Baltic Loanwords in Saami

51s aipsniai / a icles Lucie ho í koVá Masa yk uni e si y, b no ields o esea ch: enno-ug ic s udies, especially innish, es o- nian, saami. VácLaV bLaŽek Masa yk uni e si y, b no ields o esea ch: indo-eu opean s udies, especially sla ic, bal- ic, cel ic, ana olian, ocha ian, indo-i anian languages; enno- ug ic; a o-asia ic; e ymology; gene ic classi ica ion; ma hema ic models in his o ical linguis ics. baL ic Loanwo ds in saaMi bal ų skoliniai samių kalboje anno a ion he pu pose o he p esen s udy is o summa ize and in e p e he lexemes o bal ic o i- gin in saami, in he con ex o enno-saamic and enno-Volgaic ela ions. ou conclusion is ha abou 20% o lexical pa allels be ween bal ic and saamic om abou 40 bal o- enno- saamic compa isons a e wi hou he bal o- ennic coun e pa s. i means ha i is p obable ha he ances o s o he bal s and he saami we e in di ec con ac . In his s udy we e alua e he ole o wo ds o bal ic o igin in he saami oca- bula y in a wide enno-saamic and enno-Volgaic pe spec i e. ecen wo ks o innish au ho s we e he main sou ces we used, such as aikio (2006, 2009), häkkinen (2010), kallio (2009), koi uleh o (2006), sammallah i (1998, 1999), bu we also ook accoun o ea lie s udies o homsen (1890), i konen (1961) and ko honen (1981). acco ding o Mikko ko honen (1981), he i s con ac s be we- en he ances o s o he saami and innic people began a he ime when enno- saamic languages we e al eady clea ly sepa a ed om enno-Volgaic languages and we e in he beginning o sepa a ion in o bal o- ennic and saami languages a he same ime. hus, he e was jus a sligh , dialec al, di e ence be ween he bal o- ennic and saami languages. Vilhelm homsen (1890) da ed hese con ac s much la e as he assumed ha he con ac s had no begun un il he u n o he e a o sho ly be o e. e kki i konen (1961) p o ided as he la es possible pe iod he keywo ds: con ac , loanwo d, bo owing, neighbou hood, in luence. 52 Lucie ho í koVá, VácLaV bLaŽek ac a Linguis ica Li huanica LXIV–LXV yea 500 bc. a he , he was inclined o he opinion ha he con ac s wi h he speake s o bal ic languages had begun much ea lie . acco ding o ko honen, a chaeologis s a e inclined o he opinion ha he a i al o he bal s o he a ea o he bal ic sea co esponds wi h he a i al o he co ded wa e in his a ea a he end o he hi d millennium bc. howe e , his da ing does no ag ee wi h he abo e-men ioned s a emen ha he i s con ac s wi h he bal ic people began a e he sepa a ion o P o o- enno-Volgaic ( he 19 h–18 h cen u y bc) (blažek 2010; see apendix). acco ding o ko honen, we may ag ee wi h his hypo hesis i we ake in o accoun se e al ac o s ha somehow in luence his da ing. one o hese ac o s is he ime elapsed om he a i al o he bal ic people o he a ea o he bal ic sea be o e he beginning o loanwo ds. i ce ainly ook some ime be o e he wo cul u ally and linguis ically e y di e en na ions began o in lu- ence each o he . acco ding o ko honen, he i s bal ic loanwo ds we e mo ing in o enno-Volgaic be ween 1800–1500 bc (ko honen 1981: 32–34). howe e , i is no necessa y o assume ha enno-Volgaic con inuum was di ided a he ime o con ac s. Vanagas (1980: 119) de ined he uppe bounda ies o he bal ic hyd onomic a ea as ollows: he no h – he no he n bounda y o La ia, Psko , o opec, Zubco and kalinin owns; he eas – he ci ies o Moscow, kaluga, o el and ku sk; he sou h – he seim, he P ipjať and he wes e n buh i e s; he wes – he wisla i e . hus, he bal ic people we e in he immedia e neighbou hood wi h he ances o s o he Mo d a and Ma i people in he no he- as and he bo owings could ha e happened la e , a e he sepa a ion o enno- Volgaic, independen ly on bal o- enno-saamic con ac s. his is also suppo ed by classi ica ion scheme 2 (see appendix) ha e lec s a close ela ion o he Ma i language o Pe mic languages han o he Mo d a language. hus, he p esence o bal ic loanwo ds in Ma i can be explained as a esul o bo owings independen o he gene ic ela ions bu esul ing om he e i o ial ela ionships ( i e o six bal ic loanwo ds discussed in Mo d a occu in Ma i oo). P o o-baL ic Loanwo ds 1. saan biebma ‘ o eed’ < Ps *pēmmō (yss: 936) < s *pämmi < Pb *penima- (sammallah i 1998: 127; 231; aikio 2006: 40). he oo *pen- appea s in Li h. pẽnas ‘ ood’, penj i ‘ o eed, o a en’, he de i a e o -m- is a es ed in pẽ ni- mas ‘ a ened’, penmis ‘ a ene , a ened pig’ (Lew 569; smoczyński 2007: 449–50). 2. saan buo gg’s ‘ o bidden, p ohibi ed’ < Ps *puoɢē < P es *pō/a kos < Pb *bā gas (c . La . bags ‘s ic , unkind, uncha i able’) (sammallah i 1999: 77). bal ic Loanwo ds in saami 53s aipsniai / a icles howe e , his compa ison is seman ically ambiguous; he wo d could also be o scandina ian o igin, c . sw. dial. ba k ‘a mulish unkind man’, ba kun ‘ ude, g u ’ (Poko ny 1959: 163). 3. saan čiehka ‘ o hide’ (~ inn. säe ä id.) < Ps *ćēke (yss 146) < s *śäke- < Pb *seg()e/a- (c . La . seg ‘ o co e ; o u n on, o uck’) (sammallah i 1998: 127; 234). acco ding o aenkel (Lew ii 770), howe e , he o iginal mean- ing o La . seg was he same as Li h. sèg i ‘ o ix, o a ach’ and he e b has he meaning ‘ o hide’ by p e ixa ion: apseg = Li h . apsèg i ‘ o ix’. a likely cogna e old P uss. seggī ‘ o do, o make’ is seman ically u he . hen he whole compa ison is unsu e. 4. saas dak e e ‘daugh e ’ (~ inn. y ä id.) < Ps * ek ē (yss 1211) < s * ük- ä < Pb *duk ē : gen. *duk e es (c . Li h. duk ė, old P uss. duck i id. (Lew i 110)) (sammallah i 1998: 121; ko honen 1981: 30; homsen 1890: 167). 5. saan duo li ‘ inde ’ (~ inn. aula id.) < Ps * ō lē (yss 1311) < P es * ak- la < Pb *dagla- (c . La . dagla ‘id., bi ch ba k inde ’; Li h. dãglas, dẽglas ‘black spo ing’ (Lew i 86)) (aikio 2006: 31; ko honen 1981: 30; sammallah- i 1998: 127; homsen 1890: 165). 6 . saan gahpi ‘cap’ (~ inn. kypä ä ‘cap; helme ’) < Ps *kepē ē (yss 317) < s *küpä ä < Pb *kepu iā (c . Li h. kepù ė ‘cap, coi ’, La . cȩpu e id. (Lew i 241)) (sammallah i 1998: 127; aikio 2009: 250; homsen 1890: 185). 7. saan gea di ‘ imes’ (~ inn. ke a id.) < Ps *k ē (yss 391) < s *ke a < Pb *ke dā (c . old P uss. kē dan ‘ ime’ (Lew i 242; opo o iii 315–23), whe eas Li h. ka as ‘ imes’ (Lew i 224))1 s ands aside (sammallah i 1998: 243; ko honen 1981: 30; homsen 1890: 185–86). c . Mo d a Mokša ky da, e zja ki da ‘ imes’ ( homsen 1890: 186); Ma i kb ke δə in a ph ase pülä-γe δə ‘ e y long ime ago’ (uew 659). 8 . saan giehpa ‘soo ’ < Ps *kēpw (yss 425) < Pb (c . La . k êpi ‘soo , smoke, s eam ’ , k êpê ‘ o smoke ’ , li . k ep i ‘ o smell ’ (Lew i 325) ) (sammallah- i 1998: 127; aikio 2006: 40). 9 . saan giekka ‘cuckoo’ (~ inn. käki) < Ps *kēke (yss 418) < s *käke < Pb *gegiā (c . Li h. gėgė id., ha i is explained as a eg essi e sho ening o a longe o m geguž  , La . dzȩguze, old P uss. geguse (Lew 142–43)) (?ko - honen 1981: 88; homsen 1890: 172). 10. saan guksi ‘ladle’ (> inn. kuksa ‘small wooden bowl, wooden ladle’, beside he o iginal con inuan kauha ‘ladle’ – see skes 172) < Ps *kuksē < s *ka - ša < Pb *kaśa (c . La . kaûss ‘la ge dish, d inking dish; skull; peel’, Li h. 1 seman ically mo e dis an is gmc. *χe ðō ‘he d’ < P e-gmc. *ke dhā. 54 Lucie ho í koVá, VácLaV bLaŽek ac a Linguis ica Li huanica LXIV–LXV káušas ‘ladle; skull; shell; snail shell’ (Lew i 231–232)) (sammallah i 1998: 123; homsen 1890: 184). 11 . saan guoibmi ‘companion’ (~ inn. kaima ‘namesake’) < Ps *kōjmē (YSS 504) < s *kajma < Pb *kamā (c . Li h. kaimýnas ‘neighbou ’, káima(s) ‘ il- lage (o a me s)’, kiẽmas ‘ a ms ead’; La . cems ‘ illage’, kaĩmiņš ‘ illage ( esiden o he same illage), neighbou ’; old P uss. caymis ‘ illage’ (Lew i 251–52)) (sammallah i 1998: 127; ko honen 1981: 30; homsen 1890: 177). 12. saan guo llas ‘ ag on a dog colla ’ (~ inn. kaula ‘neck ’ ) < Ps *kō le s < s *kakla < Pb *kaklas and *kaklā (c . Li h. kãklas ‘neck ’ , La . kakls id. (Lew i 205) ) (sammallah i 1998: 127; 1999: 83). 13. saan já i ‘lake ’ (~ inn. jä i id.) < Ps *jā ē (yss 258) < s *jä ä < Pb *ja ā- (c . Li h. jáu a ‘ma sh ’ , j ū a ‘sea ’ , La . jū a , jūŗa, old P uss. iū in id. (Lew i 198)) (sammallah i 1998: 249; aikio 2009: 246). c . Mo d a e zja eŕke, Mokša (j)äR’kä and Ma i kb jä , u b je ‘lake ’ (uew 633). 14. saan leaibi ‘alde ’ (~ inn. leppä id.) < Ps *leajpē < s *lejpä < Pb *lepā (c . Li h . lepa, -ė, lepas ‘linden’, La . liẽpa, -e, lieps, old P uss. lipe id. ( Lew i 366) ) (sammallah i 1998: 127; aikio 2006: 40). c . Mo d a e zja ľepe, Mokša ľepä ‘alde ’ (uew 689). 15 . saan loapmi ‘hole’ (~ inn. loma id.) < Ps *lmē (yss 609) < Pb *lōmā (c . Li h . lomà ‘hole, dep ession’, La . lãma ‘low-lying place on he ield o mead- ow’ < *lāmā, beside La . luôms ‘hole in a ence’ < *lōma- ( Lew i 385; smoczyński 2007: 344–45) ) (sammallah i 1998: 127). c . Mo d a Mokša lu in he ph ase käď-lu ‘space be ween wo inge s’; Ma i kb lo in ph ase pa ńa- lo ‘space be ween inge s’ (uew 692). 16 . saan luossa ‘salmon’ (~ inn. lohi id.) < Ps *lōse (yss 627) < s *loše < Pb *lašsa- (c . Li h. lašišà, lãšis, La . lasis id., old P uss. lalasso, i.e. *la- saso ( Lew i 341) ) (sammallah i 1998: 127; ko honen 1981: 30; homsen 1890: 194). 17 . saan luo di ‘wooden essel’ (~ inn. lau a ‘boa d’) < Ps *lō ē (yss 634) < s *la a < Pb *pla ā (c . Li h. plaũ as ‘boa d lying in he s eam ba h; side boa d in he boa ’, La . plau s ‘shel ’ < *pla as (Lew i 608)) (sammallah i 1998: 127). compa ison o s isoglosses wi h he samoyedic ma e ial (uew 239) is less con incing. 18. saan luo i ‘s uc u e o s o ing supplies’ (~ inn. la a ‘s and, pilla ; bench in a sauna; imbe ing u nace’) < Ps *lō ē (yss 632) < s *la a < Pb *lā ā (c . Li h. ló a ‘bed’, La . lâ a ‘swea bench’ (Lew i 387)) (sammallah i 1998: 127; aikio 2009: 262). 19. saai lyepi ‘bladebone’ (~ inn. lapa id) < Ps *lōpē (yss 625) < s *lapa < Pb *lapā (c . Li h. lãpas ‘lea , shee ’, La . lapa id., lãpa ‘pad’ (Lew i 339–40)) bal ic Loanwo ds in saami 55s aipsniai / a icles (sammallah i 1998: 127). o he pa allels om Mansi, samoyedic languages and yukaghi language (uew 236) ques ion he bal ic o igin o saami and innish ‘blade bone’, as well as he seman ic di e ence be ween s and b. 20. saaL niehpē ‘husband´s nephew o niece’ (~ inn. dial. nepaa, a ch. nepas ‘cousin´s child’) < Ps *npē < s *nepa- < Pb *nepō( s), acc. *nepa in (c . Li h . nepuo s ‘g andson, nephew’ < *nepō a- (Lew i 494; smoczyński 2007: 420)) (skes 373; sammallah i 1998: 127; 1999: 84). 21. saan áigi ‘hole’ (~ inn. eikä id.) < Ps * ājkē (yss: 1019) < s * VjkA < Pb * akā (c . Li h. iẽk i ‘ o cu ’, iek ‘slice o b ead’, La . ek ‘ o cu ’, ika ‘slice o b ead’, àika ‘ ack, u ow’ (Lew ii 729; smoczyński 2007: 514–15)) (sammallah i 1998: 127). 22. saan uoida ‘leg (o an animal)’ (~ inn. eisi ‘ high’) < Ps * ōj e ‘ high’ (yss 1063) < s * aj e < Pb * e iā (c . Li h. e as ‘ high’, La . cu onian iẽ a ‘leg’ < * e -a-/-ā- (Lew ii 731)) (sammallah i 1998: 127; ko honen 1981: 133; homsen 1890: 212). P o o o m * e iā is suppo ed by Li h. pa ie i ‘lowe pa o he pe ineum’ (smoczyński 2007: 516). 23. saas sae ie ‘hea (as ood)’ < Ps *sāᴅē (sammallah i 1999: 82) (*sā ē (YSS 1112)) < Pb *śi d- (c . Li h. ši ds ‘hea ’; La . sids; old P uss. sey id., u he eas e n Li h. še ds, La . sede ‘ma ow, pi h’ (Lew ii 986–987)) (sammallah i 1998: 127; aikio 2006: 40). 24. saan sápmi ‘saami’ (~ inn. Häme ‘his o ical egion in sou h-cen al in- land’) < Ps *sāmē (yss 1106) < s *šämä ‘? ea h, land’ < Pb *źemē (c . Li h . žẽmė, sou he n dial. žãmė, La . zeme; old P uss. semmē, same ‘ea h, land’ (Lew ii 1299)) (?sammallah i 1998: 127, 262; ko honen 1981: 130). 25. saan sa a ‘elk’ (~ inn. hi i id.) < Ps *se e (yss: 1091) < s *ši e < Pb *śi a- (c . old P uss. si wis ‘ oe-buck’, Li h. ši is ‘whi e ho se; ha e’ : ši as ‘g ey, g iseous’ (Lew ii 989)) (sammallah i 1998: 127; ko honen 1981: 30, 130; aikio 2009: 276; homsen 1890: 225). 26. saan sa is ‘ eindee bull’ (~ inn. hi as id.) < s *ši as < Pb *śi as – e ymologically he same as sa a (sammallah i 1998: 127; ko honen 1981: 30, 130; aikio 2009: 276). 27. saan sea i ‘company’ (~ inn. seu a id.) < Ps *sp ē- (yss 1127) < s *sep a < bal . *seb a- (c . Li h. sib as ‘ iend, ela i e’, La . sē b s, seb is ‘neighbou , companion’ (Lew ii 768)) (sammallah i 1998: 127, 262; homsen 1890: 215). 28. saas sesnie ‘ anned eindee lea he ’ (~ inn. hihna ‘bel ’) < Ps *sesnē < s *šišna < bal . *šikšnā- (c . Li h. šikšnà ‘gen ly anned lea he ’, La . siksna ‘bel ’ (Lew ii 981)) (ko honen 1981: 30; aikio 2009: 150–151). c . Mo d a e zja (k)šna, Mokša šna ‘bel ’; Ma i u b šüš ö id. (uew 786). 56 Lucie ho í koVá, VácLaV bLaŽek ac a Linguis ica Li huanica LXIV–LXV 29. saan siepman ‘seed’ (~ inn. siemen) < Ps *sēmen < s *sēmen < Pb *sēmen (c . Li h. sėmenys, old P uss. semen ‘seed’ (Lew ii 774)) (sammallah i 1999: 85; homsen 1890: 216). 30. saan suoidni ‘g ass, hay’ (~ inn. heinä) < Ps *sōjnē (yss: 1171) < s *šajna < Pb *šena- (c . Li h. šiẽnas, La . sens ‘hay’ (Lew ii 980)) (sammallah i 1998: 124, 127; ko honen 1981: 30; homsen 1890: 223). 31. saan suoldni ‘dew’ (~ inn. halla ‘(nigh g ound) os ’ < Ps *sōlnē (YSS 1176) < s *šalna < Pb *šalnā (c . Li h. šalnà ‘ ime, ligh os ’, La . salna ‘(nigh g ound) os ’ (Lew ii 960)) (sammallah i 1998: 124, 127; ko honen 1981: 30). 32. saan suolu ‘island’ (~ inn. salo ‘was eland, deep o es ’) < Ps *sōlåj (YSS 1177) < s *saloj < Pb *salā (c . Li h. salà, La . sala ‘island’ (Lew ii 758)) (sammallah i 1998: 124, 127; ko honen 1981: 30; saa iki i 2004: 204; hom- sen 1890: 214). 33. saan ie ka ‘adze’ < Ps * ē ke (yss: 1415) < Pb *edegā (c . Li h. edegà ‘kind o adze’, eas e n dial. ėdegà, La . ȩdga ‘c owba ; chisel’, old P uss. wedigo ‘adze’ (Lew ii 1211)) (aikio 2006: 40; 2009: 288). P o o-bal ic econ- s uc ion *ōdegā endzelina e e s o he e ymon ‘ ail’: Li h. uodegà (see Lew 1164). he cohe ence o he meanings ‘ ail’ and ‘axe’ is doub ul. 34. saan uo as ‘old (o people)’ < Ps * ō es (yss 1458) < Pb. *ā as (c . Li h. õ as, old P uss. u s ‘old’ (Lew ii 1274; smoczyński 2007: 767)) (sam- mallah i 1998: 127; aikio 2006: 40). 35. saau yöy’jee ‘wedge’ (~ inn. aaja id.) < Ps * ō jē (yss: 1477) < s * ak- ja < Pb *aga- (c . Li h. ágis, La . adzis ‘id.’ (Lew ii 1179)) (ko honen 1981: 30–31). con oVe sies 36. saan gal’le ‘how much’ < Ps *kellē < s *küllä < Pbs ?*kel- (c . Li h. kel ‘how much, a ew’, keliñ as ‘de wie iel e, manche , einige’ (Lew i 236)). how- e e , he bo owing could be in he opposi e di ec ion, c . inn. kyllä ‘yes’; kylläinen ‘ ull’; kyllin ‘enough’ (sammallah i 1998: 242). 37. saan galmmas ‘cold’ (~ inn. kylmä id.) < Ps *kelme- < P P *külmä (uew 663) < Pbs *gel(u)mā- (c . Li h. gelumà, gelmuõ ‘se e e os ’ (Lew i 145: gél i ‘ o s ab’)) (sammallah i 1998: 127, 242). c . Mo d a e zja keľme, Mokša keľmä ‘cold; os ’; Ma i kb kəlmə ‘ ozen’ (uew 663: *külmä). i he enno- Volgaic isogloss is o he bal ic o igin, he i s syllable owel ü can be explained bal ic Loanwo ds in saami 57s aipsniai / a icles by compensa o y labializa ion caused by he elimina ion o he owel -u- in he assumed bal ic sou ce. 38. saan luok a ‘gul ’ (~ inn. lah i id.) < Ps *lōk e ( yss 619) < s *lak e < bal . (c . Li h. lañks as ‘bend ’ , lañk is ‘handle ’ , La . jūŗas līcis ‘sea bay ’ (Lew 356 – 57)) (sammallah i 1998: 127; ssa ii 36). howe e , he enno- saamic isogloss is compa ed wi h he ob-ug ic pa allels o he same mean- ing in uew 234. 39. saan muoh a ‘snow’ < Ps *mō ē ‘ o snow’ (yss 696) (~ es . ma ma ‘ o bu y’) < s *ma a- < Pbs *ma - (sammallah i 1998: 255; koi uleh o 2006: 185). he expec ed bal ic sou ce should be a de i a e o he e b a es ed in Li h. mès- i ‘ o h ow’: ã -ma a ‘was e’, š-ma a, -mo a ‘sc ap; was e’, pã-ma as ‘base’, p e-mo a ‘plas e ’; La . mes ‘ o h ow’, a -ma s ‘suppo ’, pa-ma s, -ma a ‘base’; old P uss. pomes s ‘submi ed, subjec ’, me is ‘ h ow’ (Lew 442–43); howe e , om he examples i is clea ha he meaning ‘snow’ does no occu in he bal ic languages. sla ic wo ds such as uss. me el’ ‘snow s o m’, Pol. zamieć ‘snow d i ’ < old sla . *me a i a e close . omanian omá , ome e ‘snow’ is o sla ic o igin oo (c . uss. dial. omé ‘lump’. howe e , he closes pa al- lel we can ound in osse . i on. mī , digo . me ‘snow’ (abae ii 124). he co espondence o i on. ī: digo . e e lec s he diph hong *a, ha may be o iginal (mīzyn : mezun ‘ o low’ ~ a es . maēz- < i an. *maz-) o seconda y (i on. mīd-: digo . med- ‘inside’ ~ a es . maiδiia- ‘middle’ < i an. *mada-). i he diph hong is seconda y he osse ian i on. mī , digo . me ‘snow’ can be de i ed om he p o o o m *ma a-, ha is compa ible wi h Ps *mō ē . 40. saan šea a ‘clea ’ < Ps * e a e ᴅ ē < *śe ä- < Pbs *źe - (c . Li h. žė ė i ‘shine, blaze ’ (Lew ii 1301) ) (sammallah i 1999: 79). howe e , he saa- mi wo d wi h š- can be ela i ely la e as in he case o saan šū on ‘well- ained dog’. 41. saan šū on ‘well- ained dog’ < Ps * uo unj e < s *śō onji ~ *śa onji < Pbs śu ō n(i)- (c . Li h. šuõ ‘dog ’ , gen. šuñs, old Li h. gen. šunès, and especially Li h. dial. (Šiaulia, g odno) nom. šo à, (samogi ia) šo à; nex La . suns, gen. suņa, old La . gen. suns; old P uss. sunis id. (Lew ii 1033) ). sammallah i (1999: 79) no es ha he saami š- ep esen s ano he e lex han he adap a ion o bal ic *š- ha ans o ms in o saa s- and inn. h- ( saan sa is ‘ eindee bull’ ~ inn. hi as id. < s *ši as ). sam- mallah i assumes ha he eason is an olde ch onological le el o bo - owing. howe e , jaakko häkkinen (häkkinen 2010) and Pe i kallio (ka- llio 2009: 35) a e inclined o he iew ha he wo abo e-men ioned wo ds (saan šea a and saan šū on) a e la e bo owings om such a bal ic lan- 58 Lucie ho í koVá, VácLaV bLaŽek ac a Linguis ica Li huanica LXIV–LXV guage in which he al e na ion o he phoneme is š- (e.g. Li huanian). hey base his claim bo h on low he dis ibu ion o he wo ds (saan šea a occu s only in Lule, no h and ina i saami; saan šū on occu s in sou h, ume, Lule and no h saami) and on he phonological s uc u e o he wo ds. i seems o hem ha hese wo ds we e bo owed in o saami a e seconda y *š had appea ed in P o o-saami. his seconda y *š is p ese ed in p esen saami, whe eas he o iginal *š ( ha appea s in he la es bal ic bo owings) was changed in o *s in P o o-saami (as well as in p esen saami languages). his solu ion seems o be easie and he e o e mo e likely han he idea o sam- mallah i. on he o he hand, kallio is w ong i he manipula es wi h he p o- jec ion o Li h. šuõ < bal . *šō(n). i we ake in o accoun he simila nomina- i es such as Ved. ś , śu  and g . κύων he Li huanian o m also ep esen s he con inuan o ie *uō(n) > bal . *śuō. Li h. dial. šo à ‘dog’ could also o igina e by in e nal de elopmen om his p o o o m. häkkinen adds ha Ps * uo unj e was bo owed in o saami be o e he owel o a ion, bu Ps * e a eᴅē (häkkinen: *šea e ē) could be bo owed e en a e . acco ding o him, his claim is suppo ed by he non-e ymo- logical owel combina ion *ea- e ( egula ly: ea ly Ps *e-a > La e Ps *ea-ē and ea ly Ps *e-i > La e Ps *ie- e , bu ne e *ea- e ) ( häkkinen 2010; kal- lio 2009) . 42. saan uos’si ‘handle’ (~ inn. ansa ‘sna e’) < Ps * ōssē (yss: 1470) < s *ansa < Pb *anšā, howe e , i is e idenced jus he only one o m *anšas (c . Li h . ąšas ‘handle’, samogi ian ąnšas id. (Lew ii 1207)) (sammallah i 1998: 127). al e na i ely, inn. ansa ‘sna e’ (> saan hānsâ- ‘boa d’) was de i ed om he bal ic sou ce ep esen ed by Li h. ąsà ‘handg i , handhabe, henkel’, La . ùosa, ùoss id., old P uss. ansis ‘kesselhaken’ (Lew i 18), see homsen 1890: 159; skes 19. in ssa i 77, bo h saan uos’si ‘handle’ and inn. ansa ‘sna e’ a e de i ed om Li h. ąsà e c . concLusion we can ind he wo ds o bal ic o igin in all enno-Volgaic languages, abou se en in Ma i ( i e in ou minico pus) and hi een in Mo d a (six in ou mini- co pus); h ee o hem do no ha e an equi alen in bal o- ennic languages (sammallah i 1984: 140). i is e y di icul o di e en ia e be ween some wo ds i hey go di ec ly in o saami o h ough bal o- ennic because we can expec only sligh di e ences be ween he P o o-bal o- ennic and P e-saami language bal ic Loanwo ds in saami 59s aipsniai / a icles a he ime when bo owings began. hus, he e we e no majo sound changes ye . some o he lis ed bal ic loanwo ds (eigh o o y i we elimina e ##39, 40, maybe 19) do no ha e an equi alen in bal o- ennic languages. al hough i is only 20 %, we can deduce ha he bal s did no li e in immedia e con ac only wi h he bal o- ennic people bu also wi h he ances o s o he saami people, who had o be hei neighbou s o some (bu no long) ime. we can assume ha he ances o s o saami used o li e nea he gul o inland and nea he i e ne a a he ime o con ac s wi h he bal s. his also co esponds o aci- us’ desc ip ion o enns2 ha can be likely applied o he saami people han o he ances o s o he innic people. we can ead om poo geog aphical da a ha in he i s cen u y ad aci us’ enns li ed somewhe e in eas e n bal ic, no h om he aes ies, who a e conside ed o be o bal ic o igin. he wo ds ha ha e some equi alen s in bal o- ennic we e likely bo owed in o saami du ing he P o o-bal o- ennic pe iod o e en ea lie , du ing he enno-saamic pe iod. hese wo ds a e ou imes mo e han saami-bal ic pa allels, so we can easonably assume ha bal ic popula ions had close and mo e long- e m ela ionships wi h hei no h neighbou s han wi h he ances o s o he saami people in he bal o- ennic pe iod o he enno-saamic pe iod. se e al ens o wo ds o bal ic o igin a e known only in no he n bal o- ennic languages ( innish, ka elian, ing ian and Veps) and in saami; on he o he hand, abou en o bal ic bo owings occu only in he sou he n bal o- ennic (es onian, Vo ic and Li onian). i is likely ha he ances o s o he bal o- ennic people used o li e on bo h sides o he gul o inland a he ime o bal ic con ac s, and ha he wo ds o bal ic o igin we e bo owed independen ly (sammallah i 1984: 140). 2 Fennis mi a e i as, oeda paupe as: non a ma, non equi, non pena es; ic ui he ba, es i ui pelles, cubile humus: solae in sagi is spes, quas inopia e i ossibus aspe an . Idemque ena us i os pa i e ac eminas ali ; passim enim comi an u pa emque p aedae pe un . Nec aliud in an ibus e a um imb iumque su ugium quam u in aliquo amo um nexu con egan u : huc edeun iu enes, hoc senum ecep aculum. Sed bea ius a bi an u quam ingeme e ag is, inlabo a e domibus, suas alienasque o unas spe me uque e sa e: secu i ad e sus homines, secu i ad e sus deos em di icillimam adsecu i sun , u illis ne o o quidem opus esse . „ he enni a e s angely beas -like and squalidly poo ; nei he a ms no homes ha e hey; hei ood is he bs, hei clo hing skins, hei bed he ea h. hey us wholly o hei a ows, which, o wan o i on, a e poin ed wi h bone. he men and he women a e alike supplied by he chase; o he la e a e always p esen , and demand a sha e o he p ey. he li le child en ha e no shel e om wild beas s and s o ms bu a co e ing o in e laced boughs. such a e he homes o he young, such he es ing place o he old. ye hey coun his g ea e happiness han g oaning o e ield-labou , oiling a building, and poising he o unes o hemsel es and o he s be ween hope and ea . heedless o men, heedless o gods, hey ha e a ained ha ha des o esul s, he no needing so much as a wish.“ (Ge mania §46; ansla ed by a.j. chu ch e alii).