Mapping Indo-European Anatomical Terminology II: Latvian gaļa ‘meat’

VÁCLAV BLAŽEK Masaryk University ORCID id: orcid.org/0000-0002-6797-7188 Fields of research: Baltic & Indo-European etymology and onomastics. DOI: doi.org/10.35321/all89-02 MAPPING INDO-EUROPEAN ANATOMICAL TERMINOLOGY II: LATVIAN GAĻA ‘MEAT’ Indoeuropiečių anatomijos terminijos kartografavimas II: latvių gaļa ‘mėsa’ ANNOTATION The present contribution analyzes Latvian gaļa ‘meat, flesh’ from the point of view of the Indo-European anatomical terminology and identifies its cognates in Old Irish gaile ‘stomach’, ‘Para- Phrygian’ γάλλια ‘intestines’ with the same suffixal derivation in *-io-/*-ieH₂-, and further with Ancient Macedonian γόλα ‘intestines’, Greek χολάδες ‘entrails, guts’, and Slavic *žěĺǫbъkъ / *žęĺǫb(cь) ‘stomach’, all derivable from the anit-root *gh'elor its apophonic variants. Insular Celtic *exs-glasso-/ā- ‘stomach’, if derivable from *eǵʰegʰs-(ǵʰ)(h)l(H)-stH₂o- ‘standing out of *ǵʰ(h)l(H)-’, implies that *ǵʰ(h)l(H)- should belong to a different internal organ, probably ‘gall, bile’, whose designation derivable from the root *ǵʰelh₃- ‘green, yellow’ is attested in several Indo-European branches. The alternative, if γάλλια ‘intestines’ is of Greek origin, is also discussed. KEYWORDS: Latvian, Indo-European, anatomical terminology, word formation, etymology. ANOTACIJA Straipsnyje indoeuropiečių anatomijos terminijos požiūriu analizuojama latvių gaļa ‘mėsa’ ir nustatomi giminiški atitikmenys kitose kalbose: sen. airių gaile ‘skrandis’, ‘parafrigų’ γάλλια ‘žarnos’ su priesaga *-io-/-*–ieH₂-, toliau siejama su sen. makedonų γόλα ‘žarnynas’, Straipsniai / Articles 27 VÁCLAV BLAŽEK graikų žoladės ‘viduriai, žarnos’ ir slavų *želǫdkъ / *želdъ(n)(ь) ‘skrandis’ – visi atitikmenys kildinami iš anịšaknies *gʰelarba jos apofoninių variantų. Salų keltų *exs-glasso- / ā- ‘skrandis’, jei kildinamas iš *eǵʰ s-(ǵʰ)l(H)-stH₂O- ‘išskiriantis iš *ǵʰ(H)-’, implikuoja, kad *ǵʰ(H)- turėtų priklausyti kitam vidaus organui, galbūt ‘tulžiai’, kurios pavadinimas kildinamas iš šaknies *ǵʰelH₃- ‘žalia, geltona’ ir yra paliudytas keliose indoeuropiečių kalbų grupėse. Aptariama ir alternatyva, jei γαλῆια ‘žarnos’ laikomas graikiškos kilmės. ESMINIAI ŽODŽIAI: latvių, indoeuropiečių, anatomijos terminija, žodžių daryba, etimologija. 1. ATTESTATION Latvian gala f. ‘Fleisch (zum Essen bestimmt)’, i.e. ‘meat, flesh (for food)’, with such derivatives as the diminutive galīte, adjectives galāns, galīgs ‘fleischig’, gaļuōts ‘fleischig, mollig, fett’, and the compound gaļēdis ‘Fleischfresser’ (ME I 598; EH I 381–82), stand isolated within Baltic, perhaps with exception of ‘Narewian’ faļa, glossed by Polish mięso ‘meat, flesh’, if the emendation *gaļa is adequate (cf. Zinkevičius 1984: 12). 2. EXISTING ETYMOLOGIES To date, the following etymological attempts have been formulated (in chronological order): 2.1. Sommer (apud ME I 598) thought (with a question mark) about some connection with Slavic *golb ‘bare’, proposing the metaphor ‘naked (meat)’ = ‘raw (meat)’. In Baltic, forms related to Slavic *golb ‘bare’ can be identified in Lithuanian gālyti, gāldau, gāldžiau dial. ‘to wipe, rub, scrub’, nugālyti ‘wipe down, clean’, Latvian galdīt ‘to peel’, representing an intensive verb in –dyti from the lost verb *galyti ‘to skin, peel’ (Smoczyński 2018: 307). On the other hand, as a nominal cognate to Slavic *golb ‘bare’ Latvian gàle ‘eine dünne Eisdecke, Glatteis’ should be mentioned; cf. Russian gólot ‘Eisdecke’ (ME I 617; Pokorny 1959: 349). 2.2. Stuart E. Mann (1984–1987: 312) connected Latvian gala with the formally corresponding Lithuanian galià f. ‘power, strength, importance; health’, which is a transparent deverbal abstract noun in –iā– from the verb galėti, galiù ‘to be able, manage to’; cf. Latvian galēt, –ēju ‘to finish, overcome difficulties, manage, endure’ (Smoczyński 2018: 307–308; IE *gelH– ‘to gain power, authority’ – see LIV² 185–186). Following Holger Pedersen (1909: 51), Mann tried to find support for this semantic difference, comparing Greek 28 Acta Linguistica Lithuanica LXXXIX Mapping Indo-European Anatomical Terminology II: Latvian gala ‘meat’ χῖχυς f. ‘strength, power’ with Welsh cig ‘meat, flesh’; cf. further Middle Welsh (13th cent.) cic, Old Cornish chic gl. ‘caro’, Middle Breton quic, Breton kig (GPC), but the generally accepted cognate of the Brittonic forms, Old Irish cíchl f. ‘female breast’ (DIL C-182), indicates that the primary meaning of this Celtic etymon was rather far from ‘strength’ (Matasović 2009: 204). 2.3. Konstantīns Karulis (1992: 285), the only one who took into account the possible ‘Narewian’ cognate after Zigmas Zinkevičius, also speculated about a relation of gala with Latvian galēt, –ēju ‘to finish, overcome difficulties, manage, endure’, and further with gals ‘end, tip, top’ and dzelt, dzelu, dzelu ‘to prick, sting, bite, burn’ (ME I 541), corresponding to Lithuanian gãlas ‘end, finish, conclusion; death’ and gélti, gẽlia, gélė ‘to sting, prick; bite (of insects, of a viper); sting, hurt violently’ respectively (Smoczyński 2018: 327–328: IE *gʷelH– ‘to pierce, inflict pain’ – see LIV 207). 3. NEW ETYMOLOGY The present study aims to offer an alternative solution based on the comparison with anatomical terms in other IE branches. Let us remember that Latvian preserves some terms inherited from the IE protolanguage, which have no continuants in other Baltic languages, namely e.g. Latvian asins ‘blood’ (ME I 143; Pokorny 1959: 343). There are several promising external cognates: 3.1. Old Irish gaile m. ‘stomach; belly, womb, bowels’ (DIL G-22) is derivable from Proto-Celtic *galioand further from *gl̥ioby Patrizia De Bernardo Stempel (1987: 32, 50, 131; 1999: 208) or *gl̥Hioby Deborah Hayden & David Stifter (2022: § II.5, referring to Zair 2012: 70–77, 89–93). Together with Julius Pokorny (1959: 365), de Bernardo Stempel derives gaile from the verb gelid ‘grazes, consumes’ (DIL G-60). August F. K. Fick (1881: 211) had already connected gelid with Welsh gele ‘leech’, and further with Old High German kela f. ‘throat, gullet, oesophagus, larynx, pharynx; gills’; Latin gula f. ‘throat, gullet’; Sanskrit gala– m. ‘throat’; Armenian klanem ‘I swallow’, aor. e–kowl; Russian goltát’ ‘to gulp’. This chain of comparanda was more or less preserved by Walde & Pokorny I 621; Walde & Hofmann I 625–626; Pokorny 1959: 365. Now it is generally accepted that Sanskrit gala– ‘throat’ is derived from the IE verb *gʷelH₃ ‘to gulp’ (Pokorny 1959: 474; EWAI I 469–470, 476; Küm​​mel LIV 211). Armenian kłō/°kowl, Latin gula and Russian goltát’ are derived from the root *gʷel- ‘to gulp, swallow’ by Martin Kümmel (LIV 192), but in Celtic and Germanic one would expect the initial reflex of *gʷ-, namely *band Straipsniai / Articles 29 VÁCLAV BLAŽEK *kwurespectively. Here Ranko Matasović (2009: 145) prefers the more plausible reconstruction *gleu-. Stefan Schumacher (2000: 57, 70; 2004: 271–272), followed by Kümmel (LIV 217–218) and Nicholas Zair (2012: 188–189), connect Old Irish gelid ‘grazes, consumes’ with the noun gelt f. ‘grazing, feeding’, and further with the Brittonic designation of ‘grass’: Old Welsh (9th cent.) guel, Middle & Modern Welsh gwellt m., Cornish gwels id., Old Breton gueltiocion gl. ‘fenosa’, reconstructing the Proto-Celtic root *gʷel-, implying IE *gʷʰel-, although it would be limited only to Celtic. Matasović (2009: 145) expresses his doubts about the existence of such a root. Let us add that the root of the Brittonic word for ‘grass’ is compatible with Old Norse vǫllr m. ‘Ebene, Feld, Wiese’ (De Vries 1977: 673), independently of the protoform *walþuor *walnu-, and further with Hittite wellu- ‘pasture, meadow’ < *uelnu- (Kloekhorst 2008: 998). Old High German kela f. ‘throat, gullet, oesophagus, larynx, pharynx; gills’, together with Old Saxon kelin the compound kelgirithi n. ‘Genusssucht’, Middle Low German kēle, Old Low Frankish kela f., Middle Dutch kele, Old Frisian kele, Old English ceole f. ‘throat, gullet; ravine, gorge; prow of a ship’ reflect Proto-Germanic *kēlōn- (EWAhd V 451–454). There is still the variant with a different suffixal extension: Old High German kelur m. (i-stem) ‘Kehle, Schlund, Wamme am Hals’, kelura f. (ōn-stem), keluro m. (an-stem) ‘Wamme, herunterhangende Hautfalte am Hals; palear’; ?Old Saxon kelur ‘palear’; Old English ceolor m. ‘throat, gullet’, usually derived from Proto-Germanic *keluz- (EWAhd V 452, 464–465). But Guus Kroonen (2013: 284) modified this reconstruction to *kelurōf., thus reconciling it, with *kelōn-, both members of an original r/n-heteroclitic paradigm. On the other hand, his derivation of *keluro/*kelōnfrom a seeming root *gʷelH₁is not necessary, since the root *gelis quite satisfactory (cf. EWAhd V 452–453). This protoform is also compatible with the extended form *gleupreferred by Matasović (2009: 145), belonging together in the same way as the verbal roots *ser- ‘to run, hurry’ (EWAI II 705–706) vs. *sreu- ‘to flow’ (LIV 588) or *der- ‘zerreissen, zerspringen’ vs. *dreǵ(H)- ‘niederschneiden’ (LIV 119, 129) or *dreH₂- ‘to run, *drem- ‘to run’, implying the primary root *der-, vs. *dreu- ‘to run’ (LIV 127–129) etc. 3.1.1. Hayden & Stifter (2022) extend the Celtic data, adding Old Irish eclas (oor ā-stem) ‘stomach’ (DIL E-40), Modern Irish eaglais ‘a bird’s stomach’ or ‘gizzard’, with their Brittonic counterparts: Welsh glasog ‘gizzard of fowl, crop, kidney’, afu (g)las ‘gizzard’, literally ‘glas-liver’ (GPC); Old Cornish glas gl. ‘stomachus’ (Campanile 1974: 49); Middle Breton elas ‘gizzard’ (Catholicon; Vannetais), ‘liver’ (Liber Vocabulorum), Modern Breton elaz ‘gésier’ (Deshayes 2003: 212) < Common Celtic *eχs-glasso- /ā- < *eǵʰs ‘out of’ + *(ǵ̂)(h)lH-stH₂o-. But de Bernardo Stempel (2023: 19) convincingly demonstrated 30 Acta Linguistica Lithuanica LXXXIX Mapping Indo-European Anatomical Terminology II: Latvian gala ‘meat’ that the sequence *CL̥sC develops through *CaLsC, probably still preserved in Celtiberian, to the metathesized form *CLasC in residual Common Celtic. That is why Common Celtic *eχs-glasso-/āis also derivable from *eǵʰs + *gʷʰl̥-stH₂o-. Both of the Celtic anatomical terms, *galioand *eχs-glasso-/ā-, designated more or less the same internal organ, ‘stomach’. Analyzing their projections back to Proto-Indo-European, *gʷʰl̥(H)io- ‘belonging to *gʷʰl̥(H)-’ and *eǵʰs-s-(gʷʰl̥)(H)-stH₂o- ‘out of *(gʷʰl̥)(H)-’ respectively, it is rather difficult to understand that both the formations would have the same meaning, if *(ǵʷ)(h)l̥- meant the same. One possibility is to propose that *(ǵʷ)(h)l̥(H)- in *eǵʰs-s-(gʷʰl̥)(H)-stH₂odesignated another internal organ. A good candidate is ‘gall, bile’, derivable from the root *ǵʰelh₃- ‘green, yellow’ > Avestan zāram. ‘gall, bile’; Greek χόλος & χολή ‘gall; bitter hate, wrath’, χολέρα ‘cholera, a disease of the stomach, which causes vomiting and diarrhoea’; Germanic *gallam., *gallōnf. ‘gall, bile’ > Old Norse gall n., Old English gealla m., Old Saxon, Old High German galla f. id.; Baltic *žulti- > Lithuanian tulžìs, tulžẽ ‘bile; yellow-brown secretion from the liver’, Latvian žũl(k)ts ‘bile’; Old Church Slavonic z̑l̥čь id. (Pokorny 1959: 429; Beekes 2010: 1641–1642; Kroonen 2013: 165; Boček, ESJS XIX 1131; Smoczyński 2018: 1536). In Celtic, there is no apparent continuant of the root *ǵʰelh₃- ‘green, yellow’ in the sense ‘gall, bile’, only the colour-name in Welsh gell ‘yellow, brown, bay’, Breton gell ‘brown’. The idea that its derivative meaning ‘gall, bile’ is hidden in Celtic *eχs-glasso-/ā- ‘standing out of a gall’ = ‘stomach’ is quite attractive. For this reason, Celtic *eχs-glasso-/āwill not taken into account in the following research. 3.2. Hayden & Stifter (2022: § II.V) supplement the comparanda, adding two glosses from the lexicon of Hesychius of Alexandria, compiled around 500 CE: 3.2.1. γόλα · ἔντερα. Μακεδόνες (Latte, Cunningham 2018: 516, γ-769; cf. Kalléris 1954: 138–139, § 50 on other interpretations, namely †γόδα or †ϝόδα). 3.2.2. γάλλια · ἔντερα (Latte, Cunningham 2018: 485, γ-106). If there is no ethnicon, the Greek origin has been implicitly ascribed to the quoted word, but it is not a firm rule. E.g. the gloss δαλάγχαν · θάλασσαν (Latte, Cunningham 2018: 538, δ-148) has been identified as Macedonian (Schmidt 1867: 370) without any ethnicon. With regard to the fact that the gloss γάλλια · ἔντερα is preceded by the gloss γάλλαρος· Φρυγιακὸν ὄνομα, the same, i.e. Phrygian, origin of the word γάλλια could be also taken in account. Let us use the glottonym ‘Para-Phrygian’. The term ‘Macedonian’ is used here in the sense of the language of so-called Macedonian glosses, where β, δ, γ correspond to Greek φ, θ, χ respectively. The same rule operated in Phrygian (except for palatalizing context, when γ changes into ζ). Macedonian and Phrygian γwould imply both IE *g-/*ǵ̂- and *gʰ-/*ǵʰ-, while Greek γreflects only Straipsniai / Articles 31 VÁCLAV BLAŽEK IE *g−/*ĝ−. It means, Macedonian γόλα is derivable from *(ĝ)ol(H)–eH₂− or *(ĝ̂)hol(H)–eH₂−, if it was the nom.sg.f. But it can be identified as the nom.pl.ntr., implying the nom.sg.ntr. *γόλ.ov. More difficult is the analysis of the gloss γάλια. Taking in account {perhaps} Phrygian¹ βαλλίον n. ‘phallus’, pl. βαλλία ‘privative parts’ [Herodas], in perspective of their relationship to Greek φαλλός m. ‘membrum virile’, φαλλίων [Suida] = φαλλοφόρος, περιφαλλία · πομπὴ Διονύσω τελουμένη τῶν φαλλῶν [Hesychius] (Beekes 2010: 197, 1550), and further to Old Irish ball ‘member, body-part’, German dial. bille ‘penis’, bulle ‘vulva’ etc., reflecting *bʰl̥nᵒ (Pokorny 1959: 120–121), it is possible to project γάλια into *(ĝ)lnieH₂− or *(ĝ̂)lnieH₂− in the case of its Phrygian origin and *(ĝ)lieH₂−² or *(ĝ̂)lnieH₂−, if it was of Greek origin. Naturally, γάλια could also represent the nom.pl.ntr. In this case, the nom. sg. should be reconstructed as the (i)o-stem *γάλιον. The analogical nasal extension can be identified in Latin hernia ‘rupture, hernia’ vs. haruspex ‘a soothsayer, who foretold the future from the inspection of the entrails of animal victims’ (Walde & Hofmann I 643). This root *gʰerH− with the nasal extension appears in Lithuanian žarnà or žárną ‘small intestine’, pl. žárnos ‘guts, intestines’, Latvian zar̃nas f.pl. ‘guts’, zarni m.pl. ‘entrails’; Old Norse gørn f. ‘intestine’, pl. garnar ‘Eingeweide’, Old Saxon mid-garni m. ‘arvina’ (Pokorny 1959: 443). 3.3. If the gloss γάλια is not of Greek origin, but e.g. Phrygian (Para-Phrygian), the protolanguage initial could be the aspirated velar *(ĝ̂)h−. For this case, Hayden & Stifter (2022, § II.V) still add Greek κολάδες f.pl. ‘entrails, guts’ [Iliad] (Beekes 2010: 1641), derivable from *(ĝʰ)hol−nd−, and Slavic *žel̨dbъkъ m. ‘stomach’ > Bulgarian želádak; Slovak žalúdok, Czech žaludek, Upper & Luwer Lusatian žołdk, Polish żołądek; Ukrainian želúdok, Russian-Church Slavonic želudъkъ, Russian želúdok / *želǫbъ(cb) > Macedonian želudec, Serbo-Croatian želudac, Slovenian želǫdec; Old Russian želudь, derivable from *gʰel−ond− (Vasmer I 416; Derksen 2008: 556; Snoj 2016: 889). It is necessary to stress that the Slavic example excludes the initial palatal velar. 3.4. Latin helluō, –ōnis m. ‘glutton, squanderer’ [Terentius†], helluor ‘I gourmandize, devour’ [Cicero], allows us to think also about the Italic cognate, if derived from the protoform *gʰelnuᵒ and not *gʰelsuᵒ as Johann Knobloch (1973) thought. It is tempting to speculate about a primary compound *hell(i)-vorus *‘belly-devourer’ like carni-vorus ‘carnivorous’ [Pliny], cf. vorō ‘I swallow, devour, consume’, comparable with Greek γαστερο-πλήξ ‘glutton’ [Eustathius from Thessalonica], lit. ‘belly-stroker’. From the hypothetical compound ¹ So Haas 1966: 159. ² Cf. Greek καλός ‘beautiful, noble, good’ [Iliad], Boeotian καλφος id., comparative καλλίων, superlative κάλιστος, besides κάλλος n. ‘beauty’ [Iliad] (Beekes 2010: 626–27). 32 Acta Linguistica Lithuanica LXXXIX Mapping Indo-European Anatomical Terminology II: Latvian gaļa ‘meat’ *hell(i)-vorus would be formed the deponent verb helluor and finally the n-stem noun helluō, -ōnis. 4. DISCUSSION OF THE PROTOFORM Some examples are derivable from the root *gel-, other from *gʰel-, and the third group does not allow to decide between *gelor *gʰel-. Both the roots are more probably anit than set. Let us compare both the patterns in the perspective of word formation. 4.1. *gel− root/suffix | *−o−/*−eH₂− | *−i̯o−/*−i̯eH₂− | *−n−i̯o−/*−n−i̯eH₂− | *−r−/*−n− *gel− | | | | Gmc. *keluro/*kelōn− *gol− | Mc. γόλα | Ltv. gala | | *gl̥− | | OIr. gaile ?Gr. γάλλια | ?Gr. γάλλια | 4.2. *gʰel− root/suffix | *−o−/*−eH₂− | *−i̯o−/*−i̯eH₂− | *−n−i̯o−/*−n−i̯eH₂− | *−n + u° | *−nd−/*−ond− *gʰel− | | | | ?Lat. helluō | Sl. *želǫdbъ & *želǫdъ (ch) *gʰol− | Mc. γόλα | Ltv. gaļa | | | Gr. χολάδες *gʰl̥− | | OIr. gaile | ?PaPhr. γάλλια | | Abbreviations: Gmc. Germanic, Gr. Greek, Lat. Latin, Ltv. Latvian, Mc. {Ancient} Macedonian, OIr. Old Irish, PaPhr. Para-Phrygian, Sl. Slavic. 4.3. Discussion. The Old Irish verb gelid ‘grazes, consumes’ can reflect both *geland *gʰel-. The semantic connection of this verb with the organs of the alimentary canal, beginning of ‘throat’ or ‘gullet’ through ‘stomach’ to ‘intestines’ may be Straipsniai / Articles 33 VÁCLAV BLAŽEK compared with the relation of Greek γαστήρ f. ‘belly, paunch, womb’ [Iliad] with the verb γράω ‘I gnaw, eat’, Sanskrit grásate ‘devours’, implying for Greek the primary form *γαστήρ (cf. Buck 1949: 253, § 4.46; Beekes 2010: 262, 286). In any case, the scenario based on the root *gʰelallows us to explain a bigger number of anatomical terms and that is why this solution is more preferable, independent of the acceptance of the primary derivation from the verb of the type Old Irish gelid or recognition of the underived primary noun *gʰelin the Indo-European protolanguage. On the other hand, if Hesychius’ gloss γάλλια is of Greek origin, the root *gelreturns in the play and Germanic *keluro/*kelōn- ‘throat, gullet’ becomes a compatible cognate. In this case, it is necessary to operate with two roots *geland *gʰel-, which could designate ‘alimentary canal’ and ‘stomach, intestine’, respectively. Latvian gaļa ‘meat, flesh’ and Old Irish gaile ‘stomach; belly, womb, bowels’ are derivable from both of them. 5. SEMANTIC MOTIVATION The semantic dispersion between ‘meat’ and some internal organ of a belly is not trivial, but it is possible to illustrate it by examples from Afroasiatic (see Blažek 2020: 46–47, 90): (a) North Cushitic: Beja fîʾ m. ‘abdomen, stomach, interior’ (Hudson apud Blench) = f i, fîʾi m. ‘stomach; interior’ (Roper) = f(i)ʾ m. ‘Inneres, Mitte, Magen, Bauch’ (Reinisch) = fį, fe m. ‘Bauch(höhle), innere Eingeweide’ (Almkvist); East Cushitic: Somali fììʃ ‘Bauch, Herz, Verstand, Laune’ (Reinisch); Berber: (North) Tazerwalt tifí/á/ú ‘Fleisch’ (Stumme), Semlal tifiyyi, Ntifa tifiy, Baamrani tifiyi; (West) Zenaga tfǝ iji (Nicolas) ‘viande’. It is tempting to add Egyptian fꜣ.t ‘Fleischstück’ (WPS 437). (b) Semitic *šir- > Akkadian šīru(m) ‘Fleisch; Leib; Eingeweide–Omen’ (AHw 1248), Phoenician šʾr ‘meat, flesh’, Ugaritic šir ‘flesh’, Hebrew šəʾēr ‘flesh, body’ (DUL 786; SED I 210–211). REFERENCES AHw – Akkadisches Handwörterbuch 1–3, unter Benutzung des lexikalischen Nachlasses von B. Meissner, bearb. von W. von Soden, Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1965–1981. Beekes Robert S. P. 2010: Etymological Dictionary of Greek 1, with the assist. of L. van Beek, Leiden Indo-European Etymological Dictionary Series, 10, Leiden, Boston: Brill. 34 Acta Linguistica Lithuanica LXXXIX Mapping Indo-European Anatomical Terminology II: Latvian gala ‘meat’ Blažek Václav 2020: An Excerpt from the Comparative and Etymological Dictionary of Beja: Anatomical Lexicon. – Folia Orientalia 57, 25–125. Available at: https://journals.pan.pl/dlibra/show-content?id=117169. Buck Carl D. 1949: A Dictionary of Selected Synonyms in the Principal Indo-European Languages, Chicago, London: University of Chicago Press. 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Walde & Pokorny I – Walde Alois. Vergleichendes Wörterbuch indogermanischen Sprachen 1, hrsg. J. Pokorny, Berlin, Leipzig: De Gruyter, 1927. WPS – Hannig Rainer, Vomberg Petra. Wortschatz der Pharaonen in Sachgruppen: Kulturhandbuch Ägyptens, Mainz: von Zabern, 1999. Zair Nicholas 2012: The Reflexes of the Proto-Indo-European Laryngeals in Celtic, Brill’s Studies in Indo-European Languages & Linguistics, 7, Leiden, Boston: Brill. Zinkevičius Zigmas 1984: Pol’sko-jatvjažskij slovarik? – Balto-Slavjanskie Issledovanija 1983, 3–29. Straipsniai / Articles 37 VÁCLAV BLAŽEK Acknowledgement: This contribution originated with the support of the Specific Research Fund at Masaryk University. I am grateful to John D. Bengtson for his correction of English and to an anonymous referee for valuable comments and corrections. Indoeuropiečių anatomijos terminijos kartografavimas II: latvių gala ‘mėsa’ SANTRAUKA Straipsnyje aptariama latvių kalbos žodžio gala ‘mėsa’ vidinė sandara, vediniai ir kilmė. Apibendrinus jau žinomas etimologijas, pasiūlomas naujas aiškinimas. Šis žodis patenka į kelių indoeuropiečių kalbų grupių anatomijos terminų rinkinį ir pavadina organą, priklausantį virškinamajam traktui nuo „gerklės“ iki „žarnų“. Diskusija apima istorines fonetikos, žodžių darybos ir semantinės tipologijos aspektus. Įteikta 2023 m. liepos 10 d. VÁCLAV BLAŽEK Department of Linguistics and Baltic Studies Masaryk University Nováka 1, CZ-60200 Brno [email protected] 38 Acta Linguistica Lithuanica LXXXIX