Family Networks and Indoor Cannabis Cultivation in a Marginalized Spanish District

1 Family Networks and Indoor Cannabis Cultivation in a Marginalized Spanish District Arturo Alvarez-Roldan ([email protected]), Iván Parra ([email protected]), and Juan F. Gamella ([email protected]) Department of Social Anthropology, University of Granada, Spain Paper presented at the 36th Annual Conference of the European Society for Social Drug Research (ESSD), Prague, Czech Republic, 1–3 October 2025. Introduction In Spain, cannabis cultivation tends to concentrate in neighborhoods marked by poverty and high unemployment, where social disorganization makes involvement in illegal activities more likely. In this presentation, we focus on one urban district that stands out for having some of the highest rates of marijuana seizures per capita in the country. What we find is that cannabis cultivation here is mainly managed by small family units, which are decentralized in order to avoid harsher penalties. Polynuclear families — that is, extended family households — play a key role, generating trust, cooperation, and protection. Weak policing and the widespread tolerance of electricity fraud further enable these practices to expand. At the same time, however, the concentration of activities within the district imposes limits on growth and external cooperation. Overall, our research shows that poverty, marginalization, and the central role of family life are crucial to sustaining cannabis cultivation in this context. Objective Our main goal was to examine which features of urban areas make indoor cannabis cultivation possible in Spain, and what kinds of resources these neighborhoods provide for cultivators and criminal groups to establish and operate. DOI: 10.5281/zenodo.17278336 2 Methods We selected a province that is an outlier in terms of cannabis seizures. Within this province, we focused on a single district composed of seven vulnerable neighborhoods, all under a special police plan against cannabis cultivation. Cases like this are extreme, but they provide valuable insights and are well suited for qualitative exploration. To gather data, we combined several strategies. First, we conducted interviews with key informants, residents, officials, and local experts. Second, we analyzed press reports and police records. And third, we reviewed 184 court rulings on indoor cannabis cultivation issued between 2005 and 2020. Together, these sources allowed us to triangulate information and enrich our understanding of the phenomenon. For analysis, we relied on descriptive and thematic coding, with intercoder agreement reached through discussion and consensus. Context The district today has about 25,000 inhabitants, down from 27,500 in 2013. It has long been marked by housing segregation, isolation, and marginalization. Many residents are Roma or immigrants who were relocated during the 1970s through social housing programs. The district faces chronic problems: insecurity, poor health and education outcomes, and unemployment that exceeds 60%. Household income is among the lowest in Spain, and about half of the residents depend on municipal social assistance. Indoor cannabis cultivation first appeared in the province in 2002, and it expanded rapidly during the financial crisis of 2008. The first grows in this district emerged around 2008– 2009, often with advice from actors in the legal cannabis industry. By 2024, authorities had seized more than 229,000 plants and over 2,500 kilograms of marijuana in this province. This accounts for more than 21% of all national seizures, even though the province represents less than 2% of Spain’s population. 3 Kinship as Organizational Structure Families are at the core of cannabis cultivation. Nuclear families are the most common. In over half of court cases, grows were owned by a single individual, but most involved some form of family collaboration. Couples were particularly frequent, but we also found cases involving parents and children, cousins, or siblings. Women sometimes acted as sole owners or took over management when husbands were imprisoned. Most households cultivated in their own homes. Many had little or no criminal record, and they were often motivated by poverty and the need for extra income. Beyond these, the district also contains polynuclear families — extended households with several nuclear families under the same roof or in the same complex. These arrangements often result in multiple, semi-independent cultivation operations under the same kin network. Some of these families have managed to occupy entire streets or building complexes, creating strong zones of protection. One example is “Risk Alley”, where more than 150 relatives live, 20 of whom are involved in cannabis cultivation. Reputation plays a crucial role here: it deters denunciations, violent disputes, and external threats, but at the same time it creates obligations of solidarity and reciprocity within the group. Women frequently take on financial responsibilities, and in some cases lead operations when men are absent. Finally, we also observed youth coalitions. Younger people often participate in thefts, robberies, or in stealing cannabis crops from other groups — what locals call “vuelcos.” For many, cultivation is a first step in gaining experience and building reputation. Imprisonment, in some cases, even acts as a rite of passage, although some leave crime behind when they start their own families. Community Resources The environment of the district itself provides key resources for cultivation. 4 Housing infrastructure is central. The district has over 1,100 social housing units, many poorly monitored. Cultivators often operate in legally assigned homes, but also squat or purchase informally at very low cost. Some criminal groups even control entire buildings dedicated to cultivation. With such low housing prices — sometimes between only €4,000 and €20,000 — investments can be recouped in less than a year. Electricity infrastructure is another factor. Around 60% of homes lack legal contracts. Illegal connections are widespread, causing constant blackouts that mostly affect vulnerable residents. This has sparked protests, but also led criminal actors to involve residents in electricity fraud, creating complicity. The social perception of cannabis also matters. Compared to heroin or cocaine, marijuana is seen as relatively harmless. This tolerance lowers secrecy requirements and has even displaced other drug markets in the district. We also observed growing professionalization and cooperation. As operations expand, they rely on electricians, caretakers, and immigrant crews for trimming and waste disposal. In fact, 20% of seized plantations employed dedicated caretakers. Grow shops and seed banks provide equipment and advice, and in some cases act as intermediaries in sales. Finally, financing and services sustain the system. Entry into the business requires relatively low investment, often financed through local moneylenders who charge usurious interest rates. This can create dependency and subordination to more organized criminal groups. Grow shops and seed banks also provide equipment, advice, and sometimes act as intermediaries for sales. Market Dynamics The marijuana market in the district is highly competitive. Groups cannot fix prices, which remain among the lowest in Spain. Conflicts over clients or price undercutting often escalate into violence. Ironically, these violent disputes end up acting as an informal form of market regulation. 5 Conclusions To conclude, cannabis cultivation in this district is not just a criminal activity. It is embedded in broader processes of poverty, exclusion, and survival. Families — both nuclear and extended — are the backbone of organization. They provide trust, protection, and resilience in a hostile environment. Limited law enforcement capacity, tolerance of electricity fraud, and the normalization of marijuana create fertile ground for these practices. Yet, the district’s isolation and its reputation also impose limits on growth, while at the same time shielding illegal actors. In sum, cannabis cultivation here is best understood as part of the informal economy of marginalized urban areas — an economy sustained by necessity, kinship, and community resources. 1 Family Networks and Indoor Cannabis Cultivation in a Marginalized Spanish District Arturo Alvarez-Roldan Iván Parra Toro Juan F. Gamella 36th Annual Conference of the European Society for Social Drug Research 1st – 3rd October 2025, Prague, Czech Republic 2 INTRODUCTION •Cannabis cultivation in Spain concentrates in poor, highunemployment neighborhoods •This study examines one district with the highest per capita marijuana seizures •Cultivation is decentralized and family-based; polynuclear families provide trust, cooperation, and protection •Weak policing and tolerated electricity fraud enable expansion •Poverty, marginalization, and family structures sustain the local cannabis economy 3 STUDY OBJECTIVE The aim was to examine which features of urban areas facilitate indoor cannabis cultivation in Spain, and what resources these neighborhoods provide for cultivators and criminal groups to establish and operate. 4 METHODS •Qualitative case study of one district (7 neighborhoods) •Sequential concept-driven sampling •30+ interviews + press & police reports •Analysis of 184 court rulings (2005-2020) •Thematic coding & analysis 11 COMMUNITY RESOURCES Electricity Infraestructure •60% of homes lack legal contracts •Illegal connections → constant blackouts, harming residents •Blackouts trigger protests and resentment •Criminal groups involve residents in electricity fraud 12 COMMUNITY RESOURCES Social Perception of Drugs • Cannabis seen as less harmful than heroin/cocaine • Normalization reduces stigma & secrecy • Displacement of other local drug markets 13 COMMUNITY RESOURCES Cooperation & Professionalization •Expanding grows need electricians, caretakers, immigrant crews. •Waste disposal and trimming outsourced. •20% of seized plantations had dedicated caretakers. 14 COMMUNITY RESOURCES Financing & Services •Low entry investment, often via local moneylenders. •Usurious loans leads to subordination to more organized criminal groups. •Grow shops & seed banks supply equipment, advice, and act as intermediaries. 15 MARKET DYNAMICS •Highly competitive market •Prices among the lowest in Spain •No price-fixing possible •Violence acts as informal regulation 16 CONCLUSIONS •Cannabis cultivation is rooted in poverty, exclusion, and survival strategies •Families (nuclear & extended) provide trust, protection, and resilience •Weak law enforcement, electricity fraud tolerance, and marijuana’s normalization sustain the practice •District isolation and reputation both constrain growth and shield actors •Overall: cultivation is part of the informal economy in marginalized urban areas 17 Thanks for your attention [email protected] @alrold Department of Social Anthropology University of Granada, Spain