The Balto-Slavic dative complement with the verb ‘to be’
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ACTA LINGUISTICA LITHUANICA
LI (2004), 45 - 48
The Balto-Slavic dative complement
with the verb ‘to be’
WILLIAM R. SCHMALSTIEG
Pennsylvania State University
It is suggested in this paper that the dative complement with the verb ‘to be’ in Baltic and Slavic
infinitival clauses ultimately goes back to the IE dative of purpose also attested in Old Indic and
other IE languages.
Holvoet (2004: 80 and passim) demonstrates that in such a Latvian sentence as:
(1) Lagsim vinu ari Sodien būt mūsu viesim.
‘Let us ask him Acc to be our guest pat today as well’
the dative complement of būt ‘to be’ is etymologically more ancient than the possible use
of an instrumental in syntactically similar clauses in Lithuanian (and Slavic). I propose
that etymologically this Latvian construction reflects a subtype of the ‘double dative’ or
‘dative of purpose’. This sentence might then be interpreted as originally meaning ‘Let us
ask him in order that (so that) he might become our guest today as well’. Let us consider
some other examples which Holvoet offers: (John 1:12) ... 23wxev adroię ėšEouvotav TĖxva
deco yevéoDau is translated into Old Church Slavic as:
(2) ...dastoimoviasts čedomo bžiemo pat byti (Codex Marianus)
‘...to them gave he power to become the sons of God...” (King James version
translation).
Note that yevéoda ‘to become’ is translated by OCS byti which thereby retains the Indo-
European meaning of the root *bhii- ‘to become, to come into existence, to begin to exist’.
interpret the OCS construction also as a ‘double dative’ or ‘dative of purpose’ and an
alternative translation of this might be ‘he gave them power in order that they might
become sons of God’. Note also the Old Russian expression:
(3) Ona Ze ucase syna svoego byti xristijanu
which Holvoet (2004: 80), from whom I have the example, translates as: ‘She, however,
taught her son Acc to be a Christian par’. I could understand this also as ‘She taught her son,
so that he might become a Christian’.
The double dative or dative of purpose is well represented in many Indo-European
languages and according to Ambrazas (1981: 20-21) is a reflection of the double
46 | WILLIAM R. SCHMALSTIEG
dative with verbal abstracts. Haudry (1977: 105) writes: „Le type indrūya patave
(‘pour gu'Indra boive’) est constitué d'un substantif ordinaire (la plupart du temps,
mais non obligatoirement, un nom personnel) et d'un nom verbal (nom d'action ou
infinitif); le lien entre le premier et le second est celui d'un sujet a un prédicat: indraya
patave.“
Concerning the Old Indic type vrtraya hdntave ‘pour tuer Vrtra’ Haudry writes (1977:
105-106): ,,...mémes constituants, le substantif ordinaire étant quelconque; le lien est
celui d'un objet a un verbe transitif... Naturellement, cet exemple peut étre interprété hors
contexte selon le type précédent ‘pour que Vrtra tue’: 'expression est donc ambigue.”
Similar grammatical ambiguity exists in Lithuanian. Thus:
(4) Jis nupirko liūtą karvéms ėsti
formally could mean either:
(4a) ‘He bought a lion to eat the cows DAT OF GOAL'
or
(4b) ‘He bought a lion for the cows DAT suBJ to eat.’
Likewise the sentence
(5) Jis nuvedė Jong banginiui ėsti
(5a) ‘He brought Jonah to eat the whale DAT OF GOAL’ or
(5b) ‘He brought Jonah for the whale pAT sus to eat’.
According to Prof. Vytautas Ambrazas in his letter of 1996-03-19 the ambiguity can only
be resolved by context.
Now a dative with an infinitive (Lith.) būti, (Latv.) būt, (Slavic) byti denoting ‘to become’
might be understood either as the subject or the complement. The original dative of
purpose meaning is illustrated in sentences (1), (2) and (3) above and perhaps also in the
further Latvian examples given by Holvoet (2004: 79):
(6) kas aiskawe manni kristitam tapt
‘what doth hinder me Acc to be baptized DAT’,
which I could understand as ‘what hinders me so that I might be baptized’ and
(7) unwinsch pawehleja teem kristiteem tapt eeksch ta Kunga Wahrda
‘and he commanded them DAT to be baptized in the name of the Lord’
which I could interpret as ‘and he commanded that they should be baptized (in order to
baptize them) in the name of the Lord’.
THE DATIVE COMPLEMENT WITH ‘TO BE’ | 47
At some point the dative spread from the purpose clauses to become what Holvoet
(2004: 77-78) terms ‘a syntactic default’ case in such sentences as Latv.
(8) Patikami ir būt rakstniekam
‘It is pleasant to be a writer’
and
(9) Valodas vini centas atrast cits cita vajakas vietas, kas tos piespieda būt uzmanigiem.
‘In their talk they attempted to discover each other’s weak spots, which compelled
them Acc to be careful pat.’
Perhaps it is on the basis of just such sentences as (9) which can almost be interpreted as
a purpose clause (‘that they might be careful, that they should be careful, in order for them
to be careful’) which led to the spread of the etymological dative of purpose beyond its
original semantic borders.
It should further be remarked that the use of the instrumental in similar constructions in
Lithuanian was roundly criticized by Jablonskis. Typically guardians of the language sup-
port the retention of earlier norms, so we can assume that Jablonskis is encouraging an
older syntactic construction. Pirockinas (1986: 193) gives a number of examples where
Jablonskis corrects the instrumental to the dative, e.g.:
(10) patariu būti atsargiais INSTR = atsargiems DAT
‘I advise (someone) to be careful’;
(11) bet studentams reikia būti ir sveikais INSTR = sveikiems DAT
‘but students must be healthy too’;
(12) Kareiviui nedera būti žiauriu INSTR = žiauriam DAT
‘It does not befit a soldier to be cruel’;
(13) Didę viltį duoda noras geresniu INSTR tapti = geresniam DAT tapti
“The wish to become better gives great hope’.
The use of the predicative instrumental in Slavic is apparently not an Indo-European
inheritance. Danylenko (2003: 44) quotes A. Potebnja who wrote that the predicative
instrumental is one of the most characteristic features of the Slavic languages and is a
relatively late phenomenon compared with the use of the second nominative. (Danylenko
stresses the fact that Potebnja says that both cases were equal ‘ravnopravny’, not synony-
mous.) Infact, however, Old Ukrainian texts show the use of the nominative case more
frequently. Danylenko quotes from the Hypatian Chronicle:
(14) asce bo byl perevozniks NOM SG kyj NOM SG
‘If Kyi had been a ferry-boat operator...”;
(15) uJaropolka Zena grékin(i) Nom sG bė i bjase byla ¢erniceju INSTR SG
‘Jaropolk’s wife was a Greek and she had been a nun’
(Danylenko 2003: 40).
48 | WILLIAM R. SCHMALSTIEG
I am certainly willing to believe that the instrumental here is an innovation, particularly
since this function seems to be limited to Balto-Slavic. Danylenko agrees with Potebnja
who saw the use of the nominative in predicate position as being more archaic than the use
of the instrumental.
Itseems to me that any syntactic function must have its origin in a semantic function.
The original semantic function of the dative of purpose was, however, sometimes lost and
the dative became the automatic complement with the verb ‘to be’. Thus Holvoet's conclu-
sion that the Latvian dative is more original than a Baltic or Slavic instrumental in similar
constructions is completely credible.
REFERENCES
AMBRAZAS, V. 1981: Zur Geschichte einer indoeuropaischen Konstruktion: Dativus cum Infinitivo im
Baltischen. Kalbotyra 33 (3), 12-24.
JAGič, V., ed., 1960: Codex Marianus glagoliticus, Graz: Institut fir Slavistik der Universitat Graz.
DANYLENKO, A. I. 2003: Predykaty, vidminky i diatezy v ukrajinks’kij movi: istoricnyj i typolohic¢nyj
aspekty, Xarkiv: Oko.
HAUDRY, J. 1977: L’emploi des cas en védique, Lyon: Editions L Hermės.
HorvoET, A. 2004: On the marking of predicate nominals in Baltic, in Baldi, Ph. and Dini, P. U.,
eds., 2004. Studies in Baltic and Indo-European linguistics in honor of William R. Schmalstieg
(Amsterdam Studies in the Theory and History of Linguistic Science. Current Issues in Linguistic
Theory, 254), Amsterdam-Philadelphia: John Benjamins Publishing Company, 75-90.
PIROCKINAS, A. 1986: Jono Jablonskio kalbos taisymai, Kaunas: Šviesa.
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