A Study on The Reasons Behind IPV Tolerance Among Educated Women in Bangladesh

International Journal of Social Science and Human Research ISSN (print): 2644-0679, ISSN (online): 2644-0695 Volume 08 Issue 10 October 2025 DOI: 10.47191/ijsshr/v8-i10-49, Impact factor8.007 Page No: 7942-7963 IJSSHR, Volume 08 Issue 10 October 2025 www.ijsshr.in Page 7942 A Study on The Reasons Behind IPV Tolerance Among Educated Women in Bangladesh Monwara Khatun Asha* Graduate School of International Development, Nagoya University, Nagoya, Japan. ABSTRACT: Intimate partner violence (IPV) is a pervasive issue deeply rooted in societal structures, often challenging to identify and address in legal contexts due to its complex nature. This study explores the reasons behind educated women tolerating IPV in Bangladesh, a topic previously unexamined in the country. Employing a qualitative approach, the research utilizes secondary data analysis and in-depth interviews with educated women who have experienced IPV. The primary finding reveals that fear of social stigma is the predominant factor in these women's decision to remain in abusive relationships despite their desire to leave. This study contributes to the existing literature by highlighting the persistence of IPV among educated women in Bangladesh and underscoring the limitations of education alone as a protective factor. This research also highlights the unfriendly/unwelcoming nature of Bangladesh’s legal environment despite the presence of laws that align with international standards. Limitations of the study include the potential overlap between IPV and marital dissatisfaction and the inability to verify perspectives from opposite points of view. Future research should address these gaps to provide a more comprehensive understanding of IPV dynamics in Bangladesh. KEYWORD: Intimate Partner Violence, Women Empowerment, Education, GBV, Bangladesh, South Asia CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION In Bangladesh, intimate partner violence (IPV) is a widespread and deeply ingrained concern that impacts women from all socioeconomic and educational backgrounds (Bakchi et al., 2020; Johnston & Naved, 2008). Alarmingly, even among educated women, there is a troubling acceptance and justification of violence within marital relationships (Daibes & Safadi, 2022). The vast range of estimates for the country's IPV prevalence, which ranges from 15.5% to 82.7%, reflects the complexity of the problem and the variety of violence that women encounter (Bakchi et al., 2020, p. 16). This acceptance is frequently based on longstanding social norms and the generational cycle of violence, with early exposure to IPV normalising it in adulthood (Stake et al., 2020). Many women in rural areas believe that IPV is a socially acceptable act, highlighting the deeply rooted attitudes that endure despite educational growth (Marium, 2014). The issue is further made worse by contributing elements such as underage marriage, dowry customs, economic dependence, and views of wives' disobedience (Bakchi et al., 2020). Although initiatives like microfinance programs and NGO engagement seek to empower women, their effectiveness in lowering IPV is still uneven (Stake et al., 2020). It is evident that institutional interventions are urgently needed given the extremely low disclosure rates—just 1% of victims report IPV to law enforcement or medical professionals (Stake et al., 2020). To effectively combat IPV in Bangladesh, a comprehensive strategy that not only dismantles damaging conventions but also empowers women and establishes supporting networks is needed. 1.1 Research Questions The following research questions guide this study: 1. What are the underlying factors or justifications that educated women draw upon to justify or tolerate violence within their marital relationships in Bangladesh? To answer the main question, it is essential to explore the following additional questions further: 2. How do educated women navigate the conflict between their knowledge of gender equality and their acceptance of IPV? And 3. How do witnessing family violence and exposure to violence in the workplace and community influence the acceptance of intimate partner violence among educated women in Bangladesh? 1.2 Research Purpose The purpose of this research is to understand the factors for why educated women in Bangladesh tolerate IPV and how these women navigate the tension between their empowerment and their tolerance of violence. In addition to this, this research will also explore A Study on The Reasons Behind IPV Tolerance Among Educated Women in Bangladesh IJSSHR, Volume 08 Issue 10 October 2025 www.ijsshr.in Page 7943 whether witnessing violence in early life or in surrounding contributes to the acceptance of violence. 1.3 Importance of the Study There is a crucial gap in the academics to understand why educated women tolerate intimate partner violence. A recent study in Jordan by Daibes and Safadi (2022) sheds light on how educated women in abusive marriages struggle with self-respect versus societal expectations. Similar dynamics likely play out in Bangladesh as two authors argued that IPV remains deeply embedded in socio-cultural practices (Hasan et al., 2023) and religious misinterpretations (Naved et al., 2017). Although it is evident that IPV causes serious physical harm (Naved et al., 2017) and psychological trauma (Esie et al., 2019) to Bangladeshi women, it is unclear why educated women specifically continue to endure such abuse. Another puzzle is to understand the complex societal web where these women are stuck despite being educated. Therefore, it is essential to address and explore this issue in the Bangladeshi societal context. 1.4 Definition of Terms 1.4.1 Intimate Partner Violence: The concept of Intimate Partner Violence (IPV) in this research focuses on violence that occurs between people sharing intimate personal connections. The Center for Disaster Control and Prevention (CDC) describes IPV as; “Physical violence, sexual violence, stalking and psychological aggression (including coercive tactics) by a current or former intimate partner (i.e., spouse, boyfriend/girlfriend, dating partner or ongoing sexual partner)” (Breiding et al., 2015, p.11). This relational perspective helps to capture the intricate dynamics of personal relationships, particularly to explore IPV in Bangladesh’s distinctive sociocultural context. 1.4.2 Empowerment In this research, empowerment is understood as a process with many aspects that help a person to take full control of their lives. It includes aspects like gaining financial independence, becoming aware mentally, building a positive mindset, staying motivated and developing psychological resilience (Page & Czuba, 1999). This concept aligns with United Nation’s view, which emphasizes giving people the power to take action on issues they find important in their personal lives, communities and society as a whole (United Nation, 2015). 1.4.3 Psychological/Emotional Abuse This study follows the definition by the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) where psychological aggression in intimate partner violence (IPV) is explained as using verbal or non-verbal communication to cause emotional harm or control a partner (Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 2024). The findings of this research reveal a scenario where educated women in Bangladesh continue to endure deep psychological suffering, which makes them hopeless and even ready to walk away from their marital relationships. 1.5 Conceptualizing Intimate Partner Violence 1.5.1 Definition of IPV Intimate Partner Violence is a widely recognized issue, with many leading organizations defining it based on its multifaceted nature as the World Health Organization says; “a behaviour within an intimate relationship that causes physical, sexual or psychological harm, including acts of physical aggression, sexual coercion, psychological abuse and controlling behaviours. This definition covers violence by both current and former spouses and partners” (World Health Organization, 2022, “Definition” section). The Royal Canadian Mounted Police (RCMP) acknowledges the impact of IPV on a broader spectrum of Individuals within a family unit (children and older adults), which goes beyond romantic partnerships and includes various familial relationships (Government of Canada, 2019). The RCMP’s broader understanding of family is especially relevant in a country like Bangladesh, where family dynamics play a big role in everyday life. For educated women, the family expectations and responsibilities can shape their view of how they perceive the effect of IPV, particularly in extended family situations. 1.5.2 Types of IPV 1.5.2.1 Physical Abuse Physical abuse is defined as using physical force to hurt a spouse, causing any physical injury or harm. This can include actions like hitting, slapping, beating, kicking, choking or even using weapons (Lacey et al., 2013; World Health Organization, 2012). The percentage of Physical abuse is 41 worldwide and is the second most visible form of IPV (Dalal et al., 2009). However, it remains underreported in Bangladesh (Wahed & Bhuiya, 2007). Several contributing factors have been highlighted by Wahed and Bhuiya (2007) for the underreporting, such as gender inequality, strong belief to maintain family honor and stability, the tendency to ignore domestic violence by the middle class and widespread fear of social ostracism. According to Tran et al. (2020), the victims of physical abuse are at high risk of having maternal common mental disorders (CMD), and they have poor mental health. Besides, the data from this study highlights a connection between the victim and their A Study on The Reasons Behind IPV Tolerance Among Educated Women in Bangladesh IJSSHR, Volume 08 Issue 10 October 2025 www.ijsshr.in Page 7944 breastfeeding their child since they are less likely to breastfeed their children. In addition, physical abuse can lead a person to longterm anxiety and depression, physical injuries and chronic diseases. The victim typically isolates herself socially, experiences low self-esteem and faces difficulties in making positive connections (Tran et al., 2020). 1.5.2.2 Sexual Abuse Sexual abuse is defined as any kind of sexual activity that happens without consent, such as marital rape, forced sex and sexual harassment in relationships (Sugarman & Hertweck, 2022; World Health Organization, 2012). Varikuti (2020) further emphasised that this type of abuse violates a person’s autonomy and rights by forcing him/her to engage in sexual activity against permission. In a research based in India, Deosthali et al. (2022) found that sexual abuse may occur in different situations. However, women may experience specific types of violence, like being forced to have children, especially in marriages. 1.5.2.3 Psychological Abuse The World Health Organization defines psychological abuse as a variety of actions, from verbal abuse and persistent disrespect to acts of intimidation, including causing property damage, as well as threats of violence or manipulating child custody agreements (World Health Organization, 2012). Perpetrators sometimes use psychological tactics to establish control and distance themselves from their relationships; these tactics may include tracking communication channels, limiting social engagements, and diminishing the victim's professional achievements. This pressure can take the form of limitations on social connections and career progress (Thompson et al., 2023), which can significantly impact educated women’s feelings of autonomy and self-worth. Dalal et al. (2009) conducted a thorough analysis and found that, with a prevalence rate of 71%, verbal abuse is the most common type of abuse in Bangladesh. The study emphasizes that a couple's lower level of education is a significant risk factor. 1.5.2.4 Controlling Behaviour Controlling behaviour is a type of abuse where the offender exerts power to control and influence another person without causing any physical harm. The World Health Organization defines it as behaviour that includes strategies like isolating people from their support systems, keeping track of their whereabouts and limiting their access to resources essential for their well-being (such as money, jobs, education, and healthcare) (World Health Organization, 2012). 1.5.3 Prevalence and Statistics 1.5.3.1 Global Prevalence of IPV Figure 1. Global Prevalence of IPV Note. Source: World Health Organization, (2021) According to WHO (2021), 37% (UI 33–42%) of ever-married or partnered women (between the ages 15–49) in the "Least Developed Countries" have suffered some physical and/or sexual intimate partner violence in their lifetime. This trend of lifetime prevalence can also be observed in the three subregions of Oceania: Melanesia, Micronesia, and Polynesia. On the other hand, the lowest lifetime prevalence rates are found in the four subregions of Europe, ranging from 16-23%, followed by Australia and New Zealand (23%), South-Eastern Asia (21%), Eastern Asia (20%) and in Central Asia (18%). In the trend for the past 12 months, the prevalence of physical and/or sexual intimate partner violence among ever-married or partnered women remains highest in the "Least Developed Countries" at 22% (UI 19–26%) and the subregions of Oceania Melanesia, Micronesia, and Polynesia. Following these regions, Sub-Saharan Africa (20%) and Southern Asia (19%) report notable rates of intimate partner violence over the same period. On the contrary, the lowest estimated prevalence rates for this type of violence are recorded in Australia and New Zealand (3%), Northern America (6%), Eastern Asia (7%), and the subregions of Europe (4–7%), which are mostly high-income regions. A Study on The Reasons Behind IPV Tolerance Among Educated Women in Bangladesh IJSSHR, Volume 08 Issue 10 October 2025 www.ijsshr.in Page 7945 These statistics show that regions with lower income and less development tend to have higher rates of intimate partner violence. For example, the higher rates in “least developed countries” can be due to gender inequality and lower income which make women more vulnerable to abuse. On the other hand, the lower rates in regions like Australia, New Zealand, Europe and America might reflect better legal protection and a stronger support system for women. 1.5.3.2 Prevalence in Bangladesh Figure 2. Prevalence of Different Forms of Violence Note. Source: Bangladesh Bureau of Statistics, (2016) The 2015 survey by the Bangladesh Bureau of Statistics, supported by UNFPA and the EU, presents a stark picture of intimate partner violence (IPV) among ever-married women in Bangladesh (Bangladesh Bureau of Statistics, 2018). It indicates that a significant majority, nearly 72.6%, have experienced some form of IPV during their lifetime, with over half, approximately 54.7%, encountering it within the past 12 months. Controlling behavior emerges as the most prevalent form of abuse, affecting 55.4% of women, underscoring the pervasive nature of coercion in intimate relationships. Physical violence, reported by 49.6%, highlights the alarming extent of bodily harm endured by victims. Emotional and sexual violence are equally harrowing, impacting 28.7% and 27.3% of women, respectively, and revealing the breadth of psychological and physical suffering. The compounded nature of IPV is starkly evident, as 57.7% of women report enduring a combination of physical, sexual, or emotional violence throughout their lives. Figure 3. Trends in Spousal Violence against Ever-married Women during their Lifetime Note. Source: Bangladesh Bureau of Statistics, (2016) During the period spanning from 2011 to 2015, there were significant shifts in the prevalence of partner violence against ever-married women in Bangladesh (as shown in the chart). While physical violence showed a marginal increase, other types of violence, including economic, sexual, emotional, and controlling behavior, exhibited notable decreases. Specifically, sexual A Study on The Reasons Behind IPV Tolerance Among Educated Women in Bangladesh IJSSHR, Volume 08 Issue 10 October 2025 www.ijsshr.in Page 7946 violence declined from 37.3% to 27.2%, emotional violence from 40.2% to 28.7%, economic violence from 17.8% to 11.4%, and controlling behaviour from 67.8% to 55.4%. Despite the observed positive trend in reducing various forms of partner violence against ever-married women in Bangladesh between 2011 and 2015, the prevalence remains alarmingly high. This persistent high ratio of violence serves as a significant barrier to achieving gender equality and undermines women's ability to participate fully in the labour force. 1.6 IPV among Educated Women According to the BDHS (Bangladesh Demographic and Health Survey) 2017-18, Islam et al. (2021) argue that women with higher levels of education are less likely to approve of intimate partner violence (IPV) since they are more socially active and human rights conscious, which makes them more likely to see IPV negatively. In contrast, a comparative analysis by Marium (2014) reveals that despite increasing female literacy rates in rural Bangladesh, reported incidents of violence against women, including dowry-related violence and rape, have also increased. This suggests that higher education levels alone do not necessarily lead to a decline in domestic violence. Despite educational advances, the continued rise in reported violence suggests that other factors, such as deep-seated patriarchal practices and underreporting of violence, remain crucial. In a nationwide study of women in India, Ackershon et al. (2008) found education as a protective factor for women. Their findings emphasize the significance of a comprehensive approach that includes educating both men and women as well as improving the overall educational standards in communities. According to these studies (Islam et al., 2021; Marium, 2014; Ackershon et al., 2008), it is obvious that women who are better educated tend to be less tolerant and less likely to experience intimate partner violence, as education increases their awareness and sense of empowerment. CHAPTER 2 LITERATURE REVIEW 2.1 Perceptions of IPV among Educated Women Several studies consistently explore how education can change people’s attitudes toward intimate partner violence (IPV). In Pakistan, Khar (2017) found that women with any level of formal education are less likely to accept IPV compared to those without education. What’s particularly interesting is that this trend is widespread - it does not matter whether women live in rural or urban areas or their socio-economic background. Education acts as a powerful equalizer. Likewise, Nabaggala et al. (2021) pointed out that in Sub-Saharan Africa, women with lower levels of education are prone to experience IPV, particularly in rural settings. These findings emphasize that education plays a key role in fighting IPV, and the impact is not limited to any geographical location or economic condition. Looking at this issue through a comparative lens reveals important differences in how education shapes the perception of IPV. Schuler et al. (2013) argued that educated women who are more aware of their rights often consider IPV as a violation of their personal dignity. On the other hand, women with less education tend to think of IPV as a normal part of married life, a view shaped by cultural beliefs about women’s submission and male authority (F. Rahman & Sakib, 2022). Soni et al. (2023), using BDHS data, showed a progressive decline in IPV justification among higher-educated women, from 0.78 in 2014 to 0.67 in 2017–18. This downward trend exemplifies how education gradually changes attitudes and empowers women to reject IPV as a social norm. Nevertheless, the liberatory potential of education is not without limitations. Kabir (2017) and Rahman (2019) observed that while education fosters greater awareness of gender equality, sociocultural constraints often moderate its transformative effects. In high-IPV-prevalence contexts like Bangladesh, societal pressures frequently curtail women’s autonomy, even among the educated. Women’s empowerment is further enhanced by economic freedom, which has a direct connection to education. According to Ackerson et al. (2008), education boosts financial independence as it reduces dependency on abusive partners and hence lessens tolerance for IPV. Women having professional training or employment are better able to view IPV as a violation and actively fight it by using legal or psychological support networks (El-Etreby et al., 2024). When women achieve financial independence, they sometimes encounter criticism because it challenges established gender norms. Husbands may feel intimidated, which may lead to increased IPV in order to reestablish authority (Murshid et al., 2016). In addition, even financially independent women may choose to remain quiet about abuse to prevent disrupting family dynamics because divorce brings social stigma and may cause exclusion for both the woman and her children (Samuels et al., 2019). In high-IPV countries like Bangladesh, education’s larger role in fostering self-efficacy and self-esteem is especially significant. ElEtreby et al. (2024) defined self-esteem as a belief system that includes self-efficacy, motivation and self-regulation. They found it as a protective factor against the negative impacts of intimate partner violence. Higher levels of self-efficacy and self-esteem empower women to effectively negotiate issues and claim their rights. Education can also increase a person’s mental health resilience, as a study from the United States illustrates that mental health resilience reduces the physical and psychological effects of intimate partner violence (Usta & Shatila, 2023). A Study on The Reasons Behind IPV Tolerance Among Educated Women in Bangladesh IJSSHR, Volume 08 Issue 10 October 2025 www.ijsshr.in Page 7947 In Bangladesh, the connection between IPV, empowerment and education are complex. Educated women are better able to make independent decisions and participate in the economy, which lessens their reliance on men. Yet, education must extend beyond the basic level in order to have a substantial impact. According to Sanawar et al. (2019), women in Bangladesh who have just passed elementary school have a higher likelihood of being physically abused than the more empowered person with a higher level of education. Since primary education might not be enough to successfully empower women, this stresses the significance of reaching a particular degree of education. 2.2 Gender Role Conflicts in Patriarchal Societies In Bangladesh, patriarchy works as a system that gives males authoritative power and women to play subordinate roles through different interconnected ways. First of all, in traditional family structure, where women live in their husband’s homes after marriage and family ties favour the male side, puts women in a submissive role and strengthens male authority. This structure reflects deeply ingrained patriarchal standards by prioritizing male lineage and reducing women’s autonomy (Sultana, 2011). Secondly, women’s freedom of movement and public exposure are heavily restricted by societal norms (i.e. Purdah), which further restrict their opportunities outside of the home. This practice is embedded in cultural and societal norms, makes women more dependent on men and prevents them from participating in the workforce (Asadullah & Wahhaj, 2017). In a qualitative study, Thomas (2020) explores the South Asian context and emphasizes how conventional gender roles and in-laws’ family play a crucial role in determining the dynamics of IPV in households. By enforcing and adhering to these norms, in-laws’ family not only normalise violence but also make women more susceptible to IPV. This highlights how intergenerational power structures and entrenched gender expectations perpetuate systematic oppression and familial control. 2.3 Societal and Cultural Justifications for IPV Acceptance 2.3.1 Cultural Narratives Societal and cultural norms play a key role in the perpetuation and justification of intimate partner violence (IPV). The patriarchal systems around the world uphold male authority by depicting women as inferior and responsible for preserving family peace. The idea of “patriarchal bargains”, first proposed by Kandiyoti in 1988, provides a framework to understand how women navigate restrictive patriarchal structures by trading compliance for social and economic security. This compliance, often seen as a strategic adaptation, provides benefits, including protection, economic stability, and social acceptance while reinforcing male authority. Ahmed and Tabassum (2011) applied this framework in Bangladesh, where women in Sylhet justify IPV as a necessary compromise to ensure family stability. In Bangladesh, the intertwining of patriarchal norms, family expectations, and collectivist values amplifies the pressures on women to conform. For example, Samuels et al. (2019) observe that family elders often advise women to “endure for the sake of the family fame”, portraying intimate partner violence as a private matter and discouraging any sort of outside assistance. Similarly, Schuler et al. (2011) critique mainstream societal narratives that normalize IPV under culturally acceptable conditions. According to their findings, a large number of Bangladeshi rural respondents justify IPV within limits deemed “socially acceptable,” which reflects community-driven perceptions rather than personal disapproval. For instance, one respondent stated, “Our society has set it up like this. It does not matter whether it is right or wrong—a husband can beat his wife” (p. 25). These cultural norms highlight how IPV is entrenched in societal structures where it is believed that intervention is not appropriate. 2.3.2 Social Stigma and Economic Dependence Social stigma supports IPV tolerance among women in Bangladesh. Divorce or separation is heavily stigmatized and often seen as a personal failure rather than a systemic form of abuse (Schuler & Islam, 2008). Many are forced to be silent since women who leave violent marriages are frequently ignored by their families and communities. Besides, the cultural emphasis on family reputation intensifies this problem, as IPV survivors are often held accountable for disrupting familial harmony. Economic dependence compounds these challenges, as financial stability does not necessarily equate to autonomy in patriarchal societal contexts. Schuler & Islam (2008) highlight that economic empowerment can provoke a backlash, with men perceiving women’s independence as a threat to their traditional power structures. The BDHS data reflects progress in changing attitudes, reporting a decline in the proportion of ever-married women who justify IPV—from 20% in 2017-18 to 14% in 2022 (BDHS, 2022, p.221). While this suggests positive shifts, Schuler et al. (2011) critique DHS-style surveys for failing to capture nuanced cultural and societal factors influencing IPV tolerance. Women may outwardly reject IPV during the ongoing surveys to align with changing societal norms yet privately tolerate it due to cultural pressures such as maintaining family honor or securing their children’s future. Kandiyoti's (1988) approach provides critical insight into how educated women negotiate patriarchal agreements while frequently sacrificing their independence for safety and social acceptance. This is also supported by Ahmed and Tabassum (2022), who illustrate how women justify IPV to maintain family stability. A Study on The Reasons Behind IPV Tolerance Among Educated Women in Bangladesh IJSSHR, Volume 08 Issue 10 October 2025 www.ijsshr.in Page 7948 2.4 Impact of Familial and Child-Centric Concerns on IPV Tolerance 2.4.1 Family Expectations and Stability Women usually suffer from IPV as a result of society’s emphasis on preserving family stability and unity. They are raised culturally to put family honor and integrity first, even if it means sacrificing their own safety. Bhuiya et al. (2003) found that failure to perform family responsibilities, like caring for children or doing household chores, often leads to abuse, with 10% of verbal and 5.1% of physical abuse cases. In patriarchal households, these norms reinforce IPV as a disciplinary tool where men generally exercise authority over women. In Bangladesh, divorce and separation through legal procedures remain heavily stigmatized. Women are supposed to protect family honor which is closely connected to their marital status. Many women stay in abusive relationships to avoid social stigma and blame associated with divorce (Samuels et al., 2019). This stigma and blame may not be limited to them and often extends to their children and broader social setting. Due to these psychological pressures, women sacrifice their own well-being to protect the fame of their family, which further contributes to IPV tolerance. The interplay between cultural norms and financial problems again exacerbates this issue. In many circumstances, women’s economic empowerment is insufficient to overcome these deeply rooted expectations. Schuler & Nazneen (2008) argued that traditional social beliefs that prioritize family stability over personal safety make it more difficult for women to reject abusive relations. According to these beliefs, women are the ones to be the protectors of family unity despite violence because it values endurance and sacrifice. 2.4.2 Child-Centric Concerns Many women who are raising children choose to tolerate IPV. The well-being of their children comes before their own safety, and many women prioritize their duty as caretakers as to their own safety. According to Naved et al. (2006), women often tolerate violence in order to protect their children from the negative effects of divorce, such as financial uncertainty and social stigma. These concerns outweigh the physical and emotional harm of IPV on the women themselves. Women’s acceptance of IPV is sometimes driven by fears of damaging their children’s social and emotional development. Women are not encouraged to consider divorce or separation both for keeping the mother’s reputation and the child's future well-being. This traditional belief supports the idea that preserving family unity, even in an abusive context, is significant for a child’s stability and security (Samuels et al., 2019). 2.5 Theoretical Framework 2.5.1 Social Learning Theory Bandura (1977) defined Social Learning Theory as the behaviour and attitude that someone learns through observing and imitating other people. Research shows that childhood exposure to domestic violence frequently creates the impression that abusive behaviours are normal in the family, which raises the risk of IPV victimization or perpetration in later life (Mbilinyi et al., 2012). Women often end up accepting mistreatment in relationships which continues the cycle of learned violence (Chan et al., 2015). A recent study from rural Bangladesh explores a significant connection between experiencing family violence at a young age and attitudes towards wife abuse in adulthood (Karim et al., 2021). On the other hand, persons who did not have any exposure to abusive behaviour at an early age were found to be rejected in adulthood. From this pattern, it is evident that women who witness violence during childhood, whether in family settings or surroundings, might often see it as a normal part of relationships. 2.5.2 Intergenerational Theory of Violence The Intergenerational Theory of Violence explains that individuals who grow up in violent surroundings tend to continue those patterns into their adulthood (Pollak, 2004). It is likely that a husband’s aggressive behaviour stems from seeing or experiencing violence as a child. However, a wife may choose to stay in such a relationship since she was exposed to violence in her early life. Black et al. (2010) studied how growing up around interparental violence might affect someone’s chances of experiencing or committing IPV in their own relationships. It shows that early familial experiences might influence the future relationship (Stith et al., 2000). Besides, a longitudinal study conducted by Shakoor et al. (2022) that explored data from the Cambridge Study in Delinquent Development over a 50-year period offered additional evidence. The study revealed a consistent pattern of IPV passed down through generations, showing how violent behaviour remains over time. This normalization of violence reinforces abuse cycles since children raised in violent settings are more likely to embrace IPV as an acceptable conflict resolution tactic in adulthood (Koening et al., 2003). These theories (Social Learning Theory and Intergenerational Theory of Violence) help to understand why educated women in Bangladesh might accept IPV despite having access to education and awareness. A Study on The Reasons Behind IPV Tolerance Among Educated Women in Bangladesh IJSSHR, Volume 08 Issue 10 October 2025 www.ijsshr.in Page 7949 CHAPTER 3 RESEARCH METHOD 3.1 Study Design A qualitative methodological framework is employed in this study to delve into why educated women in Bangladesh tolerate IPV. Qualitative research is useful in revealing overlooked topics, investigating complex dynamics, identifying gaps and documenting survivors’ experiences (Hardestey et al., 2019). The data in this research is analysed using a reflexive thematic analysis, a technique intended to find, examine and report on the themes. According to Braun et al. (2019), reflexive thematic analysis (RTA) is an analytical method that analyses data while maintaining researchers’ subjective opinions and how these might influence the results. Qualitative research methodology and reflexive thematic analysis offer a deeper understanding of how people perceive their understandings in specific settings. 3.2 Sampling Snowball sampling and the purposive approach were utilized in this study. To make the most use of limited resources, the purposive technique is frequently used in qualitative research to locate and identify the information (Patton,2014). Snowball sampling has been used due to the nature of this study, as it involves the hard-to-reach (Shaghaghi et al., 2011) population. To select the interview participants, the researcher asked friends and relatives for recommendations and used referrals from others1. Additionally, all the participants were well-informed about IPV, as they all have high levels of education2. 3.3 Eligibility Criteria To be eligible for the interview, participants were required to identify as women survivors of intimate partner violence (IPV), possess at least a bachelor’s degree, be of Bengali nationality3, have the ability to participate in a Zoom interview and be willing to be audiorecorded during an interview. To finalize the participants, I provided an explanation of intimate partner violence in the context of this study, recognizing that its meaning might vary based on the survivors’ backgrounds and experiences. Five participants were finalized for the interview, as they met all the established criteria. 3.4 Data Collection After obtaining approval from the Ethics Review Committee, the researcher conducted five semi-structured interviews via the Zoom platform between July to September 2024. The interview process required significant flexibility, as participants needed adaptable scheduling due to their familial responsibilities. 1 The researcher approached friends and family members, inquiring whether they knew of any women who might be experiencing challenges or difficulties in their married life over an extended period. The purpose of the study was clearly explained, and it was emphasized that participation would be entirely voluntary and confidential. If acquaintances identified potential participants, they were asked for consent to refer these individuals to the researcher for further contact. 2 Completed bachelor’s degree. 3 Those who have official right to belong to Bangladesh. According to the Citizenship Act of 1951, which has been amended several times, Bangladeshi nationality can be acquired by birth, descent, registration, or naturalization. Wikipedia Contributors (2024, December 23). Bangladesh Nationality Law Given the sensitive nature of this study, conducting in-person interviews were challenging as participants might be uncomfortable sharing their private information face to face or unable to make time for formal meetings. A semi-structured method was purposefully chosen since it allows the researcher to keep focus while encouraging participants to share their thoughts as well as explore new ideas (Adams, 2015). All interviews were digitally recorded and then transcribed. After conducting the interviews in the Bengali language, the researcher manually translated the transcripts into English after transcribing them verbatim. In order to ensure the accuracy and nuance of the data, the process was carried out without any assistance of artificial intelligence. 3.5 Data Analysis Giorgi’s (1985) framework, which included a number of methodological processes, was followed throughout the data analysis process. The first step was data cleaning, which involves carefully eliminating terms that aren’t necessary to preserve the transcripts meaning. The text was organized and analysed using NVIVO qualitative data analysis software (version 15). Following the NVIVO data processing, the researcher carefully examined the coding and nodes to ensure that participants’ responses were correctly aligned with the research questions (Wong, 2008). Two features (coding queries and matrix coding queries) were used to find out the connection between themes. 3.6 Ethical Consideration This study was reviewed and approved by the ethics review committee of Nagoya University’s Graduate School of International Development (GSID). Participants were fully informed about their rights and the scope of their involvement. Participation was optional, with the option of withdrawing without any consequences. The goal of the study, any risks, advantages and confidentiality procedure were all thoroughly explained, and participants were welcomed to ask any questions at any time. Participants were given A Study on The Reasons Behind IPV Tolerance Among Educated Women in Bangladesh IJSSHR, Volume 08 Issue 10 October 2025 www.ijsshr.in Page 7950 the option to end the interview at any time or refuse to answer any particular questions in order to reduce any potential risks, and they were guaranteed that all information gathered would be deleted upon their withdrawal. To maintain their comfort, participants were encouraged to express any additional needs throughout the process. CHAPTER 4 SETTING THE SCENE 4.1 Social and Cultural Context of Bangladesh Bangladesh has achieved significant progress in women’s empowerment, education and gender equality despite its status among the least developed countries. According to the World Economic Forum’s Gender Gap Index, the country is ranked 59th in the world, yet it holds its place seventh in terms of political empowerment (Dhaka Tribune, 2023). However, persistent challenges remain, as Bangladesh ranks 131 out of 170 countries in the Gender Inequality Index, reflecting ongoing disparities in access to resources and opportunities (United Nation, 2024). According to the Bangladesh Bureau of Statistics (BBS), the literacy rate has steadily improved, reaching 77.9% in 2023, with males at 80.1% and females at 75.8% (BSS News, 2024). Cultural norms around unpaid domestic work, which requires women to put in 7.3 times more hours than males, limit women's economic potential even if 50.6% of them have completed secondary school and 42.7% are employed. The government aims to address these disparities by targeting 50% female participation in all sectors by 2030 (United Nation, 2024). Despite these advances, Bangladesh faces critical issues with intimate partner violence (IPV), ranking fourth globally and second in South Asia for IPV prevalence based on a WHO report as cited in Prothom Alo (2021) and about 50% of women aged 15–49 have experienced physical or sexual violence, reflecting deep-rooted cultural norms that tolerate such behaviour. Progress in health outcomes, such as lowering the maternal mortality ratio to 136 per 100,000 live births by 2023, demonstrates a commitment to enhancing women's well-being (BSS News, 2024). However, despite the rapid development in Bangladesh, deep-rooted societal factors such as traditional gender roles, family honour, societal norms, and the emphasis on marital stability continue to hinder progress and slow the pace of development (Esie et al., 2019; Jesmin, 2015; Sen, 2024). These cultural beliefs limit women’s progress and make abusive behaviours seem socially acceptable. Numerous qualitative and quantitative research has explored how these factors restrict women’s autonomy and decisionmaking power by supporting traditional patriarchal structures (Naved et al., 2006; Rahman & Sakib, 2022; Schuler et al., 2011; Schuler & Nazneen, 2018). The traditional belief that women should prioritize their family honor and marital stability forces them to accept or endure IPV, which seriously hinders their empowerment and overall well-being (Jesmin, 2015). Cultural traditions in Bangladesh, such as prioritizing family honor, collectivism and marital stability, heavily impact relationships and contribute to IPV. According to Naved et al. (2006), 26% of urban and 34% of rural women reported they remain silent about IPV because of fear of damaging family honor. Collectivist ideals force women to put up with abuse for the sake of their children's future and social standing because they place a higher priority on preserving the family unit than on their own personal welfare. This cultural emphasis on marital stability often forces women to tolerate violence, as separation is stigmatised and seen as a threat to family cohesion (Wahed & Bhuiya, 2007). Traditional gender roles further reinforce IPV by prescribing women’s subordination and men’s authority within marriage. Noncompliance with these roles, such as questioning the husband (29.1%) or failing in household duties (17.6%), often triggers violence (Bhuiya et al., 2003). According to a WHO multi-country study as cited in Wahed & Bhuiya (2007), given that 53.3% of urban and 79.3% of rural women defend wife-beating in specific situations, the acceptance of IPV as a form of discipline is alarmingly normalised. This is a reflection of society's inflexible patriarchal structures and belief in male domination. 4.2 The Role of Education in Shaping Gender Norms and Expectations Bangladesh has significantly improved girls' access to education over the past few decades, particularly at the primary and secondary levels. From 39% in 1998 to 67% in 2017, females' secondary school enrollment increased dramatically, indicating a significant movement in education toward gender equity (World Bank, 2019). At the primary level, Bangladesh has achieved near gender parity, with a primary enrollment rate of around 98% and a higher female-to-male ratio (Khan, 2023). These milestones underscore the country’s commitment to fostering greater educational opportunities for girls. For example, according to the UNDP Bangladesh (2023) Strategy report, women comprise over 63% of the Ready-Made Garment (RMG) industry workforce, underscoring the connection between economic inclusion and education. With 92% of borrowers being women, microfinance has further empowered women economically and increased their ability to make decisions and integrate into society in their homes (UNDP Bangladesh, 2023). However, progress in higher education for women has been slower. Between 2015 and 2023, the Gross Enrollment Ratio (GER) for females in higher education rose marginally from 12.11% to 16.51%, a 4.4 percentage point rise in seven years (University World News, 2024). Barriers such as early marriage, poverty, and inadequate facilities for female students restrict women from pursuing advanced A Study on The Reasons Behind IPV Tolerance Among Educated Women in Bangladesh IJSSHR, Volume 08 Issue 10 October 2025 www.ijsshr.in Page 7957 Table 5 outlines various key obstacles to the empowerment of participants, highlighting a complicated relationship among emotional resilience, financial difficulties, familial pressures, and the ingrained reliance on endurance and patience. The concept of "adjustment" appears prominently as participants often feel forced to suppress their emotions and Sometimes I have to console myself by thinking that perhaps he didn’t intend to hurt me, and I just took it the wrong way. Even when I know he intentionally hurt me, I don’t dwell on it for long because I know harboring negative feelings will only make it worse. I feel that women in our society are victims in many ways. We can’t express what we go through, so we just have to adjust, adjust, and adjust. Honestly, I don’t see any option other than enduring it. (P1, personal communication, July 15, 2024) it reflects a common mechanism to avoid conflict despite the emotional toll it exacts. In these situations, participants reported relying on self-consolation or acceptance as coping strategies, with Participant 1 noting that enduring negative emotions only intensifies their distress. Financial difficulties further constrain empowerment by creating dependency and reducing autonomy. Participant 4 shares how her husband’s irresponsibility and risky investments have created continuous financial strain and leaves her unable to adequately provide for her children. She expresses a desire to improve her situation, imagining “starting a chicken farm” (P4, personal communication, July 16, 2024) to alleviate her family’s suffering. However, her dependence on her husband is further exacerbated by the fact that her lack of financial resources limits her ability to act independently. Participant 3 reflects on how financial stress has changed her marital relationship, stating, Before marriage, we spent a lot of time together and went on trips, but after marriage, our financial situation worsened. So I think sometimes it’s because of financial stress that my husband doesn’t want to go out with me anymore. (P3, personal communication, July 15, 2024) This suggests that financial difficulties not only strain their relationship but also lead to emotional disconnection which ultimately leaves her feeling neglected and unsupported. In addition to emotional and financial challenges, family pressure intensifies the weight of endurance. For instance, Participant 5 explains, A lot of things happen in life. If you keep everything in mind, it becomes impossible to continue the marriage. So, I try to avoid bad situations or stay quiet. I try my best to overlook my husband’s bad behavior…When I can’t handle it anymore, I close the door and cry for 1 or 2 hours, then I go back to my work. (P5, personal communication, September 30, 2024) that when her husband’s behavior becomes unbearable, she feels forced to stay silent to protect her family’s reputation. These responses show how societal norms force women to accept silence and endure hardships as normal. This limits their ability to grow and feel empowered. Despite these formidable barriers, their persistence—such as looking for work or considering new income streams—illustrates a form of resilience that seeks empowerment even within restrictive boundaries. Summary: Sections 5.3.1 and 5.4 provide insights into the participants’ knowledge and sense of empowerment, while section 5.5 outlines the barriers they encounter in acting on this empowerment. Despite being educated and aware, participants find themselves constrained by deeply rooted social, financial, and relational obstacles. These barriers limit their ability to change their circumstances, despite their efforts to find solutions and make repeated attempts at resolution. Ultimately, they find ways to cope and adjust instead of escaping, as enduring and accepting their situation feels like the only option. Social expectations leave them with no other realistic choice. These dynamic reveals that structural limitation hold back their empowerment. They end up with constrained resilience and little room for real transformation. 5.6 Experiences of Inequality (childhood and surrounding) Table 6. Experiences of Inequality in Childhood and Immediate Surroundings Theme Description Personal Experience of Inequality Childhood Experience Early life experiences that shaped perceptions of inequality. Experience in Surrounding Observations of inequality in the environment, such as profession, community or society. Note. Source: Author’s Own (based on interview data) The participants’ early exposure to abusive behaviors and gender inequality, both within the family and in surrounding, reveals that these experiences shape their acceptance of restrictive social norms. For example, Participant 1 and Participant 5 observed such behaviour in her family as she said:“There was always a dominating attitude that women’s words didn’t matter. I didn’t see it with my parents, but I saw it with my uncle, who was very controlling towards my aunt” (P1, personal communication, July 15, 2024). And, “Sometimes my parents argued. My father made big decisions without consulting my mother, which led to problems” (P5, personal communication, September 30, 2024). It reflects an ingrained and dismissive attitude toward women’s voices. Such observations may extend into adulthood, where participants note similar issues in their peers’ lives (colleague) but rarely discuss them openly, as seen when Participant 2 says, A Study on The Reasons Behind IPV Tolerance Among Educated Women in Bangladesh IJSSHR, Volume 08 Issue 10 October 2025 www.ijsshr.in Page 7958 “I don’t usually discuss personal matters with colleagues, but sometimes I can tell from their words that their husbands are similar” (P2, personal communication, July 8, 2024). Participant 3 said: “Even in the flat next to ours, I’ve seen such incidents. A colleague of mine also recently called me and shared many of her problems” (P3, personal communication, July 15, 2024). This internalized awareness may lead to normalising inequality and limiting participants’ capacity for change despite their education and empowerment. Summary: Educated women are often perceived as knowledgeable, aware, and empowered individuals capable of applying their understanding effectively in private life. However, this research uncovers a contrasting reality: even educated women remain constrained by deeply rooted social and cultural norms. While the study indicates that education contributes to financial stability, e.g., through microcredit or NGO membership (Bates et al., 2004) and less tolerance of IPV (Schuler et al., 2013), others (Jesmin, 2015) find no significant positive correlation between women’s empowerment and attitudes toward IPV. This research argues that educated women’s attitudes toward IPV tolerance are predominantly shaped by deeply ingrained social and cultural norms, which often overshadow the impact of economic empowerment. While financial stability may offer women some degree of autonomy, this study indicates that societal expectations and cultural conditioning play a more significant role in perpetuating IPV tolerance among educated women. This suggests a complex interplay between cultural constraint and women empowerment, whereby achieving economic independence on its own is insufficient to challenge deeply rooted normative structures. Another key finding of this research is that all women who experienced IPV demonstrate a strong understanding of equal rights and actively look for solutions to address their situations. However, despite their best efforts, these attempts rarely lead to meaningful change. Instead, these women often develop coping strategies to deal with their circumstances, as escaping their situations is restricted by societal and cultural norms. This pattern aligns with previous research (Daibes & Safadi, 2022), which underscores how deeply entrenched norms limit women’s ability to break free from abusive relationships. Early exposure to violence—both within families and in surrounding environments—profoundly shapes women’s acceptance of IPV. This exposure normalizes violence and influences their attitudes which makes it challenging to reject IPV in adulthood. Also, this finding supports both Social Learning Theory, which emphasizes the role of observational learning in shaping attitudes and the Intergenerational Theory of Violence, highlighting how these patterns persist across generations. Furthermore, this research identifies critical gaps in the legal protection system. While Bangladesh has laws aligned with international standards, such as the Dowry Prohibition Act (1980), the Suppression of Violence Against Women and Children Act (2000) and The Domestic Violence Prevention and Protection Act (2010)4, these laws fail to provide victims with a safe and supportive environment to seek help (Omar Faruk et al., 2020). If victims do not feel secure when approaching the legal system, the existence of robust laws becomes irrelevant. 4 This Act aims to uphold the United Nations conventions on women’s and children’s rights, ensure equal rights for women and children as guaranteed in the Constitution of Bangladesh, and prevent domestic violence while protecting women and children from it. (Ministry of Women and Children Affairs, 2010). 5.7 Limitation This research is based on a very limited sample, comprising only five IPV victims, which may not fully represent women from diverse socio-economic backgrounds in Bangladesh. Additionally, the findings rely entirely on the participants’ interview responses. While conducting a focus group discussion could have enhanced the depth of the data, time constraints prevented its inclusion in this study. Considering the sensitivity of the topic, finding interview participants was challenging. Since this matter is very personal, many individuals were hesitant to participate, and most were not comfortable being audio recorded. This created another limitation, as it was not always possible to identify and select the exact victim of IPV. Moreover, this research relied entirely on the statements of the participants. It was not feasible to verify the perspective of the opposite party or assess the accuracy of their reactions to this issue. This is an important factor to keep in mind while interpreting the findings. Future studies should include a larger and more specific sample and a mixed-method approach to improve the findings' dependability and depth. CHAPTER 6 CONCLUSION This study shows that educated women's views on IPV are more influenced by social and cultural norms than by economic empowerment. Women who are victims of intimate partner violence are aware of their rights, but they are frequently restricted by social expectations, which causes them to adopt coping strategies rather than escape. Early exposure to violence normalizes intimate partner violence (IPV), which affects acceptance as an adult. Gaps in Bangladesh’s legal atmosphere, despite alignment with international standards, fail to provide victims with a secure environment. These findings emphasise the need for systemic cultural A Study on The Reasons Behind IPV Tolerance Among Educated Women in Bangladesh IJSSHR, Volume 08 Issue 10 October 2025 www.ijsshr.in Page 7959 shifts and targeted legal reforms to address IPV effectively. Funding: This research was supported by the Asian Development Bank under the ADB-JSP scholarship program in Japan. 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World Health Organization. https://www.who.int/publications/i/item/9789240022256 87) World Health Organization. (2022). Violence Info – Intimate partner violence. http://apps.who.int/violence-info/intimatepartner-violenceAppendices APPENDIX 1 Interview Questionnaire 1. Can you tell me your age, education level, and what kind of work you do? 2. How long have you been married? 3. Do you have children? A Study on The Reasons Behind IPV Tolerance Among Educated Women in Bangladesh IJSSHR, Volume 08 Issue 10 October 2025 www.ijsshr.in Page 7963 4. Have you experienced any kind of abusive behaviour in your marriage like physical, emotional, or sexual harm (slap,hit,control,pressure etc)? 5. How do you manage everything when these things happen? 6. Do you ever find yourself thinking this kind of behavior is okay? If so, why? 7. What does "equal rights for men and women" mean to you? 8. How do you handle knowing about equal rights and dealing with abusive behavior from your husband? 9. How has your education shaped your thoughts on abusive behavior in marriage? 10. Do you feel your education helps you deal with or stop this kind of behavior? Why or why not? 11. What are the usual beliefs and expectations about marriage and gender roles in your community? 12. How do these traditional roles affect your marriage? 13. Do you think these roles make it more acceptable to hurt someone in marriage? How? 14. Did you see or experience any kind of abusive behavior in your family when you were a child? 15. Have you seen any kind of abusive behavior around you (like in your family, community, or workplace)? 16. Do you think seeing this kind of behavior as a child affects your experiences now? 17. What changes do you think are needed to reduce abusive behavior in marriages? 18. Is there anything else you want to share about your experiences or thoughts on this topic? APPENDIX 2 Agreement for the Interview: All participants have been informed of the statements listed below, and they were required to confirm their agreement by responding ‘YES’ in order to be eligible for the interview. 1. I acknowledge that my participation in this research is voluntary and that I have the right to refuse participation or withdraw at any time without consequence. 2. I confirm that I have been provided with information regarding the research, including its description, potential risks and benefits, and confidentiality measures. 3. I understand that I can ask questions before, during, or after the interview. 4. I am aware of my right to decline to answer any interview questions or to terminate the interview at any point. If I choose to end the interview, the collected information will not be used, and any data acquired will be promptly destroyed. Do you agree with all the information above: [Yes/হ্যাঁ ]? 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