Baltic “*jūrā-/-(i)i̯ā-” ‘sea’ & “*jaurā-̆ /-(i)i̯ā-̆” ‘wet soil, bog, deep water’

VÁCLAV BLAŽEK Masaryk University ORCID id: orcid.org/0000-0002-6797-7188 Fields of research: Indo-European studies, especially Slavic, Baltic, Celtic, Anatolian, Tocharian, Indo-Iranian languages; Fenno-Ugric; Afro-Asiatic; etymology; genetic classification; mathematic models in historical linguistics. DOI: doi.org/10.35321/all84-02 BALTIC *JŪRĀ-/- (I)IĀ- ‘SEA’ & *JAURĀ-/- (I)IĀ- ‘WET SOIL, BOG, DEEP WATER’ Baltų *jūrā-/- (i)jā- ‘sea’ ir *jaurā-/- (j)iā- ‘šlapias dirvožemis, pelkė, gilus vanduo’ ANNOTATION This article analyses the Common Baltic term *jūr- ‘sea’ with its vṛddhiformation *jaur- ‘wet soil, bog, deep water’, their toponymic traces in the macro-Baltic area, probable borrowings identifiable in Fenno-Permic *jūrs ‘deep place in water’ and Fenno-Volgaic *järwä ‘lake’, probable external cognates in Armenian ǰowr ‘water’, and in the hydronyms Iuras & Zyras from Eastern Thrace and the Gaulish oronym Jura with regard to the semantic connection of the meanings ‘deep’ and ‘high’. These partial steps lead to the final conclusion that the primary meaning of the Baltic root *jūrwas ‘deep water’. KEYWORDS: Baltic, Fenno-Volgaic, Fenno-Permic, Armenian, Thrace, Gaulish, appellative, hydronym, toponym, etymology, semantic parallel. ANOTACIJA Straipsnyje analizuojamas bendrabalt iškas žodis *jūr- ‘jūra’ ir jo vṛddhidarinys *jaur- ‘šlapias dirvožemis, pelkė, gilus vanduo’, jų toponiminiai pėdsakai Baltijos jūros makroregione, tikėtini skoliniai Permės finų (*jūrs ‘gili vieta vandenyje’) ir Volgos finų (*järwä ‘ežeras’) kalbose, galima giminystė su armėnų ǰowr ‘vanduo’ ir siejimas su hidronimais Iuras ir Zyras iš Rytų Trakijos bei galų oronimu Jura, atsižvelgiant į reikšmių ‘gilus’ ir ‘aukštas’ semantinį 30 Acta Linguistica Lithuanica LXXXIV Baltic *jūrā–/–(i)iā– ‘sea’ & *jaurā–/–(i)iā– ‘wet soil, bog, deep water’ ryši. Atliktas tyrimas leidžia padaryti išvadą, kad pirminė baltų šaknies *jūr– reikšmė buvo ‘gilus vanduo’. ESMINIAI ŽODŽIAI: baltų, Volgos finų, Permės finų, armėnų, trakų, galų, apelatyvas, hidronimas, toponimas, etimologija, semantinė paralelė. DOCUMENTATION OF THE BALTIC APPELLATIVES AND THEIR PROTOLANGUAGE RECONSTRUCTIONS 1. In the Baltic languages there is a specific term *jūr– for ‘sea’, the quasi-synonym to Lithuanian mārios or mãrės¹ f. pl. tantum ‘sea; bay separated from the sea by dunes’, Latvian mare, maրա ‘bay, lagoon’, Prussian *mari ‘bay, lagoon, spit’ [Elbing Vocabulary 65: mary ‘Haff’] (Mažiulis 2013: 582; Smoczyński 2018: 755). The Baltic term was probably adopted into the Balto-Fennic languages: Finnish, Olonets, Veps, Votic, Estonian meri, Karelian mérì, Livonian meŕ ‘sea’. The umlaut *a > *e has analogy in Finnish reki ‘sledge’, Karelian, Olonets regi, Votic reči, gen. regé, Estonian regi, Livonian reggos < Baltic: Lithuanian rãgės ‘sledge’, Latvian ragus / raguvas / ragavas ‘flat sledge’, derived from the Baltic term for ‘horn’: Lithuanian rãgas, Latvian rags ‘horn’, pl. ragi ‘handles of a plough’, Old Prussian ragis [EV] ‘Horn’ (Thomsen 1890: 199, 210–211; SKES 341, 762; Smoczyński 2018: 1051, 1105). 1.1. In Lithuanian there appear two apophonic variants, jūr– and jaur–. 1.1.1. Lithuanian jūra f. ‘sea’, pl. jūros; var. jūria f., pl. jūrios and jūrė² f., pl. jūrės (Smoczyński 2018: 458) reflect Proto-Baltic *jūrā–, *jūriā–, *jūriā– respectively. 1.1.1.1. The first record appears in Bretkūnas’ Lithuanian translation of the New Testament (1579/1580) as the acc. pl. jūres: Bet kaip Ekrutnikai... Walti [bateli] ing Iures nuleido ‘Da aber die Schifffleute... den Kahn niederliessen in das meer’ (ALEW 423). 1.1.2. Lithuanian jáura, jáurė, jáuris ‘wet, heavy, infertile soil; soil with clay’, jáura or jáuras ‘bog, deep water’, adj. jaurùs ‘marshy’, reflect the vṛddhi-type formation *jaurof the root *jūr-, with similar nominal extensions (Smoczyński 2018, 459; Hill, ALEW 423: Das morphologische Verhältnis der tiefstufigen und vollstufigen Bildungen zueinander ist unklar. Es ist möglich, dass der Ablaut verschiedene Stammalternanten des grundsprachlichen Nomens reflektiert. Es ist aber auch nicht auszuschliessen, dass die vollstufige Bildung eine rezente ¹ The corresponding forms of the sg. tantum are attested too: mariã & mãrė (LKŽ VII 858, 848). ² On the derivation of the final –ē from *–iā see Bammesberger 1970. Straipsniai / Articles 31 VÁCLAV BLAŽEK Vṛddhi-Ableitung zum in lit. jūra vorliegenden tiefstufigen Stamm fortsetzt.; Darms 1978: 435–436). The semantic relation between ‘sea’ and ‘marsh’ corresponds with Germanic *mari- ‘sea’ vs. the vṛddhi-formation *mōra- ‘marsh, swamp’ (Darms 1978: 158–166, 435). 1.2. Latvian jūra or jūra ‘sea; great mass of water; lake’, dial. jūre, jūris (ME II 122), Nehrung-Curish jūr(e) f. ‘sea’ (cf. ALEW 423) are derivable from the same Proto-Baltic pattern *jūrā-, *jūriā-, *jūriārespectively, as their Lithuanian counterparts. 1.3.1./2. The corresponding Old Prussian terms appear in two main sources, the Elbing Vocabulary (the only known copy by Peter Holcweßcher is dated to c. AD 1400, but the original should probably be a century older), and the so-called Third Catechism, called Enchiridion (printed AD 1561): Old Prussian luriay [EV 66: ‘Mer’] = nom. pl. m.³ *jūr’ai (Mažiulis 1981: 276; 2013: 319). Old Prussian iūrin ‘sea’ = acc.sg.m.⁴ *jūr’an (Mažiulis 1981: 276; 2013: 319): K III, 67.11: Bhe rikauite kirschą juckans en iūrin ‘vnd Herſchet vber Fich im Meer’. K III, 75.2: bke {= bhe} ſtan pertrinctan Pharao ſen wiſſan ſwaieis en urminan iūrin auſkandinnons ‘Vnd den verſtockten Pharao mit allen den ſeinen im Roten Meer erſeufft’ (Mažiulis 1981: 206, 226; Toporov 1980: 93). 1.4. The forms collected above were projected into Proto-Indo-European by various scholars: 1.4.1. Darms (1978: 435): *iu̯ərovs. Vṛddhi-Ableitung *ieu̯əro-. 1.4.2. Irslinger (NIL 2008: 404–405): *iuHr-aH₂-/–(i)aH₂and *ieuHr-aH₂-. 1.4.3. Petit (2010: 9): *H₁uHrand *H₁euHr-; alternatively *iūr- (with regard to Armenian ȳowr ‘water’). 1.4.4. Hill (ALEW 2015: 423): *iuHr-. 1.4.5. Derksen (2015: 215): *uHr-/*eu̯r-. DOCUMENTATION OF THE BALTIC TOPONYMS 2. The use of these appellatives in Baltic toponymy is also interesting. ³ Petit (2010: 144) sees in –ay the feminine dual in *–āi. ⁴ Trautmann (1910: 349) identified in Old Prussian iūrin the feminine corresponding to the Lithuanian & Latvian counterparts. 32 Acta Linguistica Lithuanica LXXXIV Baltic *jūrā–/–(i)jā– ‘sea’ & *jaurā–/–(i)jā– ‘wet soil, bog, deep water’ 2.1.1. In Lithuania, e.g., the river-names Jūra, Jūrė, Jūrupis are known, and the lake-name Jūr-ežeris (Vanagas 1981: 139), corresponding to the compound appellative jurėžeris ‘very big lake’ (Toporov 1980: 93). 2.1.2. The vṛddhi-formation was also applied in Lithuanian hydronymy: the rivers Jāur-upė, Jāuros upėlis, Jauryklà, Jaur̃š, Jaurìukas (Vanagas 1981: 134). 2.2. In Latvia there are also toponyms formed from these appellatives: the meadow Jūra, and the forests Jūras-mežs, Jūr-bierž etc. (Vanagas 1981: 139). 2.3. On the southern border of the territory of the historical Yotvingians the river called Jura was known (1426, 1428 Jura, 1432, 1540, 1565 Jura), today Bronówka, the right tributary of the Narew River (Rozwadowski 1948: 125; cf. also Przybytek 1993: 91–92 about the place-names of the same origin). Udolph (1990: 128–130) correctly mentioned that the Baltic root *jūrshould have been transformed into Slavic / Polish +Jyra and further +Jira. The form Jura in Slavic milieu indicates a primary Pre-Slavic source of the type *jaur-, which is really attested (see §1.1.2.). 2.4. In the basin of the Moskva River, the tributary of the Oka, there are two gorges called Jurin, which can be etymologized with help of Lithuanian jaurýnas ‘marshy place’ (Otkupščikov 2004: 91). 2.5. The first written record of a possible derivative of the Baltic root *jūro in some hypothetical West Baltic dialect could be identified in the toponym Ἰούρουνον, attested in the so-called manuscript Rᵗ of “Geography” by Ptolemy [2.11.27.] from the middle of the 2nd cent. CE under the coordinates [μδ′L′, νς′] = [44°30′, 55°00′], i.e., to the west of the mouth of the Vistula river [με′, νς′] = [45°00′, 56°00′] and to the east of the mouth of the Viadua River [μβ′L′, νς′] = [42°30′, 56°00′] and from the mouth of the Suevus River [λθ′L′, νς′] = [39°30′, 56°00′] (see Ptolemy 2.11.3.). Let us mention that the alternative record is Οὐίρουνον with coordinates [μ′L′, νε′] = [40°30′, 55°00′], which shift it to the west, between the mouths of the rivers Viadua and Suebus (see Cuntz 1923: 66). Accepting the form Ἰούρουνον, it is possible to analyze it as the Baltic root *jūr-, plus the suffix *-ūn-, which appears, e.g., in the Prussian river-name Raudune (1316), without the suffix in the Lithuanian river-name Raudà, both from the adj. of the type Lithuanian raūdas ‘reddish’; similarly in the Old Prussian lake-name Sirgun vs. sirgis ‘stallion’; Lithuanian Dumblūnai : dumblas ‘marsh’ (Gerullis 1922: 139, 254). Straipsniai / Articles 33 VÁCLAV BLAŽEK PROBABLE BALTIC BORROWINGS INTO FENNO-PERMIC 3. Remarkable are probable borrowings of both the Baltic variants, *jūr- & *jaur-, into Fenno-Permic *jūrz ‘deep place in water’ and Fenno-Volgaic *järwä ‘lake’ respectively. 3.1. Fenno-Permic *jūrz ‘deep place in water’ (UEW 635–36; SKES 128–29) > Finnish jyrä ‘Bach mit steilen Ufern, steil abfallender Kanal, Brunnen’, jyrämä ‘kleinerer Wasserfall, Wasserstrudel’; Saami jârem ‘slight widening of a river’ (N), L jårre ‘kleiner Talkessel, tiefes Loch, tiefer Kolk in einem See oder Fluß’, L jaŕem ‘kleiner Talkessel mit reicher Vegetation; kleine runde Ausbuchtung in einem Fluß oder einem Bach’, Ko. Not. jērem ‘tiefe Stelle im Wasser (bes. unterhalb eines Wasserfalls)’ (> Finnish dial. järämä ‘kleiner Wasserfall’; Udmurt jer ‘tiefe Stelle (im Wasser), Tiefe, Strudel’, Komi jir (S P) ‘tiefe Stelle im Fluß oder See’ (S), ‘Vertiefung; tief (bes. von Wasser, auch z.B. v. einer Grube’ (P), PO jör ‘tiefe Stelle (im Wasser)’. 3.2. Fenno-Volgaic *järwä ‘lake’ (UEW 633; SKES 132) > Finnish järvi, Vote jarvi, Estonian järv ‘lake’; Saami N jaw’re Jule jau’re, T jāvre, Kld. jąvr, Not. javr id., Mokša Mordvin (j)ɛŕ-k’é, Erzya ɛŕ-k’é ‘id., pond’, Mari KB jär, U B jer ‘lake’ (Būga 1959: 273; Rozwadowski 1948: 127; Toporov 1980: 97; Baltic > Fenno-Volgaic; Bednarczuk 1976: 48: Fenno-Volgaic > Baltic). The metathesis of sonorants is regular in borrowings of Baltic origin, cf. e.g. (a) Finnish karva ‘hair’, Estonian karv ‘id., color’ < Lithuanian gaūras ‘hair on the body of an animal’, Latvian gauri pl. ‘pubic hair’ (Thomsen 1890: 171; SKES 166–167; Fraenkel 1962/1965: 140); (b) Finnish tarvas ‘roe, elk’, Estonian tarvas ‘bull-elk, aurochs’ < Lithuanian taũras ‘aurochs, bull’, Prussian tauris ‘bison’ (Thomsen 1890: 228–229; SKES 1240–1241). 4. It seems that there is only a single secure cognate within Indo-European, namely Armenian jōwr ‘water’, gen.sg. jṙoy, inst.sg. jōwrb, gen. pl. jōwrc‘, jṙoc‘ (Meillet 1936: 52; Solta 1960: 320–322; Džaukjan 1967: 220; Schmitt 1981: 70; Olsen 1999: 50, 662, 674, 787, 855; o-/consonant-stem). 4.1. Meillet (1936: 52), followed by Džaukjan (1967: 221–222) and Martirosyan (2010: 556; in his etymological dictionary the lemma jōwr ‘water’ is surprisingly missing), cite yet another example of the development of *i- > Armenian j-, namely Armenian jān ‘zeal, effort, labour’, vs. Greek ζῆλος, Doric ζᾶλος ‘zeal, emulation, jealousy’, further Armenian dial. (Suć‘ava) glxi janal ‘to do harm, damage’ vs. Greek ζημία ‘loss, damage, penalty’, Young Avestan auua-iiā- ‘penance’. Džaukjan (1967: 222) added the comparison of Armenian 34 Acta Linguistica Lithuanica LXXXIV Baltic *jūrā–/–(i)jā̄– ‘sea’ & *jaurā–/–(i)jā̄– ‘wet soil, bog, deep water’ jōv ‘shoot, sprout’ vs. Vedic yā́vasa– ‘grass, pasture’, besides yā́va– ‘Getreide, Gerste, Hirse’; cf. Greek φυτί–ζοος ‘Getreide hervorbringend’, Lithuanian javaĩ ‘Getreide’ etc. (Pokorny 1959: 512). 4.2. Alexander Nikolaev (p.c., April 3, 2021) drew my attention to a hypothetical cognate of Baltic *jur– ‘sea’, which he sees in Greek Εὔοος ‘{God of} Southeast wind’ [Od. 5.295, 331; 19.205]. The existing etymologies are not convincing: Curtius (1879: 398) connected it with the verb εὔω ‘to singe’ < *H₁eus– ‘to burn’ (Beekes 2010: 486), but it does not agree with the epithet ὑγρὸς ‘wet, moist, watery, fluid; weak, soft’ of this wind, mediated by Scholia to Odyssey [5.295]. Kaibel (1885: 614) developed the ancient idea of connection with Greek αὔρα ‘breeze, fresh air’, related to ἀχύ ‘mist, haze, clouds’ < *H₂eus–ēr (Beekes 2010: 27, 171–172), but the initial diphthongs ευ– and αυ– are incompatible. A new etymology could consist in the semantic opposition between Ionic Βορέης, Attic Βοῤῥᾶς, Lesbian Βορίας, ‘North wind’, by Aristotle Βορέας καὶ ἀπαρκτίας, and Εὔρος ‘Southeast wind’. If Βορέας as a hypothetical ‘wind of the mountains’ hides a petrified IE word *guorH– ‘mountain’ (cf. Beekes 2010: 227), it is tempting to speculate that Εὔρος, bringing wetness, could be connected with a ‘sea’, perhaps ‘wind from the sea in southeast’. It remains to explain differences in the initial position. 4.2.1. Petit’s reconstruction *H₁euHr– and Derksen’s *eu’r– seem to be compatible with Greek Εὔρος, but not with Armenian jōwr ‘water’, while Irslinger’s reconstruction *iuHr–/*ieuHr– = Darms’ *iuəro–/*ieuəro– is compatible with Armenian jōwr ‘water’. Let us judge whether they are compatible also with Greek Εὔρος. In Greek, there are two continuants of IE *j–, namely ζ– and h– (spiritus asper) – see Schwyzer 1939: 303; Lejeune 1972: 165–166. But psilosis operated in Ionic and Aeolic, by which spiritus asper was replaced by spiritus lenis, e.g. εἰνατέες pl. ‘wife of the husband’s brother’ [Il.], sg. ἐνάτης [inscr.; Anatolia] < *(H)ienH₂–ter–, with cognates in Sanskrit yatar–, Armenian ner, Latin ianitrīcēs ‘wives of brothers’, Old Lithuanian jentė ‘brother’s wife, sister-in-law’, Old Church Slavonic [G1 Meth] jǫtry ‘sister-in-law’ (Beekes 2010: 389; Smoczyński 2018: 447; Valčáková, ESJS 5: 292–293). It means, Greek Εὔρος is also derivable from *ieuHr–. POSSIBLE BALKAN HYDRONYMIC COUNTERPARTS 5. Outside the Baltic toponymical area, there are further toponyms which suggest themselves as possibly related. Straipsniai / Articles 35 VÁCLAV BLAŽEK 5.1. In the territory of historical Thracia Pliny the Elder⁵ recorded two hydronyms, Zyras, today perhaps Batovska reka in Dobrudža (Detschew 1957: 196), and Iuras, today perhaps the South Bulgarian river Karaagač (‘black tree’ in Turkish), known also as Kitenska reka (Beševliev apud Janakieva 2009: 77), which are more or less promising candidates for relation with the Baltic–Armenian isogloss. 5.1.1. Tomaschek (1894: 98) connected Zyras (he wrote Ζύρας & Ζούρας) with Armenian ǰowr ‘water’, but located the river in the neighbourhood of Thynias, where Pliny had located the Iuras River. Maybe Tomaschek implicitly judged that both of the hydronyms are identical, although their geographic locations were determined differently by Pliny (cf. Janakieva 2009: 70–71). Let us mention that Duridanov (1969: 34) thought that Zyras was a Dacian hydronym and connected it with the Lithuanian river-name Žiūrà etc. ⁵ Plinius, Naturalis Historia 4.44–45: ⁴⁴namque thracia altero latere a pontico litore incipiens, ubi hister amnis emergitur, vel pulcherrimas in ea parte urbes habet, histropolitan milesiorum, tomos, callatim, quae antea cerbatis vocabatur, heracleam: habuit et bizonen terrae hiatu raptam; nunc habet dionysopolim, crunor antea dictam; addit zyras amnis. totum eum tractum scythae aroteres cognominati tenuere. eorum oppida aphrodisias, libistos, zygere, rhocoboe, eumenia, parthenopolis, gerania, ubi pygmaeorum gens fuisse proditur; catizos barbari vocabant, creduntque a gruibus fugatos. ⁴⁵in ora a dionysopoli est odessus milesiorum, flumen pannysis, oppidum ereta, naulochus. mons haemus, vasto iugo procumbens in pontum, oppidum habuit in vertice aristaeum; nunc in ora mesembria, anchialum, ubi messa fuerat. astice regio habuit oppidum anthium; nunc est apollonia. flumina panisos, iuras, tearus, orosines; oppida thynias, halmydesos, develton cum stagno, quod nunc deutum vocatur veteranorum, phinopolis, iuxta quam bosporos. Plinius Secundus: Naturalis Historia, ed. by G. Winkler, 1988. ‘The other side of Thrace now begins, on the coast of the Euxine, where the river Ister discharges itself; and it is in this quarter perhaps that Thrace possesses the finest cities, Histropolis, namely, founded by the Milesians, Tomi, and Callatis, formerly called Acervertis. It also had the cities of Heraclea and Bizone, which latter was swallowed up by an earthquake; it now has Dionysopolis, formerly called Cruni, which is washed by the river Zyras. All this country was formerly possessed by the Scythians, surnamed Aroteres; their towns were, Aphrodisias, Libistos, Zygere, Rocobe, Eumenia, Parthenopolis, and Gerania, where a nation of Pygmies is said to have dwelt; the barbarians used to call them Cattuzi, and entertain a belief that they were put to flight by cranes. Upon the coast, proceeding from Dionysopolis, is Odessus, a city of the Milesians, the river Panysus, and the town of Tetranaulochus. Mount Hæmus, which, with its vast chain, overhangs the Euxine, had in former times upon its summit the town of Aristaeum. At the present day there are upon the coast Mesembria, and Anchialum, where Messa formerly stood. The region of Astice formerly had a town called Anthium; at the present day Apollonia occupies its site. The rivers here are the Panisos, the Iuras, the Tearus, and the Orosines; there are also the towns of Thynias, Halmydessos, Develton, with its lake, now known as Deultum, a colony of veterans, and Phinopolis, near which last is the Bosporus.’ Pliny the Elder: The Natural History, translated by John Bostock & H. T. Riley, London: Taylor & Francis, 1855. 36 Acta Linguistica Lithuanica LXXXIV Baltic *jūrā–/–(i)jā̄- ‘sea’ & *jaurā–/–(i)jā̄- ‘wet soil, bog, deep water’ 5.1.2. Duridanov (1969: 34–35) and Georgiev (1977: 82) compared Iuras with Baltic *jūr- ‘sea’. A HYPOTHETICAL ORONYMICAL COUNTERPART 6. It is tempting to speculate about the relationship of the oronym Mons Jura, i.e., the Jura Mountains in contemporary western Switzerland and eastern France, which form the northwestern shore of the biggest and deepest lake of Western Europe, Lake Geneva (580 km²; 310 m). Already in the first ancient source where the Jura Mountains were mentioned, in ‘Gallic War’ by Caesar, the height of the Jura Mountains was stressed: altera ex parte monte Iura altissimo⁶ ‘on a second side by the Jura, a very high mountain’ [1.2.3.] or inter montem Iuram et flumen Rhodanum, ... mons autem altissimus impendebat⁷ ‘between Mount Jura and the river Rhone ... there was, moreover, a very high mountain overhanging’ [1.6.1.]. The oronym Jura is continued in some dialectisms from the French-Swiss borderland (FEW V, 82–83): Old Neuchâtel (1297) jour ‘forest’, Montana ⁶ Caesar: De bello Gallico 1.2.3: Id hoc facilius iīs persuasit, quod undique loci natura Helvetii continerentur: una ex parte flumine Rheno latissimo atque altissimo, qui agrum Helvetium a Germanis dividit; altera ex parte monte Iura altissimo, qui est inter Sequanos et Helvetios; tertia lacu Lemanno et flumine Rhodano, qui provinciam nostram ab Helvetiis dividit. ‘To this he the more easily persuaded them, because the Helvetii, are confined on every side by the nature of their situation; on one side by the Rhine, a very broad and deep river, which separates the Helvetian territory from the Germans; on a second side by the Jura, a very high mountain, which is [situated] between the Sequani and the Helvetii; on a third by the Lake Geneva, and by the river Rhone, which separates our Province from the Helvetii.’ ⁷ Caesar: De bello Gallico 1.6.1–2: ¹Erant omnino itinera duo, quibus itineribus domo exire possent: unum per Sequanos, angustum et difficile, inter montem Iuram et flumen Rhodanum, vix qua singuli carri ducerentur, mons autem altissimus impendebat, ut facile perpauci prohibere possent; ²alterum per provinciam nostram, multo facilius atque expeditius, propterea quod inter fines Helvetiorum et Allobrogum, qui nuper pacati erant, Rhodanus fluit isque non nullis locis vado transitur. ‘There were in all two routes, by which they could go forth from their country one through the Sequani narrow and difficult, between Mount Jura and the river Rhone by which scarcely one wagon at a time could be led; there was, moreover, a very high mountain overhanging, so that a very few might easily intercept them; the other, through our Province, much easier and freer from obstacles, because the Rhone flows between the boundaries of the Helvetii and those of the Allobroges, who had lately been subdued, and is in some places crossed by a ford.’ C. Julius Caesar: De bello Gallico, ed. by T. Rice Holmes, Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1914. C. Julius Caesar: Gallic War, translated by W. A. McDevitte & W. S. Bohn, New York: Harper & Brothers, 1869. Straipsniai / Articles 37 VÁCLAV BLAŽEK žur, Chamonix ður id., Neuchâtel joux ‘forêt, surtout forêt de montagne’, jorat ‘petite forêt; lieu plein de broussailles’, Vionnaz dzorá ‘petite forêt de sapins’, besides Middle Latin (Savoy) joria ‘Bergwald’ etc. 6.1. The semantic connection between the meanings ‘deep’ and ‘high’ should not be surprising. 6.1.1. E.g. Latin altus means both ‘high’ (originally ‘grown’, if it is derived from alo ‘to nourish, increase’) and ‘deep’, cf. sub ramis arboris altae [Cicero, Tusculanae disputationes 3.19.44] or altis de montibus [Ovidius, Metamorphoses 3.181] vs. altissima flumina [Cicero, Tusculanae disputationes 3.6.13] or altior aqua [Caesar, Bellum civile 3.77]. Remarkable is the syntagm ‘high sea’, used already in archaic texts as IN ALTOD MARID PVCNandod [Columna Duilii = CIL 25; see Wachter 1987: 359–60] or tu qui permensus ponti maria alta velivola [Livius Andronicus apud Macrobius, Saturnalia 6.5.10]. 6.1.2. On the other hand, Tocharian A täp- ‘to become high’, besides A tpär, B tapre ‘high’, reflecting *dʰubro-, are derivatives of the root *dʰeubʰ- ‘to be deep’, cf. Brittonic *dubno- > Welsh dwfn, Cornish down, Breton doun ‘deep’; Gothic diups, Old Norse djúpr, Old English dēop, Old Saxon diop, Old High German tiof ‘deep’; Lithuanian dubùs ‘deep; with a hollow (of a tree); concave, collapsed’, besides daubà ‘gorge, gulch, forest ravine’, Old Prussian [EV] padауbis ‘valley’; note also ro-less Tocharian A top, B taupe ‘mine’ (Adams 2013: 296, 330; Smoczyński 2018: 199–200, 256–257). It is tempting to add the sigmatic extension in Cuneiform Luvian dupša-⁸ in the formulation al-ta-an-ni-iš \ Du-up-ša-aš ‘the spring Dupša-’ [KBo II 7 Vo. 25] (Starke 1990: 175; Melchert 1993: 235). Further r-derivatives are also known outside Tocharian: Lithuanian dubrà ‘ravine in a forest’, dubrỹs ‘dent, hollow, ravine; depths in a river or lake’, Latvian dubra ‘mud, quagmire’, Church Slavonic (Russian redaction) dъbъrъ ‘φάραγξ, ravine, gorge’, Slovak dial. debra ‘ditch washed out by storm water; ravine, gully, hole’, Ukrainian dial. débра ‘ravine, gorge, valley’, Belorussian dial. dziеbra ‘valley between mountains; stream, creek between mountains’ etc. (Smoczyński 2018: 256); Celtic *dubρο- ‘water’ > Old Irish dobr, Middle Welsh dw(f)r, Welsh dŵr, Cornish & Middle Breton dour id., Old Brittonic Dubris [Itinerarium Antonini], today Dover, Gaulish *dubra > Douvres, or today Tauber in the German region Tauber-gau (Dubra-gaue AD 807), etc. (Hamp 1972: 233–237; Matasović 2009: 107; Greule 2014: 529; Delamarre 2018: 152). The gloss δύβρις · κατὰ γλῶσσον θάλασσα [sch. Theoc. 1.118c] undoubtedly belongs here too, although its language affiliation is open; the favourite has been Illyrian (Beekes 2010: 358). The meaning ‘sea’ also supports another derivative of the same root, Albanian det, Italo-Albanian dejt, ⁸ The corresponding s-stem could be found in the name of one of Lithuanian lakes, Būdasas, usually derived from *dubasas (Vanagas 1981: 93). 38 Acta Linguistica Lithuanica LXXXIV Baltic *jūrā−/−(i)jā− ‘sea’ & *jaurā−/−(i)jā− ‘wet soil, bog, deep water’ dejet, if it continues the protoform *dʰeubetā, corresponding to Proto-Germanic *deupipō ‘depth’ > Gothic diupiba, Old Norse dýpt, Old Saxon diupitha, Middle Low German dēpede, Middle Dutch diepde, etc. (Orel 1998: 61). 6.1.3. If Iura originally designated ‘mountain forest’, judging from the Romance dialectisms like Old Neuchâtel (1297) jour ‘forest’, Montana zür, Chamonix our id., Neuchâtel joux ‘forêt, surtout forêt de montagne’, jorat ‘petite forêt; lieu plein de broussailles’, Vionnaz dzorá ‘petite forêt de sapins’, bes ides Middle Latin (Savoy) joria ‘Bergwald’ etc. (FEW V 82–83), the primary semantics of the root forming Iura may also be ‘high’. There is another Gaulish oronym with probable parallel semantic motivation, the Forest of Arduenna: in silvam Arduennam or per Arduennam silvam [Caesar, BG 5.3.4, 6.29.4] and Ἀρδουέννα ὕλη [Strabo 4.3.5⁹]. It is generally accepted that this oronym is derived from the stem *arduo- ‘high’, cf. Old Irish ard ‘high, big’, Welsh ardd ‘hill’, but the Ardennes Mountains are not characterized by their height (the highest peak is Signal de Botrange – 692 m), but by vast forests. Judging from Latin arbor ‘tree’, arbustum ‘wood’, derivable from *H₃r̥dʰ-os ‘height, uprightness’ (de Vaan 2008: 50), or Czech strom ‘tree’, derived from strmý ‘steep’, besides Polish strom ‘steep slope’ vs. stromy ‘steep’ (Rejzek 2015: 666), the Arduenna probably designated ‘forest’, consisting of tall trees. Accepting this idea, it is possible to speculate about a similar semantic motivation for the oronym Iura, from the hypothetical adj. *jūro- ‘high, full-grown’ through its substantivisation into ‘tree’ to the collective *jūrā ‘forest’. ⁹ ὕλη γάρ ἐστιν οὐχ ὑψηλῶν δένδρων πολλὴ μὲν οὐ τοσαύτη δὲ ὅσην οἱ συγγραφεῖς εἰρήκασι, τετρακισχιλίων σταδίων, καλοῦσι δ’ αὐτὴν Ἀρδουένναν· κατὰ δὲ τὰς πολεμικὰς ἐφόδους συμπλέκοντες τὰς τῶν θάμνων λύγους βατώδεις οὔσας ἀπέφρακτον τὰς παρόδους· ἔστι δ’ ὅπου καὶ σκόλοπας κατέπηττον, αὐτοὶ δὲ κατέδυνον εἰς τὰ βάθη πανoίκιοι, νησίδια ἔχοντες ἐν τοῖς ἕλεσι: Strabo: Geographica, ed. A. Meineke, Leipzig: Teubner, 1877. ‘It consists of a forest filled with low trees; of great extent, but not near so large as writers have described it, viz. 4000 stadia. It is named Arduenna. In the event of warlike incursions the inhabitants would interweave the flexible brambly shrubs, thus stopping up the passages [into their country]. They also fixed stakes in various places, and then retreated with their whole families into the recesses of the forest, to small islands surrounded by marshes.’ Strabo: The Geography, translated by H. C. Hamilton & W. Falconer, London: George Bell & Sons, 1903. Straipsniai / Articles 39 VÁCLAV BLAŽEK RELATION BETWEEN *i̯uHr–/*i̯euHr– AND *uH₁r–/*u̯eH₁r– ‘WATER’? 7. It is legitimate to ask whether there is any relation between *iuHr–/*ieuHr– discussed above and IE *uHr–/*ueH₁r– ‘water’¹⁰. 7.1. Petit’s reconstruction *H₁euHr– (§1.4.3.) is probably compatible with both Baltic *jūr– ‘sea’ and IE *uH₁r–/*ueH₁r– ‘water’, if these forms are reinterpreted as *H₁uH₁r–/*H₁ueH₁r–, but not with Armenian jōwr ‘water’ (§4.2.1.). 7.2. A feasible way out could be to analyze *iuHr–/*ieuHr– as a compound consisting of *iu–/*ieu– + *uH₁r–. The first component seems to be related to one of two homonymous roots: 7.2.1. *ieu– (< *H₁i̯-eu–¹¹ – see EWAI II 420) ‘to move’ > Khotan Saka gyūna–, jūna– ‘movement, gait; times’, Pashto yun, pl. yānə ‘movement, gait, step’, besides Avestan yaona–, if it meant ‘way’ instead of the traditional translation ‘place’, and Vedic yóni–, if it meant ‘route, abode’ (ESIJ 4: 94–95; NEVP 100; Bailey 1979: 112; Lubotsky 1988: 38). 7.2.2. *ieu– ‘to separate’ > Vedic yúcchati ‘hält sich fern, trennt sich’, conj. ví yāvanta ‘werden trennen’ etc., yutā-dveṣas– ‘delivered from enemies’ (LIV 314; EWAI 2: 403–04; Turner 1966: #10442, 10497; MW 848, 852–53); Young Avestan yūtā– ‘separated’; Middle Persian: Manichaean jwd̄y, Buddhist ywdt ‘separated, divided’, Parthian ywd ‘separate (from); without’; Modern Persian jūdā, Baluchi jītā, Zazaki jīyā, Qohrudi yadā ‘separate’; Pashto byal ‘separate, different, apart’ etc. (Cheung 2007: 215–16). 7.2.3. There is a specific Indo-Iranian term *iau(i)iā– designating ‘water-course’, continuing in Vedic yāvyā– ‘stream, river, channel’ [RV 8.98.8], Ashkun yo ‘streamlet’, Kati yū id. etc.; Old Persian yau̯viyā– ‘channel’, Zoroastrian Pahlavi ywd /jōy/, Modern Persian jō(i) id., Parachi žī ‘rivulet’ (EWAI 2: 405; ESIJ 4: 118–19; Turner 1966: #10442). The water-courses have been moving, as e.g. Bailey (1979: 112) mentioned (cf. §7.2.1.), but they can also separate their shores, as e.g. Turner (1966: #10442) proposed (cf. §7.2.2.). The same may be said about a sea too. That is why the hypothetical compound ¹⁰ Vedic vār–, Young Avestan vāra– ‘rain’; Cuneiform Luvian wā́rsa ‘water’; Latin ūrinārī ‘to dip’, Old English wær ‘sea’, Old Norse vá́ri ‘liquid, water’, úr ‘wetness, moisture’; Old Prussian wurs ‘pond’ etc. (NIL 715–17). ¹¹ The form *H₁ieu– represents the extension of the root *H₁ei̯– ‘to go’ (LIV 232–233) like *sreu̯– ‘to flow’ (LIV 588) vs. *ser– > Vedic sar– ‘to run, hurry’, Pali sarati ‘moves’; Sogdian hrt ‘went’, Kurdish har ‘to go’ (EWAI 2: 705–706; Blažek 2018: 74–76). 40 Acta Linguistica Lithuanica LXXXIV Baltic *jūrā-/- (i)jā̄- ‘sea’ & *jaurā-/- (i)jā̄- ‘wet soil, bog, deep water’ *iu–/*ieu– + *uH₁r– is interpretable in two alternative ways: (i) ‘moving water’; (ii) ‘water which separates’. 7.2.4. The following question is, if the same compound is applicable to the Gaulish oronym *Jurā? 7.2.4.1. Maybe it looks paradoxical, but the compound *iu–/*ieu– + *uH₁r– with the hypothetical meaning ‘moving water’ could really serve to designate mountains, since it is just mountains where sources of rivers are located. In the territories where the Slavic languages are spoken, there are several mountains called Tok, i.e., ‘stream’. Similar ‘water’-etymologies can be proposed for such mountains as Mons Abnоbae [Plinius the Elder, Naturalis historiae 4.79], today Schwarzwald, where is situated the source of the Danube. The oronym can represent the Latin adaptation of Gaulish *moni̯os abnobi or later *abnobe ‘range [rich in] rivers’. Another example can be the mythical Avestan mountain Harā–/Haraitī–, whose highest peak named Hū̆kairiia– is a home of the goddess Arduui Sūrā Anāhita, ruling all the waters [Yašt 5.121; 10.50; 10.88; 12.23–25] (Blažek & Šefčík 2011: 239–49). In the Jura Mountains there are sources of several rivers, belonging to the basins of the Rhône and Rhine rivers: Ain (→ Rhône), Allaine (→ Doubs → Rhône), Birs (→ Rhine), Doubs (→ Saône → Rhône), Loue (→ Doubs → Rhône), Orbe (→ Thielle → Rhine), Seille (→ Saône → Rhône), Venoge (→ Lake Geneva → Rhône). 7.2.4.2. The second semantic interpretation, ‘water which separates’, is apparently not applicable to mountains. But there is at our disposal the modified compound *iu–/*ieu– + *H₂(o)r–, where the second component can be identified in Continental Celtic: Cis-Alpine Gaulish *orom-bouui *{of} mountains-dwellers¹², reconstructed on the basis of various variants of the Latin gen. pl.: Oromobiorum / Orumboviorum / Orumbioiorum / Oromobiorum (Meid 1996: 13); Celtiberian [Peñalba de Villastar] *oros- (s-stem) in the syntagm eni.orosei̯ on/ ¹² See the interpretation documented by Pliny, Naturalis historiae 3.124–125: oromobiorum stirpis esse comum atque bergomum et licini forum aliquotque circa populos auctor est cato, sed originem gentis ignorare se fatetur, quam docet cornelius alexander ortam a graecia interpretatione etiam nominis vitam in montibus degentium. in hoc situ interiit oppidum oromobiorum parra, unde bergomates cato dixit ortos, etiamnum prodente se altius quam fortunatius situm. ‘From Cato we also learn that Comum, Bergomum, and Liciniforum, and some other peoples in the vicinity, originated with the Orombouii, but he admits that he is ignorant as to the origin of that nation. Cornelius Alexander however informs us that they came from Greece, interpreting their name as meaning "those who live upon the mountains." In this district, Parra has disappeared, a town of the Orombouii, from whom, according to Cato, the people of Bergomum are descended; its site even yet shows that it was situate in a position more elevated than fruitful.’ Pliny the Elder: The Natural History, translated by John Bostock & H.T. Riley, London: Taylor & Francis, 1855. Straipsniai / Articles 41 VÁCLAV BLAŽEK in mountain’, i.e. ‘montanus’, as the epithet of the god Lugus (Meid 1996: 13). Related can be the word for ‘limit, boundary’ in Insular Celtic: Middle Irish or m. ‘limit, boundary, extreme’ (DIL O–149); Old Welsh (9ᵗʰ c.) or, Modern Welsh ŏr ‘limit, boundary, coast, margin, brink, brim, bank, edge’ (GPC), Cornish or f., pl. oryon, Old Breton orion gl. ‘oram’, Middle Breton euryen ‘bord d’une fontaine’ (LEIA II 26; Pedersen I: 207; II: 51). Extra-Celtic cognates are e.g. Greek ὄρος ‘mountain, height’ [Il. 14.227; Od. 5.279], ὀρέστερος ‘living in the mountains, consisting of mountains’ [Il. 22.93; Od. 10.212]; Hittite haršar/haršn- ‘head, person, front, beginning’ < *H₃ersr̥, gen. *H₃r̥snós (Kloekhorst 2008: 314–315); Old Avestan arašūua-, Vedic r̥ṣvā- ‘high’ (EWAI 1: 262). In this case, the compound *iu–/*ieu– + *H₃(o)r– + coll. *–eH₂ > Gaulish *Jūrā would mean *‘mountains which separate’, probably for both, their slopes and forests. CONCLUSION 8. The preceding partial analyses allow the formulation of the following conclusions: 8.1. In Baltic, we find two quasi-synonyms designating ‘sea’, *jūra–, *jūr(i)ia–id. and *mar(i)iā– ‘sea, bay, lagoon’. If the latter term designated ‘shallow sea’¹³, the first one should have meant originally ‘deep sea’. 8.2. The Lithuanian v̥rddhiformation jáura, jáurė, jáuris ‘wet, heavy, infertile soil; soil with clay’, jáura or jáuras ‘bog, deep water’ can be connected with Common Baltic *jūr- ‘sea’ in semantic perspective through the meaning ‘deep water’ with regard to the traditional perception of bogs as bottomless. 8.3. The hydronyms Jura (Narew basin) & Jurin (Oka basin) are situated far from any sea and that is why their primary meanings should be ‘deep (water)’ or ‘marsh(y)’. The same can be proposed for the toponym Ἰούρουνον, which was located by Ptolemy south of the Baltic Sea coast. Perhaps it designated a 13 Originally ‘sea’ in general, widespread in the ‘Old European’ area: Latin mare ‘sea(-water)’; Gaulish more ‘mare’ [Glossary of Vienne], Old Irish muir, Welsh mōr ‘sea’; Gothic marei ‘sea’, mari-saiws ‘lake’, Old Norse marr ‘sea’, Old High German mari, meri ‘sea, lake’; Old Church Slavonic morje ‘sea’. The primary meaning ‘sea’ in Baltic is confirmed by the Baltic loan in Balto–Finnic *mere ‘sea’ discussed above (§1). Outside this area there are less safe cognates with rather different semantics: Hittite marmar(a)-, mammara- ‘waterlogged woodland, overgrown swamp, wetland, slough, moor, marsh’ (Puhvel 2004: 79–80); Armenian mawr ‘swamp’ (*mamr- < ?*mar mr-, although it could alternatively be connected with Lithuanian máuras ‘slime, ooze, mud’ etc. – see Džaukjan, Saradževa, Arutjunjan 1983: 128); Ossetic mal ‘stagnant water’ < *māria– (Gamkrelidze, Ivanov 1984: 673, 943). 42 Acta Linguistica Lithuanica LXXXIV Baltic *jūrā–/–(i)iā̄- ‘sea’ & *jaurā–/–(i)iā̄- ‘wet soil, bog, deep water’ village by some deep lake in the Kashubian Lake District (Pojezierze Kaszubskie), e.g., Jezioro Wdzydze: 14,55 km²; 69,5 m; or in the Drawsko Lake District (Pojezierze Drawsko), e.g., Jezioro Drawsko: 19,56 km²; 79,7 m. 8.4. If Fenno-Permic *jürs ‘deep place in water’ and Fenno-Volgaic *järwä ‘lake’ represent adaptations of Baltic *jūrā–/–(i)iā̄ ‘sea’ & *jaurā–/–(i)iā̄- ‘bog, deep water’ respectively, they may reflect the more primary meanings, maybe ‘deep water’ generally and ‘deep water reservoir’. 8.5. The hypothetical Pre-Baltic *jūr- ‘deep water’ is compatible with Armenian յowr ‘water’ and Greek Εὔρος ‘{God of} Southeast wind’. Their common protoform was more probably *iuHr-/ *ieuHrby Irslinger than *H₁euHrby Petit or *eu’rby Derksen. 8.6. Both hydronyms from Eastern Thracia recorded by Pliny, Juras and Zyras, could be related, if they belonged either to deep or marshy rivers. 8.7. The oronym Jura refers to mountains characterized by a very steep slope towards the Lake Geneva. It may therefore well be of the same origin. The connection of the meanings ‘deep’ and ‘high’ is discussed in §6.1.2. Adams (2013: 296) adds: ‘what is deep when viewed from above may be taken as high when viewed from below’. 8.8. The legitimate question, if *iuHr–/*ieuHr– represents an old compound consisting of *uH₁r- ‘water’, can be answered positively, if the first component is identified as the verb *ieu– (i) ‘to move’ or (ii) ‘to separate’. The idea of ‘moving water’ is applicable to the seas, rivers and even to mountains too, if they are the locations of river sources. The alternative idea of ‘separating water’ is also applicable to the seas and rivers, but probably not to mountains. In the case of the Jura mountains, reflecting probably Proto-Celtic *jūrā, there could be in play the alternative compound *iu–/*ieu– + *H₃(o)r- + *–eH₂– ‘*mountains which separate’. It is necessary to stress that the acceptance of the compound with one of these semantic interpretations makes irrelevant the speculations about ‘deep’ vs. ‘high’ discussed above (§6.1.2.). 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Acknowledgement The present study was prepared thanks to the support of the Specific Research Fund of Masaryk University, Nr. 2817. I am grateful to John D. Bengtson and Stefan Zimmer for their comments and correction of English. My thanks also belong to Alexander Nikolaev for his mention of the Greek data and to two anonymous referees for their useful comments. 48 Acta Linguistica Lithuanica LXXXIV Baltic *jūrā–/(i)ijā– ‘sea’ & *jaurā–/(i)ijā– ‘wet soil, bog, deep water’ Baltų *jūrā–/(i)ijā– ‘jūrą’ ir *jaurā–/(i)ijā– ‘šlapias dirvožemis, pelkė, gilus vanduo’ SANTRAUKA Straipsnyje analizuojama proto-baltų šaknis *jūr-. Ji paliudyta lietuvių kalbos žodyje jūra f., pl. jūros; var. jūria f., pl. jūrios ir jūrė f., pl. jūrės ir lat. jūra arba jūra ‘jūra; didelis vandens telkinys; ežeras’, dial. jūre, jūris (ME II 122), kuršininkų jūr(e) f. ‘jūra’. Šios formos atitinkamai gali būti sietinos su proto baltų *jūra–, *jūria–, *jūri̯ā–. S. prūsų lurīay [Elbingo žodynas 66: ‘Mer’] = nom. pl. *jur’ai ir iurin [Enchiridion] ‘jūra’ = acc. sg. *jur’an atspindi protobaltišką formą *jūriā–. Nagrinėjamajai šakniai giminiški ir liet. jūra, jūrė, jūris ‘šlapia, sunki, nederlinga dirva; dirvožemis su moliu’, jūra arba jūrās ‘pelkė, gilus vanduo’, būdvardis jūrus ‘pelkėtas’, atspindintys šaknies *jūr– vṛddhi– darybos tipą *jaur–su panašiais vardžodominiais plėtiniais. Nagrinėjamasis žodis yra gana plačiai paliudytas Lietuvos ir Latvijos hidronimijoje, taip pat ir už rytinio Baltijos regiono teritorijos ribų, pavyzdžiui, Jura (Narevo intakas, pirmasis paminėjimas 1426 m.) ir Jurin (dvi griovos Maskvos upės baseine), pastarasis atitinka liet. jaurýnas ‘pelkėta vieta’. Pirmasis rašytinis galimai baltiškos šaknies *jūro darinio paminėjimas gali būti atpažįstamas vv. ‘loúrquovov’, lokalizuojamo į vakarus nuo Vistula upės žiočių ir į rytus nuo Viadua upės žiočių, kuris fiksuotas vadinamame Ptolemajaus Geografijos rankraštyje Rt [2.11.27.] (II a.). Abu baltų variantus *jūr– & *jaur– pasiskolino Permės finai – *jürs ‘gili vieta vandenyje’ ir Volgos finai – *järwä ‘ežeras’. Kitose indoeuropiečių kalbose patikimai paliudytas tik vienas gimin iškas žodis – armėnų jowr ‘vanduo’. Esama galimybės jį sieti su s. graikų Εὔρος ‘Pietryčių vėjo {dievas}’. Šiuo atveju galima rekonstruoti bendras protoformas *iuHr– ir *ieuHr–. Pateikiamos ir dvi perspektyvios Plinijaus Vyresniojo iš istorinės Trakijos užrašytos hidroniminės paralelės: Zyras, galbūt dabartinė Batovska reka Dobrudžoje, ir Iuras, dabar galbūt upė Karaagač (Pietų Bulgarija). Problemiškesnis siejimas su galų oronimu Mons Iura. Siūlomas naujas etimologinis sprendimas – formą *iuHr–/*ieuHr– galima analizuoti kaip seną junginį, sudarytą iš *ieu– (i) ‘judėti’ arba (ii) ‘atskirti’ ir *uHr̥– ‘vanduo’. Įteikta 2021 m. kovo 15 d. VÁCLAV BLAŽEK Department of Linguistics and Baltic Studies Masaryk University Nováka 1, CZ–60200 Brno [email protected] Straipsniai / Articles 49