Lietuvių kalbos ypatybės turėtojų pavadinimų su priesaga „*-no-“ darybos raida

LITHUANIAN KALBOTYROS QUESTIONS XXXIX (1998) Saulius AMBRAZAS Lithuanian Language Institute, Vilnius LITHUANIAN LANGUAGES FEATURES HOLDERS DESCRIPTIONS SU PROESAGA *-noACTIVITIES RAIDA $ 1. Adjective suffix su *-nosubstantiation transformation properties in names ir jų of holders (nomina attributiva, hereinafter — NAttr) process began much earlier than adjectives su *-io- (plg. aut. 1997). Iš *-developed about the adverbs, 40 which in su Lithuanian language are used to make names of persons with special qualities. Iš jų ypač dari is a suffix -in. Vedic su prepositions -inas, -ina § 2. Suffix of names of holders of su characteristics -ins are just a few. The name of the currency unit duksinas is simply the compounded — adjective duksinas (-a) "golden", used in ancient writings, cf. still canvas "canvas canvas" A. Baran; J; Sdb; Ram; Pg; Srv; Lnkv; Jnšk (LKZ II? 739) and cloth(-a) "linen" BB Exodus 28,42; Leviticus 6,10; J; Sh. $ 3. Other relevant derivatives su -ins origin is not so clear. Antai S. The queen in (1974: 201-203) the waterway is a spiky thorn; spit, spit; jackal; stick to drive lame animals", which is related to aktis "sharp stick, bar"; virtinė, bubirnė“ (LKZ I? 85-87), identifies a heteroclitic form in Belarusian. *asti: *astn, cf. s. ind. dsthi: gen. sing. asthndh, av. asti: asta(n) (see also Hamp 1953). It is not known whether the name of the god of the dead Vėlinas > Vėlnias (see la. velns ME IV 532-533) is a Baltic *-introduction of the suffix, or perhaps it also evolved from some heteroclitic form of conjugation, cf. het. wellu "pasture of the dead, meadow" (it may have come from *welnu or *welšu), Greek ‘HAbowog (< *wlnutiyo) "belonging to the meadow of the dead", s. rus. Veles» "god of cattle" etc.? It is possible to see the change of the Vedic kirmis: kirmué: kirminas (all of them mainly used in the Žemaičių dialektas, see LKA III 135-136), cf. la. stump: cirmens, stump: cirminš, cirminis, cirmins (ME I 386; EH I 273); Lo. vermis: missing! For example, in A. Juška’s dictionary and in the songs he collected, the older forms of the word „vėlė” are recorded as velé and velys “devil” (VoK 121; TS 1898,5-6 (LKZ XVIII 606, 633), vel(i)uoka “devil” (aut. 1996: 115), and especially la. Vels "god of the dead", velis "ghost; 1970) 1930 – John F. Kennedy, U.S. President (d. 2 Plg, Puhvel 1969; Ivanov, Toporov 1973; Ind. 824. 148 (vermin) ‘worm’ (Speckled woodpecker) 1944: 181; Ransom letters 1967: 263; 1967a : 125126 ja i-kamieniu pentis (for jį more information, see section 4.4). Substan90) ce binding ir hydrogen pentin (plg. s.b.s.l. pętono*), plg. still ankle ankle. ir $ 4. Undoubtedly secondary are such NAttr as a few ‘trousers’ C I 977 (plg. trousers, see $ 6), pleperin ‘plepys’ TV; Šts (LKŽ X 146), spine (: spine ‘buckle tongue’ Kos 54; Ds; Lkm; "table at the mill, which is į pushed milling" Uzp — LKŽ Horsem793), an XIII J; Jsv; Krs, horse Bsg, horses See, horses ‘horse farms’ Ds, human "Human feces" Prk (LKZK). Not a small number of waternames ir helonimy su suffix -inas (e. g. : Judrinas Tl, Dausinas Krz, Grodno, Pn ir etc., see Vanagas 1970: 154-156; Bilkis 1998: 105-106) shows that suffixes -in(-a) adjectives used to tend to become nouns, e.g. dar pr. asvinan ‘mare’s milk’ (Cold milk) E 694 (PJa A-D 135-138; PKEZ I 106 su lit. ; Eckert 1995: 54-56) is false. asva ‘male’. In addition, from such adjectives derived in the Baltic languages deminutives and nomina masculina with *-ino (aut. 1994: 145-146). Later the suffix *-inobegan to push the newer form suffix *-ino- (zr. §§ 6-8). Thus, for the syllable Indo-European sonant *n turned into diftong in in Baltic languages irrecognizably mixed the remnants of the old heteroclitic conjugation with the newer conjugated suffix *-inoadjectives. $ 5. Some names of the owners of the attribute are also made with the suffix -inas variant -ina, e.g.: su auksina "golden" BB Ps 56,1; 57,1; 59,1; 60,1, drobkina "smalkmena" Šlčn (LKŽ XIII 219). "The 6-A" (feat. In Lithuanian, adjectives with this newer suffix often acquire the meaning of the possessor of the property when they become nouns, thus forming a very productive NAttr type of construction (ŽD 257-259; DaiktvDr 344-346). This type of Vedas is already recorded in the 16th-17th century writings. From the beginning of the book, there is a chest. In the past, there has been a frequent use of the term "shoot-out". Others are recorded in separate texts. Some of them are still used in dialects today, for example, the vanish "vanish cow" SD? 84, 132, decimal SD? 38; Ch' Mt 23,23, fur SD' 62; SD? 126; Lex 67; SE 224, cervical "last" DP 293, frontal "frontal ligament" BB Ekli 45,14; sD! 85, the "trousers" of the heels SD' 32, 133, 184; SD' 65, 301, 452; KIG 70 (see also the shorter "trousers" Ch' Mr 28,42), the sponge VInE 218, "in SD 67, the bushy "bush tooth" Lex 12a, the bloody "leper" BP I 192, the leafy "tent" BB 3 Mos 23,42; Ps 81,4; BP I 163,,; II 136,,; Lex 57a, 80a; ‘fox fur 24? 11? 3 Trautmann 1923: 214; ŽD 243; GJL II 187-188. 149 kepurė’ Lex shirt 38, 63, SD' 17, 62; SD* 33, 80, 125; Lex nagi 47, Lex 66a, gloves SD! 154; SD? 154, 376, Eastern ‘tomorrow’ VInE 120,; BP II 394; MP 325, testicle source of ‘seed C II 351, plant’ BB Ps 74,15; SP 1X, lateral SD! 162; SD? 398, Western ‘dinner’ DP 3X; SD' 192; SD’ 477. $ 7. Others are now extinct and ar rare, e.g. circular "bumburas, gumpas" SD’ 66, 69 (“a peasant’s land in one area” Sut), circular "ball, ball". Mž 315.,; BB Ishm 11,7; Job 12,14; Ps 97,5; 98,10; BP II 32,, (n.p. B; [K]; "wheel, bow" J), autumnal ‘oak wood’ Lex 27, vowel “voice” Mž 7X (n.p. K II 320), Birch ‘birch wood’ Lex 18 (plg. birch/birch ‘birch plague’ BM 290; Pln; "mediciiš ne birch buds infused with vodka" Skr; Ggr; ‘ninth’ Kos 236 — LKZ I. 727), drebuline ‘drebuliné malka’ Lex 33, bivoline ,,two-voiced* Mz 13, (n.p. K I 300), alder ‘alk wood’ Lex 30, hypatia ‘person’ My = ear 104 3735 BP165,; DP 143X (“separate place; eating separately from everyone” J; "flower bed bed" BZ 223), Kadaginé ‘old wood’ Lex 102a, panties ‘foot, leg’ SD' 98; "one side of pants" C II 145 (n.p. J),granular ‘kruodepų šra’ Lex 44a, wooden ‘tetervinas’ Lex 18; C1336, , punched "such a fluffy worm" SD? 679 (‘down sheets’) What? GS 351; NdZ), cracked (see section 4.4). § 20), san-vowel ‘overweight’ Mz 7X, scrotal ‘scrobled wood’ Lex 27, cerebri "brain iš sausage" Lex 60a (n.p. NdZ; ‘head’ LTR(Gršl); Alv; "wisdom, intelligence" Vlkv; Mrj — LKZ XIII world 139), ‘secular’ DP 497 , 499, (n.p. Sut), warm "hot springs" SD* 34 (n.p. Sut; N; [K]; NDZ), the west. “western wind” KIG 61; Lex 105 (cf. O 618; Bb Sir 43,18), “windmill” BB Job 41,20 (plg. Velksne ‘pull’ BsP III 203(Brt); Pb — LKZ Top XVIII 640), ‘top’ SD' 193; SP I 310,, (n.p. KZ). Some of the jys are clearly "reinvented", indicating that this type of writing was productive at the beginning of the writing. $ 8. In Latvian there are very few derivatives with -in(i)s(-inš), -ine, e.g.: austrinš “east wind”*, kaiminš “neighbor” (cf. lit. kaiminis/- kaiminis, -ė “farmer” Alk; Gs; Srv —LKŽ V 56, see also Skardžius 1963: 316), zlecini “Zlek people”*, melines “blues”, zemines “grasses”, vecine “grandmother” (LVG 312-313), celmine “common kelmutis” (cf. lit. kelminėlkėlminė “tp.”). see. Rekéna 1995: 96). In Latvian, this suffix has often been used to make diminutives, which are very rare in Lithuanian (aut. 1994: 146). The names of the owners with *-in could also be in Prussian, cf. lie. drėvinė „statinaitė riebalams laikyti“ Pkr (LKŽ II? 692) and pr. drevine,,- (drevinis) * Some researchers (LVG 313; BKGF 78; aut. 1994a: 30) have compared this derivative with lie. "East Wind" austerity Klp; Plng; Kim (LKZ I? 515). However, A. Girdenis at a conference dedicated to J. Kazlauskas (1994 11 04) raised the idea that lie. auštrinis may be a loan from Latvian. >“ In some dialects of southern and eastern Lithuanian, the suffix -inis(-ė) is also used to make names of persons according to their place of residence or origin, e.g.: adūtiškinis, kauninis, dūkštinis, etc. (LKA III Map No 110, p. 116). 150 kubilas’ (Bo“te) E 393 (PKEŽ I 223-226)", lie. side pr. ir grains ‘Side (carriage plate)’ (GROANS) E 304 (PKEŽ I 404; Eckert 1995: 54). It is not ar known if this type of work belongs ir to pr. auline ‘aulas’ (NOISE) E 503 (yes BKGF 78), because it can be ir 0 trunk, i.e. made su *-ino-, plg. the aforementioned derivative aswinan (zr. § 4). The Prussian language seems to have a more typical suffix *-ino-, o ne *-ino- (Kaukienė 1994a: 16). $ 8. One more word that in synchronic view seems to be a suffix -ic derivative, may be derived from residues of heteroclitic iš diphthongation (plg. suffixes -in derivatives, see section 4.4. $ 3). S. King thinks (1992) goat/Goat "southeast, south wind" is not a suffix -inis derivatiiš ve of the word goat (yes GJL II 192), but as la. ir asses, asses, az-aids "midday" comes from iš white. *ūž(en/n), pg. s. ind. cloth/cloth “day, daylight- ”, also lie. Duck-tail- : ed duck "northeast wind" : dudra change (King 1990: 86). Vedic su suffix -in $ 9. In some dialects (mostly western) writings ir made one other name of the holder of the attribute later suffix ir su -inis(-ė) variant -inys(-e): 1) iš nouns, e.g.: drobinys "shirts, clothes" K; Vd (plg. Canvas/canvas/canvas "canvas clothing" Plik; Dov; Klp; Skd, cloth,-é "linen" LKZ II? 739), head of the "gudragalvis" Kair; Say: "a trained man" BsP II 74; "Queen of Cards" Kv (plg. head “straw for the roof; "card queen", "head", -ė "heads; the shape of the head; important" LKŽ III 84), fur coat "fur coats" Uzv; Tin (V 52, cf. fur, see $ 6), conical "gate" DP 412, 534,; J; G 93; BM 434; Alz; Pnd; Pkp; Sl; Dkk; Kp (cf. kūginis,-ė "cone-shaped" Gar —~LKZ VI 775), pakulinys "woven from a cone, poor fabric" Alk; Raud (cf. pakulinis „t.p.“ Brs; Snt; Lnkv; Stak; Al; Gs; Zgn, pakulinis- /pakulinis, -ė „woven from pails“ LKŽ IX 212), nickname „woven fabric from pails“ Pbs; Srv; Vs; Stack; Al; Srv; Dv; ‘thick wool yarn’ Mrk (cf. fluffy/wool-woven ‘wool-woven fabric’ Lnkv; Vgr; Brs; Lkm; Akm; Up; Er; Jrb; Ssk; Jnš; LS; Ds, wool-woven, -ė ‘wool-woven’ LKŽ IX 588), dainy ‘milkpodis’ Krok; Smn; Vs; Pn (ŽD 262, plg.pieninis/pieninis,-ė „giving milk; intended for milk storage; made from milk; related to milk; intended for milk processing“), ratas „ratelis, kalvaratas“ LTR(Žg); Pš; SI; Shkn; Żml; Akm; “a quantity that fits into a carriage intended to carry this hay” Rod (ŽD 262; LKŽ XI 243-244, cf. ratinis „ratelis- “, rūtinis/ratinis,-ė), rock “a blade for splitting rocks” J; 262–263; 265–266; 267–268; 269–270; 271–272; 273–274; 275–276; 277–278; 279–280; 281–282; 283–284; 285–286; 287–288; 289–290; 291–292; 293–294; 295–296; 297–298; 299–300; 299–300; 300–301; 301–302; 302–304; 305–306. SI; Als: Vkš; "dance with scales" Ggr, skalinis, -ė "cut out of scales; from wood suitable for scales; 705-706), skari- ® See otherwise. Trautmann 1910: 323; SV 162; Eckert 1993: 227-228. 151 nys ‘handkerchief’ Prl (plg. scaric ‘t. ‘p- “ Nč; Mlt; Swine; Class; Rod; Lz; SkrT; ‘a piece of cloth’ Grv; Dv; Dbč, scarf,-e ‘intended for storing clothing; similar to a scarf’ į LKŽ XII 757); 2) iš adjectives, e.g. baltinys ‘eye protein’ Lex 104a; C II 942; K; ‘egg protein’ Lex 33a; K; ‘bleached cloth’ J (plg. baltinis,-ė „white“), vandzdinys(-ė) „futile, barren animal“ Brs; "who has no children" J; Gl; Trk (LKŽ I? 763, plg. Vanity, see $ 6, vanždinis,-ė „futile, fruitless“), strižinys „striped fabric“ M. Valanč; J; Sts; As; "Human clothing, appearance" Sint (II? 735, plg. striped,-e ‘striped’), length "a tall man" VIk (plg. longitudinal “a wall on which beams are hung” Dglš; Grv; Tvr; Dsn; "time to hang someone" LS; ‘long-legged dachshund’ Ad, longitudinal, "straight, -é whole, unbending" LKŽ IV 50), draft "such a meal of iš blood" J; Skdv; "homemade multicoloured canvas" J; Rdm; Bd (Margin 403), IV ‘t.p.’ J; Skr; Plv; Pn; Al; Up; Ds; Ob; "pattern, ornament" VI; Bgs; „kas sudarytas iš ne iš vienos spalvos daiktų“ TI (VII 853, cf. marginis, -ė „iš margaus audinio“), thinning „thin fabric“ J; Als (ŽD 262; LKŽ X 305, plg. thin, "thin, -ė lightweight"), tasty "delicious" S. Dauk; M. Valanč; J; DiinZ; Plng; Kal; Pp; Vkš; Vvr; Šts (LKŽ XII 737). Significantly su more common suffix -inys become verb derivatives, mainly action results names (DaiktvDrR 63-64, 96, 195, 214-215). Vedic with suffixes -inga, -ingis(-ė); -angas(-a), -engė, -(i)ungis/-ungys- (-ė) $ 10. In Lithuanian, as in other Baltic languages, adjectives with the suffix -ingas(-a) are widely used (ŽD 106-120; BūdvDr 556-558). However, only a few names of the owners of the property are associated with them. The suffix -inga has kregždinga „kvalždė“ (used since ancient times in the Žemaičių dialektas, found in the writings of D. Poška, S. Daukanto, see LKŽ VI 121), perhaps this includes lakštinga „lakštingala“ BzF 132; Pgg (VII 96, about his work see LEW 337) and the derivative lakštingala extended by the suffix -ala, if it is not a processed loan from German. 1960) 1921 – Sean Connery, American actor (d. Completely unclear, but semantically close are the words blėzdinga „kralždė“ (recorded already in BB 3 Mos 11,19, now widespread in the Žemaičių dialect, see LKZ I? 907-908), kuolinga „rat“ Ds; Sb; Pnd (VI 912). § 11. The adverb-ing(-a) paradigmic variant-ing(-é) has: blézdingé/blezdingé/blezdingé „kvalždė“ K; Klp; Skdv; ‘orphan (gélé)’ YI; Klp (LKZ I? 908), burlingis „who drinks while eating“ LMD(SIv), burlingé „sour milk; prasta sriuba“ VIk (I> 1192), klibingis,,iSklypes, raiSas žmogus ar gyvulys“ J; Ore; VSR (VI 75), clivirigis “who swings to the sides” N; [K]; J II 168, krivingis,,susisukis daiktas“ Br; Slnt (ŽD 121; LKZ VI 660), ballistic "Žiurlys" Nj; Rm (LKZ VI 912), in the leafy "lakštingala" LTR(Pnd); Pšl; Ad (VII 97), rusing “Russian” Zt (ZtZ 567), sliving “who has crooked feet” N(Rg); [K]; BzBk III 70; KZ. 152 $ 12. One other property holder name made by these suffixes ir su -ingapophonic variants: -angas(-a): shark (common) XVI-XVII a. writings, used now in ir dialects: Pl; Breast; Upp; What? Musk; Cairo; Ds), frogs ‘traps’ VInE 4; BM 72, 449; TI; V3n; Pin; Plt; Plv; Tj; Gs; Mrc (LZK, plg. pr. slang ‘zZaslai, žabokliai’ (Standard) E 452, zr. PKEZ IV 128-130); -engé: black "such a blue berry" Db¢ (LKZ IV 399); -(i)Jungis/-ungys(-€) : blind "blind man, horse" J I 9, burliungé ‘liquid sludge’ Lp; "bad soup" Dglš; Nmn; Class; Dg, burliungis ‘clamp’ O 401; Krz 158; [K]; ‘obesity’ J; Skr; Gs; Vrn (LKZ I? 1193), murungis ,,the gentle man“ Smk (VIII 433), pludungé/pludungé Ms; As; Sint; Dr; Plt, pludungis/pludungis/ plidungis/pludungys “unserious person, plevesa® J; Cloth; TV; Ore; Sv; Sint; Pln; Uzv; Krš (X 322), Warrior's foot ,frog, small child“ Rdm (LKŽ XVIII 275), Zaliungis “green unripe rye, fruits” “ Lkm; Trgn, Zaliunge "green berries, apples" Klt (LKŽK); here perhaps belongs the obscure word manure/manure/manure K; J; Žem; Skr; Vlkv; Lk; Sv; ‘žalčialankis’ J; Lnkv; Ram; PC; ‘carpažolė’ R; P; K, manure ‘manure’ LC 1878,31; Kv; ‘žalčialankis’ Kos 238; Pc (VIII 97). $ 13. Very rarely corresponding Vedic and Latvian, e.g.: teteriga "teterva- ", lakstiga-la (plg. lie. leafy, leafy, see § 10), s. la. cold ‘orphan’ (LVG 371). In Prussian, adjectives with the suffix *-ingo were more often nouns and acquired the meaning of the possessor of the attribute, e.g.: naunings "newman" (Newling) III 87, ragingis "elk" (Hircz) E 65, acc. pl. paklusnis „subordinates“ (Unterthanen) III 91, (Kaukienė 1994: 9). The genus name jotvingiai, which probably originally meant “inhabitants of Jotva” (Būga 1961: 153-156; Salys 1985: 406-407). That such a construction is old in Western Baltic languages is shown by Prussian, Jotvingian and Curonian place names and personal names with -ing and its variant -ang-, -ung-’. In addition, water names and helonyms with -ing-, -ang-, -eng-, -ungare recorded in places inhabited by Prussians (see, for example, Elbing, Marungen PKEŽ 1248-249; III 149-151), Curons and Jotvingians, e.g. : Lidlinga Slv, Alanga Trg (cf. la. aludgs „spring, stream“- ), Drabėngis Prn, Babrūngas Plt (Vanagas 1970: 91, 134, 168-169, 203; Bilkis 1998: 54, 126-127, 159). It should also be borne in mind that the above-mentioned names of persons with -ing-, -ang-, -ungirgi are used mostly in the western and southern dialects (see §§ 11-12), which probably formed on the substrate of the western Baltic languages (see Mažiulis 1994; Vidugiris 1996). Ą Būga 1961: 136; Gerullis 1922: 247; Trautmann 1925: 174; Savukynas 1966: 172; Zinkevičius 1987: 20, 42; Vanagas 1994; 1996: 113-120. 153 $ 14. In Western Baltic languages, the ir adjective su suffix *-ing was the center of distribution. For in the Prussian language su ja adjectives were made only of ne nouns iš (as in Lithuaniir an Latvian languages), but very often ir iš verbs, e.g. auschaudiwingin “trustworthy” (trewe) III 53, : auschauditwey ‘believe’ (confidence) III 27,,, Druwingin ‘believer’ (believing) III 119, : druvite ‘believe’ (believe) III 45,, ir t.t. (Kaukienė 1994: 9). $ 15. K. "Būga (1961: 789-796) drew attentiį on to the special Baltic adjectives su -ingas ir Germanic language features name suffix of su holders -ing (ii also has variants -ang-, -ung-) similarity of action, cf. lie. Poor la. vardzigs ‘poor’ ir s. vok. height. arming "poor man", lie. Powerful, la. varigs ‘strong’ ir s. vok. height. mahting "strong man" ir etc. A. Vaillant'as (1970; 1974: 494) Baltic adverb -ingas was inclined to consider Germanism. But it's not at all plausible (Carcases 1972: 96). $ 16. Baltic languages su *-ingo is grown up from the whole su Baltic construction system. 1. In Baltic languages, next to the suffix *-ingoturir ime an old suffix *-indeterminabe tive *-g-. Note that the suffix of some adjectives *-ingoir *_invalue completely matches, e.g. s. lie. bloody ‘bluvinas’ ir krūvinas, s.b.s.l. krwwont ‘bloody’ (ŽD 120). Be therefore, in the Baltic languages the adjectives of the noun suffix *-ino-(especially the newer form of the suffix *-ino-) also tend to acquire the meaning of the possessor of the property (see section 4.4). §§ 4-8). 2. In Baltic languages, the suffix *-inoprilipo and the determinative *-d-. For example, with -ind the genus name galindai, whose original meaning could be "living in the back" (see Lithuanian personal names Galinis and Galindžius) and whose construction is similar to the previously mentioned genus name jotvingiai (see § 13). The following places are located in the district: Karwinden, Stubynden, lie. Gelind-enai Pln, Nerind-aičiai Tl, in Lithuanian surnames Dalinda, Dubrindys, Tilindys®, in water name Kelinda Pln (Vanagas 1970: 167). The suffix -ind has the variant -and-, with which, like with -ang, water names are made, e.g. : Gylanda Pgg, Samdndis Smal et al. (Vanagas 1970: 91), cf. also derivatives with -und-(e.g.- :klabūndas „grass tree“, klabūnda „who stumbled“ DaiktvDrR 152) and the mentioned derivatives with -ung-. Some derivatives of the suffixes -ing-/-ang- -/-ung-(respectively -ind-/-and- -/-und-) (especially water names) may have come from the remains of extended heteroclitic conjugation forms, cf. lie. Suvingis, pr. Sawange is a lie. 1949. pp. 49. "Renault 4" (in French). Krūvanda and Kriioja, la. bleeds “status river bank, cliff” (Karaliūnas 1987: 190-191, cf. also Krahe 1959: 242-243). § 17. In contrast, the names of Germany- -species with -ing do not have such deep roots, their origin is unclear. In addition, they are very rare in the Gothic and some of the other earliest Germanic scripts. 5 Gerullis 1922: 223; Savukynas 1963: 322; Skardžius 1973: 55-56. 154 Vedic, which would have equivalents in all the most Germanic ar languages could be considered proto-Germanic, ir does not mention at all jų A. Bammesberger in (1990) his monograph on the morphology of the proto-Germanic nouns. W. Meidas (1967: 198 tt.) thinks that they spread rather late, already in individual Germanic languages, to, all of a be time ne equally iš widely: mostly found sen. jų in Icelandic (Munske 1964: 8-38; Benett 1966: 657). Scandinavia has recorded the ir most place names su -ing- (Udolph 1994: 149-161). Maybe there is a ir center of jų spread? Thus, the question arises, could ar not the suffix *-ing have come from the į Germanic languages iš to the West Baltic languages, (o or could the long neighborhood of the latter group of languages have only no activated the suffix *-ing in the Germanic ir languages and changed its original form? ). If we accept this hypothesis of the Baltic influence, it would be easier to explain why the Germanic suffix -ing has a consonant g instead of the expected k. The old Indo-European determinative *-gatitinka corresponds to germ. -k-. It is often found in deminutives, which can be compared with the -deminutives of the Baltic language suffixes (aut. 1994: 138). ? germany languages from the western Baltic languages may have come and suffix *-omen-. Perhaps due to the contacts of the western Baltic and Germanic (and also mostly Scandinavian) languages, both language groups began to make names of features with the adjective suffix *-isko- (aut. 1994a: 31). $ 18. The contact between the West Baltic and Germanic languages was old and, apparently, long-standing, as the Germanisms of the Prussian language suggest. For example, from the same old Germanic word *xelmaz "helmet; a certain kind of headdress” two Germanisms of different age in the Prussian language. The first stem “hat” (Hut) E 475 was borrowed very long ago, well before the advent of Christ, and the second stem “bark” (Bark) E 234 —probably in the first centuries after Christ.’ V. Mažiulis (1981a: 8) claimed that the western Balts were neighbors of the Germans for about a thousand years: from the 8th century BC to the 3rd century AD. " W. P. Schmid (1986) also believes that the Germanic languages formed in the vicinity of the Baltic languages. Archaeologists have noted a number of ancient common features between the western Baltic and Gothic cultures (Žulkus 1995). In addition, it is possible that some of the western Baltic tribes marched with the Germans against the Roman Empire, and some Baltic (perhaps mixed with Germanic) tribes later returned. Perhaps the traces of the Galind name in Spain and some other places in Southern and Western Europe (PJa E-H 139-140; I-K 380; Toporov 1980; 1983; 1993 with lit.) Moravia, Slovakia and the Czech Republic also reach an area where place names and personal names derived from ethnonyms have been observed? By the way, now V. Mažiulis (1995) has raised a new hypothesis, according to which both Slavic and Germanic languages originated from a peripheral dialect of the Proto-Baltic language, only at different times. It also recalls the opinion of L. Palmaitis (1995) that it is the last remaining ide in the Prabaltic language. stage of development of pro-speech. 155 Prussians (Nepokupnyj 1976: 92-103). On the other hand, archaeological evidence suggests that V-VI a. po Kr. In Prussia and Western ir In central Lithuania, new polyethnic nomadic tribes appeared, very close to the Goths and Roman provinces (Šimėnas 1992; 1994). Relations between the Baltic Goths of ir the same period are described in Jordan’s Getica, and in this respect the letter of Theodoric the Great to the Estonians of the 6th century is particularly important (Gudavičius 1982; 1987). Perhaps the return of some Baltic tribes from Rome is reflected in the legend about the Romanian origin of Lithuanians and prince Videvutis (cf. Šimėnas 1989; 1994a; Beresnevičius 1995: 77 tt. ). However, all this requires further study. Vedic with suffixes -ienas, -iena $ 19. Some adjectives with the suffix -ienas(-a) (probably an apophonic variant of the suffix -inas(-a)) have acquired the meaning of the possessor of a property when they become nouns. There are only a few names with -ienas, for example: beržienas "balžienas" Dglš (LKŽ I? 776, piglet “girl” Jnš; Žg (plg. kiaulienas,-a „kaip kiaulės“ NS 812; (d.)Rm —LKŽ V 696), rugienai „nupjautų rugių ražai“ BB 2 Moz 15,7; Dkš (XI 887). Perhaps the trunk belongs here as well (cf. La. kams, sl. *kom» "lump, lute", lit. kam-anos, german. Ham "cover")- ." § 20. The female derivatives with -iena usually go with the names of meat (DaiktvDr 414—415). Such vedas we find already in 16th-17th century writings, e.g.: lamb DP 294,, beef SD' 196; SD? 484; Lex 71, goat SD* 436, goat Lex 19, pig SD! 140, chicken SD? 144, goose SD'34, beast SD? 157; Lex 106. A slightly different meaning is given to the derivative of the Prussian "unleavened dough" C II 572; O 516; N; “Jewish Easter” SD* 347 (cf. prėskinės “e.g.” VlnE 155, prėskiena “unleavened dough” N; “prėska soup” J). The names of meat with *-eino have corresponding names in Slavic and Italian languages, cf. lit. game and sl. *beasts, lo. Ferina'. Vedic with suffixes -ienis, -ienė, -eina/-einė $ 21. The meaning of the possessor of the attribute is acquired by nouns and adjectives with the newer suffix -ienis(-ė). Names of property holders with -ienis as well as with -ienas (cf. $ 19) are few. Some of these types of derivatives denote the roots of plants, e.g.: bulbiēnis „bulvienojas” 1 Būga 1959: 35-37, 295-296; ŽD 287-288; LEW 213; ĒSRJa II 300; ĒSSJa X 179-180. 12 Leskien 1891: 413; Brugmann 1906: 276 pp. ; ŽD 288; BKGF 79; GJL II 212; Butler 1971; Stawski 1974: 123; Vaillant 1974: 363 et seq. 156 suitable derivatives with the suffix -unv of similar origin (see § 38). However, this influence could not be very great, because in Lithuanian we have only a few clear Slavisms with the ending -ūnas, for example: apiekūnas "guardian". $ 38. The origin of the adverb -ūnas is not clear, there are various hypotheses (see author 1991: 30-31; DaiktvDrR 149-150). In terms of form, the derivatives of this suffix are closest to lo. tribūnus "commander of the county": tribus "county- ", Portūnus "god of the harbour- ": portus, uostas"'- ’, s. ind. damūn- "belonging to the house; „namų saugotojas“ (cf. lat. domus, s. b. sl. dom, lit. namiin-aitis)'®. On the other hand, according to its function, the suffix -ūnas (< *-ūno-) is very closely related to sl. -uns (< *-ouno-). In this case, the name of the person in question is also written as "Lieut. saldiin and serb.-croat. sladun “sweet fruit” (Martynov 1973: 39). It is different from the IPA:. *-ounprepositions forms. By the way, in Slavic languages there are several Vedic with -ynmt, which exactly correspond to Belarusian -ūnas, see sl. *Perynv //*Perunv "Thunderbolt", *pelynv //*pelunv "wormwood, moth" (Stawski 1974: 134). $ 39, The name of the Baltic god Perkūnas is compared to s. isl. Fjorgyn, "Mother of Thor, the god of percussion", go. Farguni "mountain", Celtic Hercynia silva and sl. * Perunv, it. perunaš "rock" (the latter may be of a completely different origin, see Watkins 1995: 530). Based on this, some scholars attempt to reconstruct the Indo-European name of the god *per(k*)- uno/per(- k*)ūno-*. However, here again the problem arises of how to explain the different form of these vedas (see also Latin perkiins, pérkauns, pęrkuons ME III 208, 209). Most likely, these Vedic texts originated in separate Indo-European languages, but for similar semantic motives, perhaps as the prepositions of the ancient heavenly god. Moreover, it is not clear whether the Baltic derivative Perkūnas is made from the Indo-European name of the oak tree *perk*u-- *', which has disappeared in the Baltic languages, or from the verb *per-"to beat" (see Lithuanian pérti), extended by the determinative -k-*. The first * 17 Kretschmer 1896: 133; Brugmann 1906: 280; Hofmann, Leumann 1928: 223; Schulze 1966: 361; Specht 1932: 215-216 and others. 18 Specht 1932: 216; Wackernagel, Debrunner 1954: 499; Meid 1957a. 19 Vondrak 1924: 549 tt. : Stawski 1974: 134; Vaillant 1974: 624-626. 20 Ivanov 1958; Ivanov, Toporov 1974; Ind 615, 792 et seq. ; Danka, Witczak 1995: 128, plg. but Porzig 1954: 120, 196; Nagy 1974. 21 Hirt 1892: 480-481; Giintert 1914: 203 pp. ; Briickner 1922; 1974: 414; Specht 1939: 57; ŽD 281; IEW; Meid 1957: 125-126; 1993; Szemerényi 1964: 307-308; Friedrich 1970: 21; Maher 1973: 457-459; Markey 1986: 256; Dunkel 1988-1990; Bader 1989: 33 pp. ; LEV II 38-39; Hemp 1995; PKEZ III 265-266. 22 Grienberger 1896; Trautmann 1910: 395-396; ME III 209; LEW 575; Skardzius 1963; Gimbutas 1973 with lit. ; Jakobson 1985: 19 tt. ; Mayrhofer 1996: 969; Laurinkiene 1996: 23-32. W. Krogmann (1955: 4 et al.) connects thunder with another root *perveiksmažodis, reiSkusiu "to spray, pour, see, blow", cf. lit. finger "small glow in the hot ash®, s. air. riches „coal burning“, gr. zorjo Trio „Lightning flash; skarus vėjas’. Even less believable is J. Otrębski- 's (1962: 64—65) attempt to identify two roots in the derivative Perkūnas: *per-(cf. lit. pērti) and *ker-(cf. lit. kifsti). 163 presumption is ta supported by the su fact that the suffix -ūnas in Baltic languages (as ir su its relatives in other Indo-European languages) are usually made noun, verb derivatives 0 ne (plg. DaiktvDrR 148-150). $ 40. Adverbs -the appearance of the names of the owners of these characteristics was probably based on an old tendency, perhaps dating back to the late Indo-European proto-language, to use the adjective su suffix *-for social terms meaning "master, leader"; 100 mg/ day. me be tribūnus, s. ind. ddmiinas- (see section 4.4). $ 38), plg. Give it. dominus ‘Lord’, go. kindins "tribal leader", s. isl. Lord, art. xotpavog "commander of troops", got. Audans „king“ ir etc.“ they Su are especially closely related to the name of God Thunder and some iš of the old Lithuanian (maybe ir the Prussians?) language-specific surnames other ir personal names su -(i)un (they are associated su with a socially important institution of inheritance), stronglypronunciatedvediniai didžiūnas, mi karaliena (see section 4.4). $$ 35, 37). However, the Vedic su -(i)ūnas as a distinct type of the formation of the names of the owners of the characteristic probably originated in the soil of the Baltic languages (plg. Arumaa 1963: 77-78). In Baltic languages next to a suffix *-ū-noythere are also suffixes *-ou-no-, *-u-no-, derived iš from the same old suffix *-no-, but it connects to different stems (zr. §§ 42-43). Vedic su prepositions -(i)itna, -unis/-unys; -aun-, -un- § 41. Next to the suffix -(i)ūnas, its feminine form -(i)ūna may have existed at one time, which probably later changed to -ūnė, cf. the name of the forest goddess Žvėrūna "master of beasts, hunter" (Greimas 1990: 393-395; 1993), Žemaičių surnames Stankiina, Girdžiūna (Salys 1985: 196), the Vedic zvogiina "screamer, whisperer" (Senkus 1972: 169), hidr. BerZiina Sién, Martina Dv, Seriina Sl (Vanagas 1970: 202), la. briciina "bad child" (LVG 150, cf. also DaiktvDrR 150). For earlier nomina feminina were often made with the verb ending *-air only later they began to be pushed in the Baltic languages by the respectively Vedic verbs with the verb ending *-(i)ė-(aut. 1993: 38-39). Several derivatives of the suffix -ūnas(-ė) have io root forms, e.g.: geleZiinys "such a horse disease" Dglš; Ds (cf. geleziinés Dglš —LKŽ III 214, 217), apex "apex" C II 990; N, cf. also the water names Sykūnė and Sykūnis Ašm (Vanagas 1970: 202), as well as the adjectives kartūnis "bitter", saldūnis "sweet", tankūnis "densely growing" (ŽD 281). In S. Daukanto writings the more common i-kaminė suffix -ūnis (e.g.: atskalūnis, marūnis, palikūnis, see Būga 1959: 333) probably arises for phonetic reasons from -uonis, cf. atskaluonis, maruonis, palikuonis **. 23 pp. Saussure 1965: 309-310; Meid 1957; 1957a; Watkins 1966, pp. 45. ; 1990: 296-297; Benveniste 1970: 301 pp. ; Dunkel 1988-1990: 3-4. " 24 Specht 1932: 223-224; Skardzius 1937: 129-130; ZD 281-282. 164 $ 42. Su Appendix -aunė her ir variant -aunys do NAttr green beans Lp, ironheads ‘such equine disease’ Kn (LKŽ III plg. 214, iron, see ironwork § 41), plg. more watermarks Bradaūnis Akm, Vardaunis Vrn (Vanag 1970: 100), possibly ir helonym Vilkaunė Vid (Bilkis 1998: 58-59). Corresponding suffix -auns(-e), be mentioned pérkauns (zr. § 39), has the following dialectal derivatives in Latvian: alkaune "elbow" (plg. ėlkūne, zr. § 37), kalpaune ‘merga’ (plg. Kalpoone ME II 144), a grizzled “seductive hunter”; a messy woman's room", place names Bigauni, Bérzaune (LVG This 321). type of derivatives corresponds exactly to the derivatives of Slavic languages su - one. $ 43. The suffix -unas (with variants -una, -unis, -unė) in Lithuanian language has one other water name: Nemunas (cf. nemūnė/nemunė „kelmutis- “, see Būga 1959: 214, 280-284; 1961: 534, 875; Fraenkel 1938: 5-6; PKEZ III 174-178), Kamuna Pgg, Eimunis Ad, Ramūnis, Ramuné Pn (Vanagas 1970: 202) and helonyms: Agūnė Dbk, Meduné Vrn (Bilkis 1998: 159). They can be compared to la. deguns „nosis“ and place names Baiduni, Dauguni, Katkunas (LVG 320). There are also some more distant relatives, e.g. sl. *okwno „Jangas- “: *oko „akis“ (Stawski 1974: 135), p. ind. drjunah „bright, bright, white, silver coloured“ (cf. gr. špyv-po „silver“, apyéc „white, bright; fast“, perhaps lit. aržūs „hot, hot“, see Karaliūnas 1994a with lit.; Hamp 1997), darundh „strong- “: daru-„wood“, av. tauruna-- ‘young; jauniklis“ (see gr. tépug,silpnas®), s. ind. pishunah “a lot of talk, treacherous; "Traitor" (feat. faih "deception", fr. paikemmai "deceive" (triegen) III 28,, lie. 94pocuvoc "brave, confident, confident": Spots "determined, courageous, fearless- "*. The adverbs *-ū-no-, *-ou-no-, *-u-differ from the *-appended stems, cf. -u-kas, -ū-kas, -iau-kas, -iuo-ka (aut. 1996: 113-116). Vedic with suffix -(i)onas $44. In the Lithuanian language, this suffix is rarely used to make names of persons with this characteristic, mostly from nouns, e.g. barzdonas "who has a beard" Trgn; „big beard“ Dkšt (LKZ I? 675), dirvonas- /dirvonas (widely spread, recorded already in SD! 106; SD? 247), galvonas „superior“ BB 2 Mos 18,25; TDr VII 118; „small cloud“ Kp; Smn; „such a bench, on which wheels are worked“ Smn (LKŽ III 86), gauronas „who with gaurais“ LT I 302, gerklonas „who gets used to screaming, barting, cursing“ Št (LKŽ III 260), gyslonas „which has a blade“ Lkm; Slk; Vj; Dglš; Ssk; Ds; Trgn; MI; Svnč (III 356), karaliaučionas "man from Karaliaučius" N; Ns 1832,9, kiemon Ch Est 9,19; J, kiemon "neighbor" Lex 13; N; [K], kup25 Brugmann 1906: 279; Schulze 1966: 124; Schwyzer 1939: 491; Wackernagel, Debrunner ronas „kas kuprotas“ B; MZ: K: J. Jabl; Lkm; Rš (LKZ VI 934), ligonas,lig1954: 484-486. 165 os“ R II 231; M. Valan¢; J; End; Collision; Sint (VII 478), mdrskonas „Jininis, linonis audeklas“ Lex 58a; B; MZ II 323; Vv; Step; Skr; Dkst; Vlkv (cf. marskonas,-a,linen, linen" BB 3 Mos 16,4; B; MZ II 323; K; S.Dauk; J; LZ; VKS; Ms —LKZ VII 881), salakén "inhabitant of Salak" Slk; Ant; Breeding; Ds (XII 60), seilo "seilius" Grš (XII 311), tévon "grandfather" Sn (ŽD 273). § 45. This type of vedic has its counterparts in Latvian (e.g. neskistans "monster", druvans "dumb" LVG 305), Slavic (e.g. s. b. sl. brotanv "brother- 's son", županv "ruler of the district", Russian velikan "giant"*- *), Italian (e.g. Latin Silvanus "forest god", Romanus "Roman", insulanus "inhabitant of an island" *"). It was founded in 1477 (see below). Vedic with suffix -(i)onis/-onys(-ė) $ 46. In the 16th and 17th centuries, a large part of the Altay dialect was widely used to make tevavardzia with this suffix, e.g. : Janonis, Jurgionis, Petronis, etc. ** Such ancient scriptural vedas as dievonis “son of God” MT XXXV, kiemionis- (-ė) “peasant” (characteristic of many scriptures, cf. kiemionas, see § 44), pilionis “castle master” Lex 46; C II 734 (cf. O 246; R; MZ: N 402); “citizen” BP II 480 (cf. LC 1883,7; “resident of a castle” S.Dauk; “resident of a town or manor” K.Donel; Gmž; K —LKŽ IX 985), patrician „vietinis gyventojas“ SD' 104, tévonis „paveldėtojas“ (characteristic of many scripts, cf. tėvonas, see $ 44), cf. dar užgirionis „užgirietis“ MZ; N; KZ; NdZ, dialect sodžionis/sodžionis "society resident" S. Dauk; P; J; Vkš; Zd; PKI (LKZ XIII 287). In Lesser Lithuania and some eastern Highland dialects, several similar personal names are used, made from the names of cities, e.g.: danckionis „Gdansk inhabitant“ SapGr 19, karaliaučionis „man from Karaliaučius“ KIG 47; KIC 25; R; MZ II 305; K; LC 1878,31; Kel 1862,38; StngZ 27; Rsn (LKŽ V 258; LKA III 116)?, rygidnis „rygietis“ Ps; Grz; Lnkv; RdN; Brž (LKZ XI 594; LKA III 116), tilzonis "tilžiškis" BzBk XVIII 243; StngZ 27; Rsn (LKZ XVI 354; LKA III 117), vilnionis "vilnietis" Arn (LKA III 116). S. Daukantas had also made names of nations with -oni, e.g.: Norwegian "norvegas", Chinese "china" and so on (Subačius 1993: 172). § 47. Another derivative with -(i)onis/-onys(-ė) has a different meaning, e.g.: gyslonis „gyslotis“ Ds (LKZ III 356, cf. gyslonas, see $ 44), gyvonė Pmp, gyvo-? *6 Vondrak 1924: 546; Vaillant 1974: 616-618. *7 Brugmann 1906: 280; Hofmann, Leumann 1928: 223-224. ** Maciejauskiené 1977: 161-162; Zinkevičius 1977. * Cf. the royal auction (see § 44). It can be made by pole. krolewczianin (Leskien 1891: 395; Skardzius 1931: 96). 166 nis/animal/animal ‘animal’ R; K; J; CZK; LS; Pns; Step; Vs; Mrk (III beautiful) 384), ‘gražuolis’ Vlkv; Gs (III 542), cojonis „bench to help the bowl of bread“ Prk (VI 206), sick person (widely used already in the 16th century, cf. hospital, see $ 44), shirt, linen, canvas cloth“ R; K. Donel; Grč; Plv; „čerkasas“ Srv (cf. marskénis/mdrskonis, -é „drobinis, lininis“ B; K; Rp; J; LTR(Gr); Jnš; Vkš; Rs; Infringement; Grč; Srv — LKŽ VII 882, marškon, see $ 44), first “the first good fruits” RB Exodus 22,29; K. Donel; KGr 190; K I 131, first "firstborn" C I 612; B; H; R; K; “the first among others” Bb PvR 16,5; LC 1884,39; Ns 1832,3, branch “intermediate” Grz (LKZ XIV 442), velionis/- velionis Koss 265 (An); J I 326; Ds; Sv; Rk; Jž; Upp; Brž (LKŽ XVIII 633). $ 48. The equivalents of this type of Vedic in other Baltic languages are not very clear, cf. Bajonis and pr. Bayonne (Trautmann 1925: 169) or la. dial. baznicani "people living near the church", tirdzani "people living near the market" (if they are of the i or ifo stem, see LVG 305; BKGF 76; Frenkelis 1969: 62). The origin of the adverb -onis is also unclear. In Lithuanian, Slavisms with this suffix have been observed, e.g.: dvarionis, krikščionis, miesčionis, etc. (Eckert 1971: 38-40), and in Slavic languages, Vedic words with -(j) have become consonant conjugation forms (cf. s. b. sl. graždane „miestiečiai“, see Vondrak 1924: 542-543). Therefore, A. Leskien (1891: 394—395) raised the idea that the suffix -oni, used for personal names according to the place of residence, may have been borrowed from Slavic languages. However, P. Skardžius (ŽD 275), J. Prinzas (1968: 110), R. Eckertas (1971: 40-42), without denying a certain influence of Slavic languages, believe that the suffix -onis is of Baltic origin. The change of the suffix -onas to -onis may have been prompted by a similar suffix -uonis, cf. gyvonis and gyvvuonis, pirmasis and pirmuonis, tėvonis and tėvuonis. "About Us - 49". The suffix -enas has the derivative gluodenas "copper snake, light" S. Dauk; Vp 48; Kv; Ms; Vvr; Slnt; Collision; 440 BC), who was the successor of Akhenaten. gluodens, gluodena, gluodene (ME I 631; LEW 158). Similar works are also in the pr. glossary "copper snake, gluodenas" (Blintsleche) E 778 (PJa E-I 266; PKEŽ I 383-384 with lit.), cf. also water names Duobenas Vg, Laūkenas Lp, Laūmenas Dbg (Vanagas 1970: 132). $ 50. Noun suffixes -ena Vedic usually denote furs and skins (sometimes things made from them) and are made from animal names. Two such Vedic words are already recorded in 17th-century writings: meškena “bear’s fur” Lex 12a (cf. O 66; B; S.Dauk; Jn), oZena “goat’s fur” SD* 126, 143; Lex 19 (cf. O 98; N; J; JV 210, 1061; Vvr —LKŽ VIII 1025). Others are mainly used in the Žemaičių dialektas, from where they came into the common language, e.g.: arklena "horse skin" S. Dauk; Grg; Vvr (LKŽ I* 303), érena ‘lamb 167 kailis’ Kltn (II* 1141), eName ‘hedgehog skin’ S. Dauk; Šts; Grg (II? 1168), Jautena ‘bovine skin’ S. Dauk; Mr. Valang; J; Vvr (IV chain 322), "cat fur" J; Sts; Vr; LS; "wallet on the belt" Kv (V 407), kiSkena ‘Rabbit fur’ J; "Rabbit Fur Leaf Hat" Grz (V 884), lapena ‘fox fur’ Vvr; Plng (VII 147), ožkena ‘goat’s fur’ J; JD 1345; Žem; LMD(Uzv); Sk; Brs; Vvr; Vrd (VIII 1035), ferret "ferret coat" PP 75; LTR(Sv); Lpl; Vvr (XIV 693), Sunena ‘dog fur’ JV 310; Vvr; "covering covered iš with dog fur" KI; Pln; Rt (Verse 358), XV ‘calf’s fur’ S. Dauk; I; JD 1002; BM 308(II); Krz; Ggr; Užv; Shil; Trg, vilkena ‘wolf coat’ I; M. Valanč; Žem; PP 28; (d)VIKS; Vvr; SI, nursing na "bunny fur" Slnt; Ms; Vvr; End; Plng; Als (LKŽK). $ 51. The skin is indicated by ir another derivative, made of different iš nouns, e.g.: glava/galvena ‘skin peeled from the head of the animal’ by S. Dauk; Zml (has other meanings ‘lino galvelé su seeds’ J; Trgn; Rs; Km; Pš; Vdk; Jnš; Sml; "flax forks on which heads grow" Mrj; Alk — LKŽ III female 83), ‘animal foot skins’ HS J; Code; Dr (has other meanings "nails made from animal skin" J; Sd; See; Brs; Užv; Vkš; KlvrZ: “fine wool from the legs or head” Sd —LKŽ VI 295), cheeks “cheek skin” Als; Trš (also means "cheek hair" I; Štk; Šv; Jdr; Pln; Kltn; Mrj —LKZK), cf. also pr. nognan (< *nogenan) "skin (worked fur)" (Leader) E 498 (PKEŽ III 194-195). $ 52. There are very few names with -ena for persons with other meanings. The most common derivative is "bird of the killi family", recorded already in Lex 76a. Others are found in dialects (mostly Altay), e.g.: aisena "grains, leaped with bells through the ear of the harp" Sut; Gravel; pcs; Al; Ud (LKŽ I? 500), blakena „blakių nupjauta drobulė“ J I 214, dalgena „didžioji rožės ar kitos gėlės uodegos plunksna“ Ln (LKŽ II? 239), kotena „plant stem part along the root“ J(Ilg; VI), mėsena „meat“ Šts (LKŽ VIII 49), muilenos „soapy water, mud“ Alk (LKŽ VIII 387), rafikena- /rankenė (widely distributed, see LKZ XI 164; LKA I Žemėl. Nr. 51, 70, p. 112,117, 129, 137), skaena „delicacy“ GS 105; Rt (LKŽ XII 735), skūjenos „falling needles“ Grž; “fish scales” Sml (XII 1126), “roots of flax stalks” J. Jabl(Mrj- ); Vlkv; Gs; Lp (XIV 412). In Lithuanian there are much more derivatives of the verb suffix -ena, especially those denoting the result of an action (DaiktvDrR 60, 95, 126, 194, 213). Vedic with suffixes -enis(-ē), -enius $ 53. With the newer suffix -enis(-ė) there are even fewer names with the attribute -ena. The village is mentioned in ancient writings. Except for the vedic saltėnis “source- ”, used in a large part of the Žemaičių dialektas and in some adjacent Altaičių dialects, recorded already in the writings of D. Poška, S. Daukanto, M. Valančiaus (LKA I Žemėl. No. 104, p. 181; LKŽ XIV 474— 475), others are quite rare, e.g.: bergždėnis(-ė) “futile, barren animal” Ds; 168 Sml; Rod; "who has no children" Ds (LKŽ I? 763), Gargždė ‘forage grass of the leguminosae family’ Dglš (3rd 132), edition) ‘herb of the cruciferous family’ Ps (V 333), border "patterned, checked fabric" Ds; Rk; Sdk (plg. margin,-ė ’mottled, mottled’ Ds — LKŽ Bruise VII 852), ‘bruise (uoga)’ Žem; Vkš; As; Pj; Ms; Up; Rs; Vž; Infringement; Collision; KlvrŽ (plg. mèlenas,-a/mélenas,-a ‘blue’ pcs; Prk; Infringement; Užv; Rdn; Pp; Pvn — LKŽ VII 1029), redfish ‘vyburūnė’ Trgn (Slayer XI) 249), "who likes to eat cheese" Sml (XIV cold 211), ‘water mint’ Trgn; ‘source’ Grž (XIV. 474), 'snakes' 14th ed. ŠI (pp. p. 768), more surnames Barzdėnis, Kalvėnis, Šakėnis, water names Bliūdėnis Dglš, Juodėnis Lkm, Raudėnis Cloth, Tin, Sheet Jšn (ŽD 235; 1970: 132-133), helonyms Juodėnis Sdbr, Saldėnis Št, Palėnis Gdr; Čiubėnė Švnč, Pelkéné Vit, Pievėnė Glv, Pitkéné Antz; Km; Krns, Rudéné Kp, Šlapėnė Rd, Žilėnė DI (Bilkis 1998: 88). $ 54. In Latvian there are many more derivatives of this type, e.g. vecenis,- senis, ritenis "east wind", gailenes "squirrels (mushrooms)", mėlenes "blues", jėrene "sheepskin hat", etc. (LVG 298-302; BKGF 74-75). It is possible that the characteristics of researcher names with *-eni were also present in Prussian, cf. warene "copper cauldron" (Messingkessel) E 356, wissene "cock" (Pors) E 622%, personal names Drutene, Jodenne (SV 44-45). § 55. With the suffix -enius, K. Sirvydas- 's new version of šakenius "a slave, who before being beaten was placed on the back of a two-pointed stick and tied his hands to it" SD' 33; "who is worthy to hang" SD' 101, cf. also the watermark Kibėnius Trgn (Vanagas 1970: 133)? !, pseudonym Ciuoténius Kpč and Čiuotėnis Ab (Bilkis 1998: 88). "About Us - 56". There are only a few names with these suffixes, e.g.: dykana „hunter“ Tvr (LKŽ II? 534), ratūnas „circle, circle“ J; Infringement; Užv; Lk; Rdn; ‘certain closed pathway’ Zem; Ub; As; Collision; Rs; ‘group’ Trk; See; Lk (XI 237), sniégana- /sniegana "bird of the killi family" SD? 146; D. Pošk; Sut; N; J; JD 219; Lkm; Ktk; Trgn; Krt; Ign; Lb; ‘snow’ Ds; „deep snow“ J (LKA I Map No. 76, p. 150; LKŽ XIII 249, cf. sniégena, see $ 52), cf. also kamanas „pavadis“ C II 1069, kamanos, la. kamans „log drūtgalis“ (ME II 148; ŽD 226; PKEZ II 102-103, cf. § 19), helonyms Kamanos, Kamanai Vkš, Molana Rm, Staganos Pg, Ilganis Al (Bilkis 1998: 54). Another name of a person in the Lithuanian language is made with -anas, -ana (DaiktvDrR 126). 30 For his origin, see. 1959: 326-327; LEW 1249-1250; PKEŽ IV 255 with lit. 31 Only it is probably made from the verb kibti (Vanagas 1981: 156). 169 Conclusions 1. The use of the su adjective suffix *-nodaiktavardinimas in the names ir of the property holders began long ago. Perhaps in the late Indo-European proto-language su *-used to make social terms with the meaning of “master, commander”. Iš jų already in the soil of the Baltic languages developed names of the possessors of the su attribute suffix -ūnas, which are more common in Lithuanian. The names of the ir owners of kų the characteristic in Baltic, Slavic Italians su *-ano-, *-eino-. Parallels in many related languages have names ir of rare features holders su *-ino-. 2. Property holders names in su other iš *-developed prepositions began to be used in the Baltic languages separately from the dialects of other Indo-European languages. Especially productive in Lithuanian Vedic suffixes su -inis(-ē) has very few equivalents in Latvian Prussian ir languages. In Western Baltic languages, the names of the owners of the characteristic have su been widely made another suffix -ing-. Perhaps due to jų the ir influence of Germanic languages spread Vedic su -ing. Received 26 January 1998 ABBREVIATIONS Arn —Arnionys, Molėtų raj. BKGF —- Endzelynas J. Baltic language sounds ir forms, Vilnius: State Political ir Science Publishing House, 1957. BudvDr - Valeckienė A. The making of adjectives. — LKG I 550-603. DaiktvDr — Urbutis V. Formation of nouns. — LKG 1 261-473. DaiktvDrR —Ambrazas S. The development of nouns. 1993. The English-Lithuanian Dictionary, Vilnius: Mokslo ir enciklopedijų leidykla, 1993. DaukZ -—Simon Daukanto raštai. The Great Polish-Lithuanian Dictionary 1-3 /Sud. G. Subačius, Vilnius: Mokslo ir enciklopedijų leidykla, 1993-1996. EH —Endzelins J., Hausenberga E. Addendums and corrections to K Miilenba- | cha Latvian language dictionary 1-2, Riga, 1934-1946. ESRJa —-Fasmer M. Etimologiceskij slovar’ russkogo jazyka 1-4, Moscow: Nauka, 19861987. ESSJa —Etimologicheskij slovar' slavjanskih jazykov. Praslavyanskiy fond /Red. O. N. Trubacev, Moscow: Nauka, 1974-. GJL II —Otrębski J. Grammar of Lithuanian Language 2, Warsaw: State Scientific Publishing House, 1964. IEW —-Pokorny J. Indogermanisches etymologisches Wénzer, Bern, 1959. IF —Indo-Germanic Studies, Strasbourg etc. Ind —Gamkrelidze TV, Ivanov Vjat Vs. Indo-European Language and Indo-Europeans 1-2, Tbilisi: Izdatel'stvo Thilisskogo universiteta, 1984. JIS —Journal of Indo-European Studies, Washington. KZ —Journal for Comparative Linguistic Research in the Field of Indo-European Languages, Berlin etc. LEV -Karulis K. 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