Combination of past participles functioning as adverbials with main verbs in Lithuanian: Aspect and transitivity

Acta Linguistica Lithuanica LIX (2008), 81 — 107 Combination of past participles functioning as adverbials with main verbs in Lithuanian: Aspect and transitivity’ Eiko SAKURAI University of Tokyo This paper is aimed at providing some observations about certain con- straints which determine how past participles, functioning as adverbials (in semi-predicative usage), combine with main verbs in Lithuanian. In previous studies (Sakurai 2000; 2003) I presented some remarks on the semantic constraints, in particular those looked upon from the angle of aspect, under which past participles, functioning as adverbials, combine with main verbs. This issue has not yet been addressed to date either in traditional Lithuanian grammar (LKG, DLKG) or in other studies about Lithuanian. Here, by adding to this analysis the viewpoint on transitivity, I am going to emphasize the close linkage between aspect and transitiv- ity in this problem: in <state> type predicate sentences, adjectival past participles and main verbs construct one predicate as a single entity where the combinatory possibilities are strictly constrained by the principle of semantic consistency in stativity and intransitivity. "I wish to thank Tasaku Tsunoda (Tokyo) and Tamio Yanagisawa (Nagoya) for their detailed and valuable comments on earlier versions of the present paper. This is part of the results of my research in Lithuania which is founded by the Japan Society for the Promotion of Science (JSPS) and by the Japanese Ministry of Education. I am grateful to all my Lithuanian consultants, especially, Dalia Svambaryté (Vilnius), Ramutė Bingelienée (Vilnius), and English consultant Mark Roza (Tokyo) for their help, and to two anonymous reviewers for their valuable comments and suggestions. I am also much obliged to Aldona Paulauskienė (Vilnius) for providing for my research in Lithuania. My deepest heartfelt thanks go to Renata PetroSkevic¢iené (Tokyo) who always offers me a lot of information on Lithuanian and knowledge about English. All errors and shortcomings are of course my own, 31 Eiko SAKURAI 1. INTRODUCTION Two types of past participles are distinguished in Lithuanian — adjectival participles (dalyviai) and adverbial participles, or gerunds (padalyviai): (a) adjectival past participles are declinable according to gender, number, and case, and agree grammatically with the subject. They have active and passive voice. In the active voice, they are divided into past participles and past habitual participles. (b) adverbial past participles are indeclinable. They have only active voice and no passive voice. The semantic subject is indicated by the dative case. As a rule, all past participles in Lithuanian have the property of function- ing as adverbials. However, as the frequency of usage of past habitual par- ticiples of type (a) in adverbial function is very low, they will be left out of consideration in this paper. Also, compared to their active forms, the passive forms of past participles are rarely used in this function. Depending on the type of time relation they have with main verbs, or predicates, past participles functioning as adverbials have been distin- guished so far in Lithuanian studies as possessing the following property: (i) past participles functioning as adverbials indicate relative <anteriori- ty > in their relation to the predicate verb. In this regard, Sakurai (2003) refers to the Russian language for a com- parative analysis in an attempt to make the following affirmations: (ii) past participles functioning as adverbials may indicate not only < ante- riority > in relation to the predicate verb but also relative time <simulta- neity >. The temporal meanings and functions of these past participles are built and determined by the whole of the sentence; (iii) not only in their forms, but also in their meanings, Lithuanian adjectival past participles show a stronger dependence on the predicate verb as com- pared both to Russian adverbial past participles with similar properties and to Lithuanian adverbial past participles. On the other hand, with regard to transitivity, Sakurai (2003) follows traditional grammar when giving definitions of ‘transitive’ and ‘intransitive’ verbs: a verb is defined as ‘transitive’ if it requires a direct object (typically in the accusative case) or ‘intransitive’ if it does not, with neutral verbs not being distinguished. Therefore, in order to give a proper explanation of the 82 Combination of participles and main verbs: aspect and transitivity constraints on the combination of past participles functioning as adverbials with main verbs, it is important (1) to approach transitivity not only as a structure of grammatical participants but as a semantic structure as well; (2) instead of drawing a clear-cut line between transitive and intransitive verbs, to aim at viewing them as presenting a matter of continuum/scale, which defines the degree of transitivity. In this regard, by following Hopper & Thompson’s (1980) and Tsunoda’s (1985) approach, I introduce the idea of the ‘prototype’ when dealing with the issue of transitivity. The semantic def- inition of prototypical transitive verbs is adopted from Tsunoda (1985: 387) as follows: ‘those verbs which describe an action that not only impinges on the patient but necessarily creates a change in it’ (e.g. užmušti, nužudyti ‘kill’, sulaužyti ‘break’, sušaldyti ‘freeze’). Thus, prototypical transitive predicates are defined as ‘those predicates which have 2 or more participants, agent and object, and describe an action that not only impinges on the object but necessarily creates a change in it’. Even if there is a grammatical structure of a verb requiring a transitive object, the verb (or verb phrase) will be considered as non-prototypical if the condition stated above has not been met (e.g. turėti ‘have’, mylėti ‘love’, žinoti ‘know’, žiūrėti ‘look (at)’, prarasti samone ‘loose consciousness’). 2. ADVERBIAL FUNCTION OF PARTICIPLES It is assumed in this study that the basic adverbial function of participles is ‘to express the secondary situation that accompanies the main situation expressed by the main verb (or finite verb predicate)’, i. e., to act in the func- tion of secondary predicates in a sentence. In the system of Lithuanian past participles, adjectival participles func- tioning as adverbials have the same subject (in the nominative case) as the main verb of the sentence (same subject use) and agree with that subject both in case and in number and gender (see ex. (1)). On the other hand, as has been stated above, adverbial participles are indeclinable. They do not have the same subject as the main verb (different-subject use). The semantic subject is used in the dative case? (see ex. (2)). * The abbreviations in this paper are used in the following way: ACC accusative; ACT active; ADJ. adjectival; ADV. adverbial; DAT dative; F feminine; GEN genitive; 83 Eiko SAKURAI (1) Perskaitęs knygą, having finished reading-ACT.ADJ.PP-M-SG-NOM the book-ACC jis išėjo pasivaikščioti. he-3M-SG-NOM went out-V-PAST-3 for a walk-INF ‘Having finished reading the book, he went out for a walk.’ (2) Man perskaicius knygą, jis [-DAT finished reading-ADV.PP the book-ACC | he-3M-SG-NOM tuojau (pat) atėjo jos pasiskolinti. immediately came in-V-PAST-3 it-GEN to borrow-INF “When I finished reading the book, he immediately came in to borrow it.' 3. VERBAL ASPECT* IN LITHUANIAN Before making further observations, we first need to briefly touch upon the aspectual properties of Lithuanian verbs. It is assumed that a system of ver- bal aspect that employs prefixes and suffixes to serve as markers of aspect has developed in Lithuanian in a similar way as in Russian and in other Slavic languages. However, despite the similarities in the forms of verbs, there are marked differences between Lithuanian and Russian that can be formulated as follows®. INF infinitive; IPFV. imperfective; M masculine; NOM nominative; O object; PASS passive; PFV. perfective; PL plural; PP past participle; PRES present; PRES.P present participle; S subject; SG singular; V verb. The example sentences have been checked by native informants. The symbols (?), (??), (*) indicate the evaluation of the sen- tences by the informants as being “unnatural”, “very unnatural”, or “grammatically incorrect”, * I use the term ‘aspect’ in a wider sense, which covers not only grammatical but also lexical semantic-notional categories. I hold on to the most general definition of ‘perfective’ as a reference to a situation without regard to internal temporal struc- ture, viewing a situation in its entirety, as a single whole and ‘imperfective’ — as a reference to the internal temporal structure of a situation, viewing a situation as part of its entirety (see Comrie 1976). In this paper I use the abbreviations <PFV.> and <IPFV.> to refer to the semantic definition of perfective and imperfective, whereas I use the terms ‘perfective verb’ and ‘imperfective verb’ to refer to the aspectual pair of verbs in Russian (or other Slavic languages). This is largely in order to avoid con- fusion about the semantic and the grammatical-morphological categories. * For more detailed observations see in particular Dambriūnas (1960), Galnaityteé 84 Combination of participles and main verbs: aspect and transitivity In Russian, verbs basically form aspectual pairs of perfective and imper- fective, which are regarded as sufficiently matching the definition of the <PFV./IPFV.> opposition found in the general theory of aspect (general aspectology). In this regard it should be said of Lithuanian that when pre- fixes and suffixes, which carry the feature of aspect, are attached to a verb, in many cases its lexical meaning is changed and a group of derivative verbs with a fixed semantic feature is formed. Without forming a complete < PFV./ [PFV. > opposition, like in Russian, verbal aspect in Lithuanian takes posi- tion in between a lexical-semantic category and a grammatical category“. In my opinion, as I have already pointed out (Sakurai 1997, 1999, 2002), in many cases in Lithuanian, the aspectual pairs which are traditionally in- terpreted as ‘perfective/imperfective’, should rather be defined as pairs of ‘telic/atelic’, or ‘bounded/nonbounded™. That is the reason why the <PFV./ (1963), Safarewicz (1967), Musteikis (1972), Paulauskienė (1979), GeniuSiene (1990), Wiemer (2001) and Holvoet & Cizik (2004). * I regard that aspect 1s also a matter of continuum rather than a clear-cut dichoto- my, and that aspectual pairs of verbs can be ranked on the aspectual scale. From this point of view, verbal aspect in Lithuanian cannot be classified as typical Aktionsart, as it includes both pairs that have more high-aspectual features and pairs that have fewer high-aspectual features. I will discuss this problem in other papers, as it is beyond the scope of the present paper. ® Dahl (1981) provided an important contribution on the theory of aspect by intro- ducing the definition of ‘telic (bounded) verb’ as a verb conveying in itself the notion of boundaries and revealing the situation as moving towards those boundaries; while defining the ‘atelic (nonbounded) verb’ as a verb not conveying such notion and revealing the situation that doesn’t have any boundaries. In our terminology, the terms of ‘telic/atelic’ are used in a wider sense: telic verbs may denote a situation which is bounded at the start (ingressive, i.e. inchoative), at the end (terminative), or both at the start and at the end (deliminative or punctual); atelic verbs denote a situation which 1s open at both sides (See Lehman 1994). The terms telic/atelic are used similarly as Russian terms predel’ny)/nepredel’nyj here. Note that accord- ing to this terminology non-prefixed Lithuanian verbs such as skaityti (knygą) ‘read (a book)’, rašyti (laišką) ‘write (a letter)’ are regarded as atelic, because they do not mean either a terminative process or an event, which should be expressed by prefixed telic verbs such as per-skaityti ‘read through, finish reading’, pa-rasyti ‘write, finish writing’. Thus, I consider that Lithuanian verbs which are traditionally interpreted as ‘neutral’ or ‘biaspectual’ and which express both perfective and imperfective aspect should be regarded as telic verbs. Among them, prefixed verbs such as at-eiti ‘come’, iš-važiuoti ‘leave (by transport)’, uz-mesti ‘throw over’ are formally marked members, i.e. their telic meaning is added by prefixes, while non-prefixed (simple) verbs such 85 Eitko SAKURAI IPFV. > meanings and functions are more obvious in the tense-aspect system in Lithuanian, where the tense forms have a larger functional load. Thatis, the semantic distinction of <PFV./IPFV. > usually becomes evident just through the combination of aspectual meanings of verbs and their tense forms’. 4. CLASSIFICATION OF BASIC TYPES OF PREDICATES ACCORDING TO THEIR ASPECTUAL MEANING On the premise that was stated above, in this study the classification of predicates is based on their aspectual meaning, with three basic types of predicates, i.e. <PFV. action>, <IPFV. action> and <state> being dis- tinguished. The example sentences to illustrate the observations stated here are mostly used in the past tense because it best reveals the differences that exist in the aspectual meaning of verbs. < PFV. action > type predicate (3) Tévas tuojau (pat) {atsigule / father-M-SG-NOM immediately lay down / atsisėdo ant sofos / perskaitė knygą / sat down on the sofa / finished reading the book / atidarė duris). opened the door-V-PAST-3 (telic verb) ‘Father immediately (lay down /sat down on the sofa/finished reading the book/opened the door)'. (4) Knyga tuojau (pat) buvo the book-F-SG-NOM immediately = was-be-PAST-3 perskaityta Algio. read until the end-PASS.ADJ.PP-F-SG-NOM (telic verb) by Algis- -GEN ‘The book was immediately read until the end by Algis.’ as baigti ‘finish’, rasti ‘find’, gauti ‘get’, mirti ‘die’ are unmarked members, i.e. they are inherently telic verbs. * Main tense forms in Lithuanian are basic simple forms of present, past, past fre- quentative, i. e. past habitual, and future. Also, there are traditionally called com- pound forms of each tense in Lithuanian, i.e. analytic forms, be-verb biiti + adjecti- val participle in nominative case. 86 Combination of participles and main verbs: aspect and transitivity <IPFV. action > type predicate (5) Ji lėtai (bėgo / skaitė knygą / she-3F-SG-NOM slowly was running / was reading a book / rovė žolę). was pulling the grass-V-PAST-3 (atelic verb) ‘She {was slowly running / was slowly reading a book / was slowly pulling the grass}.’ (6) Knyga lėtai buvo the book-F-SG-NOM slowly was-be-PAST-3 skaitoma Algio (being) read-PASS.ADJ.PRES.P-F-SG-NOM (atelic verb) by Algis- -GEN “The book was slowly being read by Algis.’ < State > type predicate (7) Berniukas visą laiką {guléjo / the boy-M-SG-NOM all the time lay (was lying) / sėdėjo ant sofos / turėjo laivelį) was sitting on the sofa / had the toy ship-V-PAST-3 (atelic verb) ‘The boy {lay (was lying) / was sitting on the sofa / had the toy ship} all the time.’ (8) Durys visą laiką buvo the door-F-PL-NOM all the time was-be-PAST-3 atidarytos. opened-PASS.ADJ.PP-F-PL-NOM (telic verb) ‘The door was opened (left open) all the time.’ In my view, this kind of classification of basic types of predicates and the transitivity of verbs are related in the following way. As is shown in ex. (3) and (5), in the active voice, a verb that represents an <action> type pre- dicate can be either intransitive, non-prototypical transitive, or prototypical transitive. Yet, as can be seen in ex. (7), a verb that represents a < state > type predicate can be either intransitive or non-prototypical transitive with a low degree of transitivity (behaving more like intransitive), yet it cannot be prototypical transitive. Now, in the passive voice, a verb that represents an <action > type predicate can also be non-prototypical transitive as in ex. 87 Eiko SAKURAI (4) and (6), yet it can only be prototypical transitive with a <state> type predicate, as shown in ex. (8). 5. WORD ORDER BETWEEN ADVERBIAL PAST PARTICIPLES AND MAIN VERBS? When the connection between past participles and main verbs is brought into the focus of consideration, it becomes clear that the pattern of the pre- dominant word order changes depending on the type of predicate used. In the following paragraphs (a) and (b) the patterns of word order will be sum- med up in connection with the relative time reference of past participles. (a) Adjectival past participles: (a-1) in <PFV. action > type predicate sentences, these participles refer to < anteriority > of the secondary situation. As is shown in examples (9a, b), the past participle usually stands before the main verb (PP-V), while the reverse order (V-PP) is unnatural in a minimal context, unless used in a particular context. (a-ii) in <IPFV. action > type predicate sentences, these participles can re- fer both to <anteriority > of the preceding secondary situation and to < si- multaneity > of the resultative state. As in examples (10a, a’, b, b’), both PP-V and V-PP are natural. (a-iil) in <state> type predicate sentences, these participles refer to <si- multaneity > of the resultative state of the preceding secondary situation. As in examples (11a, b), the past participle usually comes after the main verb (V-PP)°. The reverse order (PP-V) is unnatural in a minimal context, unless used in a particular context. * Basic word order in Lithuanian is SVO, modifier-modified. Usually, participle functioning as an attributive goes before the noun in the same way as adjective does, whereas participle functioning as a predicate follows the subject. Now, the participles under consideration here, 1. e., past participles functioning as adverbials, can either precede or follow the main verb. Moreover, when used together with subordinate words or when preceding the main verb, these participles are often separated by into- nation or a pause (by a comma in a written text) and become more independent. Now, according to the orthography, in single occurrence cases when past participles do not have any subordinate words, a comma is not used. * The combination of an adjectival past participle functioning as an adverbial with a <state> type predicate is similar in structure to the analytic form (be-verb + ad- 88 Combination of participles and main verbs: aspect and transitivity (b) Adverbial past participles: (b-i) in <PFV. action > type predicate sentences, these participles refer to < anteriority > of the secondary situation, as is the case with adjectival past participles. As in examples (12a, b), normally they precede the main verb (PP-V). The reverse word order (V-PP) is unnatural in a minimal context, unless used in a particular context. (b-ii) in <IPFV. action > type predicate sentences, these participles refer to both <anteriority > of the preceding secondary situation and <simultanei- ty > of the resultative state, as is the case with adjectival past participles. As is shown in examples (13a, b), normally they stand before the main verb (PP-V). The reverse word order (V-PP) is unnatural in a minimal context, unless used in a particular context. (b-iii) in <state> type predicate sentences, these participles refer to <si- multaneity > of the secondary situation. Contrary to the case with adjectival past participles, this type of secondary situation usually coincides with the stative main situation and does not imply any <anteriority >. As is seen in examples (14a, a’, b, b’) they always stand before the main verb (PP-V). The reverse word order (V-PP) is grammatically incorrect. (9) a. Tėvas grįžęs father-M-SG-NOM having come back-ACT.ADJ.PP-M-SG-NOM iškart atsigulé. (PP-V) at once lay down-V-PAST-3 “Having come back, father lay down at once.' b. Užgesinęs lempą, having switched off-ACT.ADJ.PP-M-SG-NOM the lamp-ACC jis užmigo. (PP-V) jectival past participle in nominative case) which has a meaning of so-called stative perfect, or resultative (see Geniušienė & Nedjalkov 1988). cf.) a. Ji ilgai buvo praradusi she-3F-SG-NOM for a long time had lost-be-PAST-3+ ACT.ADJ.PP-F-SG-NOM sąmonę. consciousness-ACC ‘She was unconscious (lit. had lost consciousness) for a long time.’ b. Motina nuo ryto [yra] šiltai apsirengusi. mother-F-SG-NOM since morning has warmly dressed-herself-be-PRES-3 + + ACT.ADJ.PP-F-SG-NOM ‘Mother has been dressed in warm clothes (lit. has warmly dressed-herself) since morning.’ 89 EiKO SAKURAI 90 (10) a. b'. (11) a. he-3M-SG-NOM fell asleep-V-PAST-3 ‘Having switched off the lamp, he fell asleep’. Ji nusigrezusi she-3F-SG-NOM having turned away-ACT.ADJ.PP-F-SG-NOM rove žolę. (PP-V) was pulling-V-PAST-3 the grass-ACC „Ji rovė žolę she-3F-SG-NOM was pulling-V-PAST-3 the grass-ACC nusigręžusi. (V-PP) having turned away-ACT.ADJ.PP-F-SG-NOM ‘With her back turned (lit. Having turned away), she was pulling the grass.’ . Sūnus, prisileidęs the son-M-SG-NOM having filled-ACT.ADJ.PP-M-SG-NOM dubenį vandens, žaidė the bowl-ACC with water-GEN was playing-V-PAST-3 su laiveliais. (PP-V) with toy ships Sūnus žaidė su laiveliais the son-M-SG-NOM was playing-V-PAST-3 with toy ships prisileidęs dubenį vandens. (V-PP) having filled-ACT.ADJ.PP- the bowl-ACC with water-GEN -M-SG-NOM ‘Having filled the bowl with water, the son was playing with toy ships.’ Berniukas sėdėjo the boy-M-SG-NOM was sitting-V-PAST-3 susigūžęs. (V-PP) having crouched-ACT.ADJ.PP-M-SG-NOM ‘The boy was sitting crouching (lit. having crouched).’ . Motina guléjo lovoje mother-F-SG-NOM was lying-V-PAST-3 in bed Siltai apsirengusi. (V-PP) warmly having dressed-herself-ACT.ADJ.PP-F-SG-NOM ‘Mother was lying in bed dressed in warm clothes (lit. having warmly dressed-herself).’ (12) a. (13) a. (14) a. b'. Combination of participles and main verbs: aspect and transitivity Broliui grįžus, jis iškart his brother-DAT returned-ADV.PP he-3M-SG-NOM at once atsigulé. (PP-V) lay down-V-PAST-3 ‘When his brother returned, he at once lay down.’ . Balsui pasigirdus, ji the voice-DAT was heard-ADV.PP she-3F-SG-NOM stabtelėjo. (PP-V) stopped-V-PAST-3 ‘When the voice was heard, she stopped.’ Jonui atėjus, mes Jonas-DAT came-ADV.PP we-1PL-NOM visi džiaugėmės. (PP-V) all rejoiced-V-PAST-1PL “When Jonas came, we all rejoiced.' . Žinioms pasibaigus, vaikai the news-DAT ended-ADV.PP the children-M-PL-NOM ėjo miegoti. (PP-V) were going-V-PAST-3 to sleep-INF.' ‘When the news ended, the children were going to sleep.’ Zinioms pasibaigus, motina the news-DAT ended-ADV.PP mother-F-SG-NOM guléjo lovoje. (PP-V) was lying-V-PAST-3 in bed . *Motina guléjo lovoje mother-F-SG-NOM was lying-V-PAST-3 in bed žinioms pasibaigus. (V-PP) the news-DAT ended-ADV.PP ‘When the news ended, mother was lying in bed.’ . Balsui pasigirdus, ji the voice-DAT was heard-ADV.PP she-3F-SG-NOM stovejo gatvėje. (PP-V) was standing-V-PAST-3 on the street *Ji stovėjo gatvėje she-3F-SG-NOM was standing-V-PAST-3 on the street 91 Eiko SAKURAI balsui pasigirdus. (V-PP) the voice-DAT was heard-ADV.PP ‘When the voice was heard, she was standing on the street.’ 6. LEXICAL-SEMANTIC CONSTRAINTS ON PAST PARTICIPLES FUNCTIONING AS ADVERBIALS 6.1. Adjectival past participles The combination of adjectival past participles with main verbs is subject to lexical-semantic constraints, which differ depending on the type of a pre- dicate. As is shown in examples (15, 16, 17), those constraints are loosest in <PFV. action > type predicate sentences and tightest in <state> type predicate sentences’. (15) a. UZgesines lempą, jis (užmigo / atsigulé ant sofos / *klausési muzi- kos}. (PP-V) ‘Having switched off the lamp, he {fell asleep / lay down on the sofa <PFV. action > / *was listening to music <IPFV. ac tion > }.- b. Jis { *miegojo / *guléjo ant sofos) užgesinęs lempą. (V-PP) ‘Having switched off the lamp, he {*was sleeping / *was lying on the sofa <state>}. (16) a. Motina, uZdariusi langą, (atsisėdo / ??sédosi} ant sofos. (PP-V) ‘Mother, having closed the window, {sat down <PFV. ac- tion > / ??was about to sit down <IPFV. action >} on the sofa.’ b. Motina { *miegojo / *sédéjo ant sofos) uždariusi langą. (PP-V) '0 This may be not only an intra-linguistic phenomenon in Lithuanian, but also a cross-linguistic tendency. For example, the English, Russian, or Japanese correspon- dents of ex. (15a) are considered to be more natural than ex. (15b). cf) (15a) English. Having switched off the lamp, he fell asleep. Russian. PotuSiv lampu, on zasnul. Japanese. Rampu o keshite, kare wa nemurikonda. (15b) English. Having switched off the lamp, he was sleeping. Russian. On spal, potusiv lampu. Japanese. Rampu o keshite, kare wa nemutteita. 92 Combination of participles and main verbs: aspect and transitivity ‘Mother {*was sleeping / *was sitting on the sofa <state >), having closed the window.' (17) a. (Užsimerkęs / sunėręs rankas ant krūtinės / praradęs sąamonę / viską suvalgęs / perskaitęs knygą / atsivertęs knygą), jis atsigulė ant lovos. (PP-V) Having closed his eyes / having folded his arms on his chest / having lost consciousness / having eaten up every- thing / having finished reading the book / having opened the book}, he lay down on the sofa <PFV. action >." b. Jis gulėjo lovoje {uZsimerkes / sunéres rankas ant krūtinės / pra- radęs sąmonę / ??viskq suvalgęs / *perskaites knygą / *atsivertes knyga}. (V-PP) ‘He was lying in bed <state> {with his eyes closed (lit. having closed his eyes) / with his arms folded on his chest (lit. having folded his arms on his chest) / unconscious (lit. having lost consciousness) / ??having eaten up everything / *having fin- ished reading the book / *having opened the book}. Following below is an analysis of lexical-semantic constraints that adjectival past participles are subject to. It will be done in the following order: section 6.1.1 deals with <state> predicate sentences, section 6.1.2 with <IPFV. action > predicate sentences, and section 6.1.3 with <PFV. action > predi- cate sentences. 6.1.1. <State> predicate sentences In <state> predicate sentences, co-occurring adjectival participles functio- ning as adverbials can be formed only from telic verbs. As a rule, adjectival past participles in the active voice cannot be formed from prototypical tran- sitive verbs. They can be formed only from intransitive or non-prototypical transitive verbs and are restricted only to those that have lexical-semantic meanings as illustrated in the following examples I and II: I. formed from intransitive verbs: some kind of change in the subject (agent), e.g. changes in the condition of the human body or a person’s psychological state, the emergence or disappearance of things, changes in outward appea- rance or in position or placement, etc. (ex. (18 a, b)). 93 Eiko SAKURAI II. formed from transitive verbs: some kind of action that creates a change in the things that accompany or are adjunct to the subject (agent), e.g. the acquirement or loss of (real or abstract) things, some action involving the agent’s body parts or other inalienable possessions which cannot be separa- ted or handed over, some kind of action like putting on or taking off clothes, etc. (ex. (19a, b)). Even if formed from prototypical transitive verbs, they express an ac- tion directed toward the subject (agent) itself. That means there is only one participant, thus, the level of transitivity is low. Both with intransitive and transitive verbs, examples of participles formed from reflexive verbs with the reflexive suffix -si- are very noticeable!'. On the other hand, adjectival past participles in the passive voice are made only from prototypical transi- tive verbs (ex. (20a, b)). That is, in <state> predicate sentences, adjectival past participles functioning as adverbials have to express some result or ef- fect that comes from a bounded action leading to some kind of change and that has to last as a resultant condition in the domain of the subject. (18) a. Berniukas stovėjo the boy-M-SG-NOM was standing-V-PAST-3 suglumęs. (V-PP) having become confused-ACT.ADJ.PP-M-SG-NOM “The boy was standing bewildered (lit. having become confused).' "For example, in examples (15) and (16), where past participles are derived from certain types of reflexive verbs, their combination with <state> type predicates may become possible. This type of transitive verbs are reflexive verbs with the re- flexive suffix -si(s)- that denotes the meaning ‘for oneself’ proper to the dative case and are referred to by the term ‘reflexive-benefactive verbs’ by Geniudiené (1987), GeniuSiene & Nedjalkov (1988). In this case too, the order of V-PP is maintained. cf.) a. Jis guléjo ant sofos he-3M-SG-NOM was lying-V-PAST-3 on the sofa uz-si-gesines lempą. (V-PP) having switched off-for himself-ACT.ADJ.PP-M-SG-NOM the lamp-ACC ‘Having switched off the lamp for himself, he was lying on the sofa.’ b. Motina sėdėjo ant sofos mother-F-SG-NOM was sitting-V-PAST-3 on the sofa uz-si-dariusi langą. (V-PP) having closed-for herself-ACT.ADJ.PP-F-SG-NOM the window-ACC ‘Having closed the window for herself, mother was sitting on the sofa.’ 94 Combination of participles and main verbs: aspect and transitivity b. Jis stovėjo he-3M-SG-NOM was standing-V-PAST-3 nutolęs having moved away-ACT.ADJ.PP-M-SG-NOM nuo kranto. (V-PP) from the shore ‘He was standing further away (lit. having moved away) from the shore.’ (19) a. Berniukas stovėjo the boy-M-SG-NOM was standing-V-PAST-3 apsirengęs paltą. (V-PP) having dressed-himself-ACT.ADJ.PP-M-SG-NOM Aa coat-ACC “The boy was standing in his coat (lit. having dressed-himself a coat).’ b. Jis sėdi tvoros viršuje he-3M-SG-NOM is sitting-V-PAST-3 on top of a fence nuleides kojas. (V-PP) having hung-ACT.ADJ.PP-M-SG-NOM legs-ACC ‘He is sitting on top of a fence with his legs dangling (lit. hav- ing hung legs).’ (20) a. Dvi mergaitės sėdėjo two girls-F-PL-NOM were sitting-V-PAST-3 išpuoštos, kaip lėlės. (V-PP) dressed up-PASS.ADJ.PP-F-PL-NOM like dolls “Two girls were sitting dressed up like dolls.’ b. Jis stovėjo he-3M-SG-NOM was standing-V-PAST-3 apimtas siaubo. (V-PP) gripped-PASS.ADJ.PP-M-SG-NOM by fear-GEN ‘He was standing gripped by fear.’ The examples below show the types of co-occurring aspectual adverbials of duration, or continuity: (21) a. Ji ILGAI gulėjo she-3F-SG-NOM for a long time was lying-V-PAST-3 praradusi samonę. (V-PP) 95 Eiko SAKURAI having lost-ACT.ADJ.PP-F-SG-NOM consciousness-ACC ‘She was lying ror A Long TIME unconscious (lit. having lost consciousness).’ . Motina NUO RYTO guli lovoje mother-F-SG-NOM since morning is lying-V-PAST-3 in bed šiltai apsirengusi. (V-PP) warmly having dressed-herself-ACT.ADJ.PP-F-SG-NOM ‘Mother is lying in bed since MoRNING dressed in warm clothes (lit. having warmly dressed-herself).’ 6.1.2. <IPFV. action> predicate sentences In case of <IPFV. action > type predicate sentences, co-occurring adjectival past participles functioning as adverbials are formed only from telic verbs. Even though their lexical-semantic constraints are somewhat looser than in <state> type predicate sentences, in general they have in many cases similar meanings as described in paragraphs I and II of section 6.1.1 in con- nection with <state> predicate sentences. Following below in (22a, b) are example sentences with adjectival past participles in the active voice formed from intransitive verbs, and in (23a, b) from transitive verbs. (24a, b) are example sentences with adjectival past participles in the passive voice. (22) a. Padavéja pasistiebusi the waitress-F-SG-NOM having stood on tiptoe-ACT.ADJ.PP-F- -SG-NOM servetéle šluostė jo veidą. (PP-V) 96 with a napkin was wiping-V-PAST-3 his face-ACC “Standing (lit. Having stood) on tiptoe, the waitress was wip- ing his face with a napkin.' . Susimastes, Jis having become lost in thought- he-3M-SG-NOM ACT.ADJ.PP-M-SG-NOM gloste vaikui galvą. (PP-V) was stroking-V-PAST-3 child-DAT head-ACC ‘Thoughtfully (lit. Having become lost in thought), he was stroking the child’s head.’ Combination of participles and main verbs: aspect and transitivity (23) a. Jis bėgo he-3M-SG-NOM was running-V-PAST-3 iškėlęs uodegą. (V-PP) having raised up-ACT.ADJ.PP-M-SG-NOM his tail-ACC “He was running with his tail raised up (lit. having raised up his tail).’ b. Ji ėjo gatve she-3F-SG-NOM was walking down-V-PAST-3 the street sugniaužusi kumstyje having clenched-ACT.ADJ.PP-F-SG-NOM in her fist popierėlį. (V-PP) a small piece of paper-ACC ‘She was walking down the street clenching (lit. having clenched) in her fist a small piece of paper.’ (24) a. Jjungtas nuo pat ryto having been turned on-PASS.ADJ.PP-M-SG-NOM since morning radijas skleide the radio-M-SG-NOM was emitting-V-PAST-3 keistus garsus. (PP-V) strange sounds ‘Having been turned on since morning, the radio was emitting strange sounds.’ b. Jos burna drebéjo her mouth-F-SG-NOM was quivering-V-PAST-3 uzspausta jo kita ranka. (V-PP) pressed tightly-PASS.ADJ.PP-M-SG-NOM under his hand ‘Her mouth was quivering pressed tightly under his hand.’ The examples below show the types of co-occurring aspectual adverbials of duration, or continuity: (25) a. Mergina ILGAI žiūrėjo the young woman-F-SG-NOM for a long time was staring-V- -PAST-3 į ją išsigandusi. (V-PP) at her having frightened-herself-ACT.ADJ.PP-F-SG-NOM 97 Eiko SAKURAI ‘The young woman was staring at her FOR A LONG TIME frightened (lit. having frightened-herself).’ b. Nuvo ryro uzsiglaudes šešėlyje since morning having hidden-himself- in the shadow -ACT.ADJ.PP-M-SG-NOM jis laukė traukinio. (PP-V) he-3M-SG-NOM was waiting for-V-PAST-3 the train-GEN ‘Hiding (lit. Having hidden-himself) in the shadow since MORN- ING, he was waiting for the train.’ 6.1.3. <PFV. action> predicate sentences In case of <PFV. action> type predicate sentences lexical-semantic cons- traints are looser than in all other cases. To begin with, the fact that adjec- tival past participles functioning as adverbials can be formed from atelic verbs makes these sentences very different from <state> type predicate sentences. Further, while they can be formed from prototypical transitive verbs in the active voice, they can also be formed from non-prototypical transitive verbs in the passive voice. However, the condition should be met that the contents expressed by past participles and main verbs have some kind of logical link and have no split, or gap, in time. Following below are example sentences with adjectival past participles in the active voice formed from intransitive verbs (26a, b) and transitive verbs (27a, b). Examples (28a, b) are sentences with adjectival past participles in passive voice. (26) a. Zmogus, staiga isibégéjes, the man-M-SG-NOM unexpectedly having dashed- -ACT.ADJ.PP-M-SG-NOM trenkė galvą į sieną. (PP-V) slammed-V-PAST-3 head-ACC against the wall ‘Dashing off (lit. Having dashed) unexpectedly, the man slammed his head against the wall.’ b. Ejes per berZynélj having walked-ACT.ADJ.PP-M-SG-NOM in the grove of birch trees 98 Combination of participles and main verbs: aspect and transitivity dvi valandas, jis staiga nusimetė for two hours he-3M-SG-NOM suddenly tore off-V-PAST-3 kaukę. (PP-V) the mask-ACC ‘Having walked into the grove of birch trees for two hours, he suddenly tore off the mask.’ (27) a. Geografas, atsivertes the geographer-M-SG-NOM having opened-ACT.ADJ.PP-M- -SG-NOM užrašų knygą, pasidrožė pieštuką. (PP-V) the notebook-ACC sharpened-V-PAST-3 the pencil-ACC ‘The geographer, having opened the notebook, sharpened the pencil.’ b. Pamates senutę, having seen-ACT.ADJ.PP-M-SG-NOM the old lady-ACC jis nubėgo jai padėti. (PP-V) he-3M-SG-NOM dashed out-V-PAST-3 to help her ‘When he saw (lit. Having seen) the old lady, he dashed out to help her.’ (28) a. Suo, stipriai mustas the dog-M-SG-NOM strongly beaten-PASS.ADJ.PP-M-SG-NOM vaiko, nutraukes virve, by the child-GEN having broken-ACT.ADJ.PP- the string-ACC -M-SG-NOM pabégo. (PP-V) ran away-V-PAST-3 lit. “The dog, strongly beaten by the child, having broken the string, ran away.’ j b. Apgautas pardavėjos, cheated-PASS.ADJ.PP-M-SG-NOM by a saleswoman-GEN jis parašė skundą. (PP-V) he-3M-SG-NOM wrote-V-PAST-3 a complaint-ACC ‘Cheated by a saleswoman, he wrote a complaint.’ When these participles are formed from telic verbs, the co-occurring aspec- tual adverbials usually express punctual time (ex. (29)). When they are for- med from atelic verbs, the co-occurring aspectual adverbials are those of 99 Eiko SAKURAI the duration or continuity type, whereas the main verbs can be used with co-occurring adverbial words expressing punctual time (ex. (30)). (29) Pamastes AKIMIRKA, having thought-ACT.ADJ.PP-M-SG-NOM for a split second jis atsakė. (PP-V) he-3M-SG-NOM answered-V-PAST-3 ‘After thinking (lit. Having thought) ror A spuiT sEcoND, he gave the answer.’ (30) a. ILGAi Zygiave per smėlį, for a long time having walked-ACT.ADJ.PP- on the sand -M-PL-NOM jie PAGALIAU PO PENKIU VALANDU they-3M-PL-NOM finally after five hours atrado kelią. (PP-V) found-V-PAST-3 the way-ACC ‘Having walked ror A Long TIME on the sand, they FINALLY AFTER FIVE HOURS found the way.’ b. Nuo Ryro ėjęs, jis since morning having walked-ACT.ADJ.PP- he-3M-SG-NOM -M-SG-NOM priéjo trobele TRECIA VALANDA. (PP-V) reached-V-PAST-3 a wooden cabin-ACC at three ‘Having walked since morning, he reached a wooden cabin ar , THREE. 6.2. Adverbial past participles Both from the standpoint of aspect and transitivity, the combination of adverbial past participles with main verbs is not subject to the constraints observed with adjectival past participles (refer to examples (2), (12a, b), (13a, b), (14a, a’, b, b’)). Moreover, in contrast to adjectival past participles, adverbial past participles can have co-occurring adverbials expressing punc- tual time even in cases of <state> predicate. (31) a. Jam atskridus LYGIAI TRECIA VALANDA, he-DAT arrived by plane-ADV.PP at three o'clock sharp 100 Combination of participles and main verbs: aspect and transitivity jo tėvas buvo oro uoste. (PP-V) his father-M-SG-NOM was-V-PAST-3 at the airport. “When he arrived by plane Ar THREE 0’cLock sHARP, his father was at the airport.' b. Po PENKIŲ VALANDŲ STAIGA sutemus, after five hours suddenly the twilight fell-ADV.PP mes dar buvome miske. (PP-V) we-1PL-NOM still were-V-PAST-1PL in the forest ‘When the twilight fell suDDENLY AFTER FIVE HOURS, we were still in the forest.’ 7. SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS In the present paper I have attempted to prove that: (i) the combination of past participles functioning as adverbials with main verbs is subject to certain constraints which depend on various conditions contained in the semantic structure of the sentence, where aspect and tran- sitivity play a central role. (ii) in <state> type predicate sentences, adjectival past participles and main verbs construct one predicate as a single entity where the combina- tory possibilities are most strictly constrained by the principle of semantic consistency in stativity and intransitivity. Meanwhile, in <PFV. action > type predicate sentences, the adjectival past participles form another, more independent predicate in addition to that of the main verb, and the semantic constraints are most loose. <IPFV. action> type predicate sentences take the position in between the other two types of predicate sentences summa- rized above. (iii) in the case of adverbial past participles, the constraints that are obser- ved with adjectival past participles do not apply in their combination with main verbs, neither from the perspective of aspect nor from that of transi- tivity. The observations in this paper are summarized in Table 1 below. (‘ +’ means that the formation is possible; “— means that the formation is impos- sible). 101 EIKO DAKURAI Table 1: The semantic dependency of past participles functioning as adverbials on main verbs in Lithuanian Degree of high (tight constraints) = » low (loose constraints) dependency: Adjectival past participles Adverbial past (active/passive voice) participles (same-subject use) (different-subject use) Types of < state > < IPFV. <PFV. predicates action > action > (a) relative time <simultaneity> «— » <anteriority> (same as adjectival reference past participles) (b) predominant V-PP V-PP / PP-V PP-V PP-V word order (c) atelic - - + + (nonbounded) verbs (d) active voice: prototypical - (—) + + transitive verbs (e) passive voice. non-prototyp- ai (—) + (no passive voice) ical transitive verbs The close link between aspect and transitivity is already suggested in Hopper & Thompson''s transitivity hypothesis (1980). 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WiemeRr, B. 2001: Aspektual’nye paradigmy i leksiceskoe znacenie russkix i litovskix glagolov (Opyt sopostavlenija s tocki zrenija leksikalizacii i gramatikalizacii). Voprosy jazykoznanija 2001-2002, 26-58. Eiko Sakurai The University of Tokyo 7-3-1 Hongo, Bunkyo-ku, Tokyo 113-0033, JAPAN [email protected] 107