian SSR, e.g.: visuosa muštnuosa (Azierkai, Gardinas district), tosā, visosā, pir̄kosa (Pelesa, Plikiai, Rodūnia district)62, tuosā Nevāšuosa, kiemuosa (Nevašiai, Ramaškonys, Varanavas district): mur̄sā, žmonesā, juosā (Lazūnai). Since this ending is found mainly in places where many consonants are pronounced hard before front vowels, it was therefore thought that -sa arose through hardening of s63. However, even if such a plural inessive ending in other dialects could be explained by hardening of s, this explanation cannot be applied to the Zietela dialect. The consonant s before the vowel e at the end of a word is always soft: pūsē, mūsē (singular accusative), pusēs, musēs, vesēs “orchards” (plural accusative). The Varanavas, Rodūnia, and Pelesa dialects likewise do not harden the consonant s. Consequently, -se could not have become -sa through hardening. Old texts show that the ending -sa was formerly used much more widely in Lithuanian dialects64. All this confirms that this is a morphological, not a phonetic, phenomenon. 58 Cf. the material collected by the Institute of the Lithuanian Language and Literature for the dialect atlas (288 questions in the Program). For more on the use of the ending -ma in old writings and dialects, see A. Bezzenberger, op. cit., 149; P. Arumaa, Untersuchungen..., 78. 59 Cf. P. Arumaa, Litauische mundartliche Texte..., 20, 24, 25, 26, 27, 61—62—only his plural dative forms with acute accent. 60 See E. Fraenkel, op. cit., 36; also cf. P. Arumaa, Untersuchungen..., 50–78. 61 Cf. J. Senkus, Nauja medžiaga apie lietuvių tarmes. Lietuvos TSR Mokslų akademijos Darbai, A 1, 150, Vilnius, 1955; M. Svirskas, op. cit., 59–61; B. Savukynas, op. cit., 110–116. 62 In describing the Lithuanian dialect of the eastern part of Rodūnia district, O. Broch gives the plural inessive ending as -se, although he notes that s is hard (“Zu den L.Pl. ist ausschließlich bemerkt, daß das s vor e nicht palatalisiert war”); see O. Broch, op. cit., 21. 63 Cf. A. Laigonaitė, Vietininkai dabartinėje lietuvių kalboje, dissertation for the degree of Candidate of Philological Sciences, manuscript, 15–16, Manuscripts Department, Vilnius State V. Kapsukas University, Vilnius, 1956; J. Senkus, Nauja medžiaga apie lietuvių kalbos tarmes, op. cit., 150. 64 See A. Bezzenberger, op. cit., 144–147; cf. Pirmoji lietuvių kalbos gramatika. 1653 metai, 123 (29₈₁₁₁₄), 434, Vilnius, 1957; M. Slavocinskis, Giesmės tikėjimui katalickam priderančios, 1646. Photographic edition. Prepared by J. Lebedys, 25 (I 148₅, II 59₁₉–₂₀), Vilnius, 1958; Biblia litewska Chylińskiego. Nowy testament (1657), 2, 10(6v)₁₄. Published by Cz. Kudzinowski - J. Otrębski, Poznań, 1959. 128 § 32. The instrumental plural forms made from pronouns of more than one syllable generally bear the stress on the penultimate syllable, e.g.: katrúosna, katrósna, tokiósna, manúosna, savósna, visúosna, kokósna; alongside them, tuosna ‘into these’, nėkuósna ‘into some’, nėkatrúosna ‘into some of them’. The instrumental forms of monosyllabic pronouns bear stress on the ending, namely: nùveimu aš juosna, tosna kártesna inlindo ‘I drive them into those poles; (the hen) crept into those poles’; tuosna rugúosna nubėgo; and paū.tarinam, kab aš nùveimu josna. § 33. The adessive plural is found mostly with personal pronouns, e.g.: juósmi ten an žãmės jėma, kap žvėr'is ‘with them there on the ground they eat, like animals’; nebit juósmi rãžumo ‘they had no sense’; o juósmi netėp, kab mú·sim ‘but with them it is not so, as with us’; aš neprãšai ji'ėmp ‘I did not ask them’; bit ketveras vaikų juósmi ‘they had four children’; ji'ėsmip stãlo nebit ‘they had no table’; ji'ėsmi nėra ko dúot ‘they have nothing to give’; jósmi daũgi svėsto ‘they have a lot of butter’. Adessive forms of other pronouns occur only occasionally: o kitúosmi nẽr niẽko ‘but the others have nothing’. The examples show that the formation of these forms is much more varied and considerably more complex than that of impersonal pronouns. The distinctive postpositional endings — (s)mi, -(s)mip, -mp are added to the plural accusative (juósmi) or the plural nominative (ji'ėsmip., jósmi). The plural adessive forms of all other pronouns, whether gendered or not, and of other nominal words have already fallen out of use. Nowadays, for the same purpose—that is, with the meaning of the adessive—even the inessive forms of personal pronouns are used alongside them; for example, alongside tuosà krú·musa gãnėm, compare sentences referring to living beings, namely: juósà móža ir daũgest gi'ėdói ‘with them, perhaps, even more sang’; ten jósà dvì pirkì i'rà ‘they have two houses there’; ten juósà kálnas, žvìrždos, nẽduga kunódos ‘there, among them (in their region), there are hills and sand; potatoes do not grow’; tuosà visúosà žmónėsà nebit rãžumo ‘all those people had no sense’. Remnants of pronominal forms § 34. Although pronominal forms have disappeared from all other parts of speech, they have left somewhat more noticeable traces in pronouns. The definite forms of the singular nominative of some demonstrative pronouns have been preserved particularly well: caĩk, tóji || tóji, ėcaĩk ‘this one’, ėtoĩ ‘this one (feminine), this one’ (cf. § 17), alongside caĩg, ėcaĩg (rare). The singular nominative of relative or interrogative pronouns also occasionally has definite forms, e.g.: kursãik kãturas kójas turi, caĩk taĩ gãli plú·kt ‘whoever has four legs (every quadruped) can swim’; katrój apsẽvė, katrój nė ‘which one is shod and which is not’. Apart from the singular instrumental, whose definite forms are believed to be widespread throughout nominal words (cf. § 23), no forms of other cases in the feminine gender have been encountered. Only a couple of definite forms of masculine personal pronouns have been heard, e.g.: jójo di'dėkùkas ‘that is his grandfather’; juói skvórina kopú·stus ‘with it (lard, sheep fat) they fry cabbage’. The formation of the definite forms of the masculine singular nominative is striking. Here the ending -ai has an emphatic meaning and is common in almost all Lithuanian dialects as well as in old written texts⁶⁵. The consonant k (rarely g) added at the end most likely derives ⁶⁵ Plg. A. Bezzenberger, min. veik., 168. 9. Kalbotyros klausimai, 11 129 from the particle g66 and is devoiced at the end of the word. There are many dialect examples with such a k or g, namely: pernaik “last year” || pernaig (rare), tiktaik, kadaik nu˙naik “now,” tadaik || tadaig; palāukig || palāukik, pasiklāuskig || pasiklāuskik. Cf. Daukša’s Postilė — tenaig 15₃₆, tataig 630₃, kōlaig 200₂₂, 199₅₄, tadaig 200₄₄, vienōkig 13₂₀, tasaig 407₁₁. It is worth noting that the dialect also has quite a number of examples with the doubled particle gig(i), namely: kāmgig || kāmgik, kūrgig || kūrgik. The pronouns cačik || cačig || cačigig (rare) were probably formed in a similar way; įcaikik || įcaikig || įcačigig, as were the adverbs tadaikik || tadaikig || tadačigig, nu˙naikik || nu˙naikig. The consonant k in the words cačig, įcaikig, tadaikig has presumably been retained on the model of the more frequent forms cačk, įcaik, tadačk. Remnants of neuter pronouns § 35. Some pronouns retain remnants of the neuter gender. Most commonly, the neuter nominative and accusative singular forms of demonstrative pronouns, which also serve as relative pronouns, are used, namely: kokas tai vaikas “some such child”; kokis ltai žod’s; ir tai reik ir itai reik padaryti; ilgā ltai gi˙smė, tai šei, tai tai dirba “this one, this one works”. The neuter of the word visas, visā, used as a pronoun, is also common: aš vīsa žinojāu; šiltis visa padēgino “the fire burned everything”; be gālo brangū visa. Sometimes the genitive of this pronoun is used in a neuter sense, namely: viso bīt, ōt vīso bīt “there was everything, oh, there was everything”; vīso žinojāu, ōt vīso žinojāu: vīso pagaišo “everything disappeared”. The pronoun vīsa may also be used with another neuter pronoun, e.g.: sāva, viena; vīsa sāva bīt greta vīsa sāvo bīt; vīsa vīena kāp būs “whatever happens”; vīsa vīena ānas nenōri āit. § 36. Conclusions: 1. The pronoun system of the Zietela dialect has preserved many old morphological forms that are now scarcely found in our other dialects, e.g. the genitive singular of gender-neutral pronouns ending in -e, all four locative cases, possessive pronouns, and the rare pronouns kiēnas, kienā, tiēkas, netiēka, ēš (alongside āš), etc. 2. Not all archaic features have been equally well preserved; for example, the singular and plural adessive (rarely the allative) of gender-neutral personal pronouns is used so frequently that it has even displaced the inessive, whereas the adessive of gendered pronouns is used only in the singular, and in the plural it has been lost, apart from a few personal pronouns of unclear formation. Here, in the plural, both the adessive and allative forms have already been replaced by the inessive and illative or by prepositional constructions. Only remnants of the old singular dative remain: manì, savì, mì. 3. The described Zietela dialect, in the genitive and accusative singular endings -e of its gender-neutral pronouns, as well as in the ending -ai of the instrumental singular feminine forms of gendered pronouns, coincides with certain western and central Aukštaitian dialects. It differs entirely from the Dzūkian dialects in these endings. In all its archaic features, and also in those of the Slavic languages 66 P. Arumaa derives the consonant k from the particle ka, cf. tijōuka “there,” šijōuka “here,” u˙naka “there”; see P. Arumaa, Litauische mundartliche Texte..., 70. 130 In terms of influence, the pronoun system of the Zietela dialect has much in common with that of the Dzūkai and especially with Lithuanian-speaking areas of the Byelorussian SSR. In other respects, for example in the formation of indefinite pronouns and in various consonant additions, etc., the Zietela dialect is distinctive. THE PRONOUN IN THE ZIETELA DIALECT А. Ю. ВИДУГИРИС Summary The Zietela dialect is the dialect spoken in the two villages of Zasėčiai (Zasėčiai) and Pagiriai (Pagiriai), located in the Zietela district of Grodno region, Byelorussian SSR. Only the elderly speak Lithuanian here. Because this dialect became isolated over time from the area of continuous Lithuanian-language distribution, it has preserved many morphological features that are no longer found in other Lithuanian dialects. The article describes the morphology of pronouns: their formation and inflection. The dialect uses such archaic forms as the adessive (manīp || manĩm(p) “with me,” mù·sįp || mù·sįm(p) “with us,” jaīp “with her,” kaṁp lokaiṁp “with whom of that kind”), the allative (jōsp “to her,” mù·sūm(p)t “to us,” jū-sūm(p)t “to you”), the illative (kanà “where to,” lanà “onto that one,” nēkana “somewhere”), the ending -e of personal pronouns in the genitive (manė “me,” tavė “you,” savė “oneself”), and the ending -i and enclitic mi in the dative (man||mi “to me,” savī “to oneself”). The interrogative pronoun kiėnas, kiėnā “whose,” with possessive meaning, has been preserved in the dialect. The determinative pronoun tiėkas “so many” is sometimes found with its full ending. Distinctive possessive pronouns mù-sis, mù-se “our,” jū-sis, jū-se “your” are frequently used, alongside mù·sžkis, -ė, jū·sžkis, -ė. Sometimes the personal pronoun aš is pronounced ėš, although there are no other words in the dialect beginning with the vowel e (cf. ašis “axis,” āžaras “lake,” āgle “fir tree”). Some distinctive pronouns in the dialect developed under the influence of corresponding Slavic forms visalōkis || visalōkās = visas, visōkis, cf. Polish wszeláki, Belarusian dialect ўсялякі, and others. As we see, the isolated position of the Zietela dialect from other Lithuanian dialects helped preserve the archaic morphology of pronouns, as well as of other parts of speech, while its surrounding Slavic languages are reflected in mixed, hybrid, and other pronouns. 131