Identifying enablers of successful DV policy and its implementation

IMPROVE D4.1 Identifying enablers of successful DV policy and its implementation Grant Agreement No. 101074010 Page 1 D4.1 Identifying enablers of successful DV policy and its implementation Project Information GRANT AGREEMENT NUMBER 101074010 PROJECT TITLE Improving Access to Services for Victims of Domestic Violence by Accelerating Change in Frontline Responder Organisations PROJECT ACRONYM IMPROVE FUNDING SCHEME Horizon Europe PROJECT START 01 October 2022 DURATION 36 months PROJECT WEBSITE www.improve-horizon.eu Deliverable Information DELIVERABLE N° D4.1 DELIVERABLE TITLE Identifying enablers of policy implementation WP WP4 WP LEADER DEUSTO AUTHORS VICESSE, CNRS, DEUSTO, DHPOL, FORSEE, PLV, POLAMK, SIGNAL, THL DELIVERY DATE 25.02.2025 Dissemination Level PU Public X PP Restricted to other programme participants (incl. Commission Services) RE Restricted to a group specified by the consortium (incl. Commission Services) CO Confidential, only for members of the consortium (incl. Commission Services) IMPROVE D4.1 Identifying enablers of successful DV policy and its implementation Grant Agreement No. 101074010 Page 2 Contents Executive Summary ............................................................................................................... 5 1. Introduction ......................................................................................................................... 7 2. Summary of analysed DV measures .................................................................................. 9 2.1 Austria ........................................................................................................................... 9 Measure 1 – Approach and Entry Ban ............................................................................. 9 Measure 2 – Women’s Shelters ....................................................................................... 9 Measure 3 – Violence Protection Centres ....................................................................... 9 Measure 4 – Court Assistance for Victims ..................................................................... 10 2.2 Finland ........................................................................................................................ 10 Measure 1 – Multi-agency risk assessment conference ................................................ 10 Measure 2 – Anchor Teams .......................................................................................... 10 Measure 3 – Medical risk screening tool for domestic violence and female genital mutilation ....................................................................................................................... 11 Measure 4 – Cultural Interpreter .................................................................................... 11 2.3 France ......................................................................................................................... 12 Measure 1 – Intervenants Sociaux en Commissariat et Gendarmerie .......................... 12 Measure 2 – Judicial Task Forces to Combat Family Violence and Related Innovations ....................................................................................................................................... 12 2.4 Germany ..................................................................................................................... 13 Measure 1 – The Violence Against Women Support Hotline ......................................... 13 Measure 2 – The Round Table Berlin ............................................................................ 13 Measure 3 – The Marburg Model .................................................................................. 14 Measure 4 – The ‘StoP - neighbourhoods without partner violence’ project ................. 14 2.5 Spain ........................................................................................................................... 14 Measure 1 – Specialised training in gender-based violence for professionals .............. 14 Measure 2 – The Women's Houses movement ............................................................. 15 IMPROVE D4.1 Identifying enablers of successful DV policy and its implementation Grant Agreement No. 101074010 Page 3 Measure 3 – Gipuzkoa’s Provincial Council Social Services’ Attention Model for GenderBased Violence .............................................................................................................. 15 Measure 4 – GAMA (Abuse Care Group) of the Valencia Local Police (PLV) .............. 16 3. Critical Enablers of DV policy implementation .................................................................. 17 3.1 External factors ........................................................................................................... 17 3.2 Internal factors ............................................................................................................ 20 4. Critical Enablers for the assessment of the success of victim protection measures ........ 23 4.1 Impact related assessment criteria ............................................................................. 23 4.2 Design-related assessment criteria ............................................................................. 24 5. Developing the SISPO-Framework .................................................................................. 28 6. Conclusion .......................................................................................................................... 4 Appendix 1. Methodology ....................................................................................................... ii Appendix 2. Country Analysis of Policy-Enabler ................................................................... iv 2.1 Austria .......................................................................................................................... iv 2.1.1 Solution I: The Entry and Approach ban ................................................................ iv 2.1.2 Solution II: Austrian Women’s Shelter .................................................................. viii 2.1.3 Solution III: Violence Protection Centres ............................................................. xiv 2.1.4 Solution IV: Court Assistance ............................................................................. xxvi References ................................................................................................................ xxxiv 2.2 Finland ................................................................................................................... xxxvii 1.1.1 Solution 1: MARACs ........................................................................................ xl 1.1.2 Solution 2: Anchor teams ................................................................................ liv 1.1.3 Solution 3: Tools for screening risks of domestic violence and female genital mutilation (FGM) in health care ................................................................................... lxvii 1.1.4 Solution 4: Cultural interpreter .................................................................... lxxvii References .............................................................................................................. lxxxvii 2.3 France ....................................................................................................................... xciii IMPROVE D4.1 Identifying enablers of successful DV policy and its implementation Grant Agreement No. 101074010 Page 4 Solution 1: Embedded Social Workers ........................................................................ xcvi Solution 2: Judicial Task Forces to Combat Family Violence and Related Innovations cix References ............................................................................................................... cxxvii 2.4 Germany .................................................................................................................. cxxx Solution 1: The “Violence Against Women Support Hotline” .................................... cxxxii Solution 2: “Round Table Berlin (RTB) – health care for domestic and sexual violence” ..................................................................................................................................... cxlv Solution 3: “Marburg Model” ....................................................................................... clxiii Solution 4: “StoP - neighbourhoods without partner violence” .................................. clxxiv References .............................................................................................................. clxxxv 2.5 Spain ................................................................................................................... clxxxviii Solution 1: Specialised training in gender-based violence for professionals ......... clxxxviii Solution 2: The Women's Houses and the feminist movement as a gateway to Services .................................................................................................................................. cxcvii Solution 3: Gipuzkoa’s Provincial Council Social Services’ Attention Model for GenderBased Violence ........................................................................................................... ccvii Solution 4: GAMA (Abuse Care Group) of the Valencia Local Police (PLV) ............ ccxvii References .............................................................................................................. ccxxiv IMPROVE D4.1 Identifying enablers of successful DV policy and its implementation Grant Agreement No. 101074010 Page 5 Executive Summary The present report provides policymakers in the field of domestic violence with a support tool for developing and implementing measures against domestic violence. Based on the review and analysis of 18 best practices interventions in areas such as law enforcement, social work or health care from five EU countries, the report summarises the key factors for designing high-quality measures to combat domestic violence, as well as criteria that enable and accelerate the implementation of such measures. The solutions presented in this report were selected by members of the IMPROVE consortium in five countries: Austria, Finland, France, Germany and Spain. The selection of the analysed measures was based on their relevance in the context of the different national sets of measures against domestic violence. A measure was included in the analysis either because of its widespread practical use, its high degree of innovation or because it closed critical gaps in the overall strategy. The solutions included in this report can be grouped according to their specific sectors. The social sector solutions include Women Shelters in Austria and Spain, Austrian Violence Protection Centres, Finish Cultural Interpreters, as well as the German Violence Against Women Support Hotline and the so-called StoP-Project. Measures focusing on the police are the Austrian Approach and Entry Ban system, the Finish Anchor Teams, the French Embedded Social Workers, and the Spanish GAMA police unit. The judicial sector is represented by the Austrian Court Assistances and the French Judicial Task Force. Health sector solutions are the Finnish Tools for screening risks of domestic violence and FGM in health care as well as the German Round Table Berlin. The analysis carried out for this report also included multi-sectorial solutions: the MARACs presented in the Finnish report, the Marburg Model from Germany, as well as the Spanish Gipuzkoa’s Provincial Council Social Services’ Attention Model for Gender-Based Violence and the Specialised Training for various professionals provided. The analysis of these measures resulted in the identification of nine “critical enablers” for successful implementation, as well as nine critical enablers for the assessment of successful performance of a domestic violence (DV) policy measure. The critical enablers for successful implementation can be further divided into external and internal factors. External factors, i.e., factors that are not specifically introduced as part of the DV policy solution, include an existing legal framework, political and civil-society support, funding and funding regulations, as well as a feminist perspective and the existence of bottom-up activism. Internal factors driving IMPROVE D4.1 Identifying enablers of successful DV policy and its implementation Grant Agreement No. 101074010 Page 6 successful implementation are those factors under the immediate purview of the solution. These include a comprehensive pilot phase, the integration of the intervention into the existing (support) structures and communities, regular training, as well as peer-to-peer delivery and a bottom-up approach. Lastly, continuous assessment and evaluation by users and providers of services, in addition to internal data collection were deemed beneficial internal factors. Critical enablers for successful performance of victim protection measures can also be divided into two categories: impact-related and design-related factors. The former focus on factors to assess and measure the performance of a solution. They consist of empirical evidence on uptake, usage and quality of a service, measurements of the trust of authorities and funding providers, as well as the cross-national transferability of a solution. In contrast, design factors look at specific qualities of a solution. The reports highlighted the following qualities as beneficial: cross-organisational and One-Stop-Shop approaches, pro-active approaches, the clear division of labour and responsibilities, low-threshold service accessibility, as well as a victim-centred and holistic design. On the basis of the analysis of these critical enablers, the so-called SISPO (Societal Foundation, Implementation Pathways, Service Design, Practical Environment and Ongoing Development) framework was developed for the conception and analysis of interventions. The framework serves as a comprehensive checklist for the design of victim protection measures. Thus, it is intended to support policy makers, practitioners and researchers in the conceptual development and assessment of state-of-the-art victim protection measures. The report concludes with a brief instruction on how to apply the SISPO framework. IMPROVE D4.1 Identifying enablers of successful DV policy and its implementation Grant Agreement No. 101074010 Page 7 1. Introduction Victims of domestic violence continue to face barriers in access to protection services and interventions often fail to comprehensively address their needs. One reason for this is that the successful implementation of DV policies is challenging, as a multitude of legal, political, cultural, organisational and individual factors influence the success of an intervention. To improve victim protection one important question is thus what the key factors are for designing high-quality measures and what enables and accelerates their implementation. In order to answer this question, the present report highlights: • The key factors that characterise the successful and sustainable implementation of DV policies and measures. • The key factors behind the effectiveness and success of DV policies and measures. To answer these two questions, victim protection strategies and the sets of DV measures that are in place in Austria, Finland, France, Germany and Spain were analysed. We examined solutions that fulfilled at least one of the following criteria: they were frequently used, well established among different interest groups, particularly innovative, and/or best suited to reach previously under-served victim groups. Except for France, in each country four measures were analysed. The reason why only two measures were analysed in France is that one of the examined interventions, namely the “Judicial Task Forces to Combat Family Violence” (see Appendix 2, Section 2.3), is a very broad and comprehensive DV policy measure that combines a number of adjunct innovations, each worth analysing in its own right. This analysis resulted in a final list of 18 critical enablers. Critical enablers are characteristics of good practice DV interventions that policy makers and practitioners may want to consider when designing, implementing and executing DV policies in the future. In the analysis we distinguished between critical enablers for the successful implementation of DV policies and intervention and critical enablers for the successful performance, i.e., the practical effectives of interventions. Both types of critical enablers can be further divided. Critical enabler for the implementation can be categorised into external and internal factors. The former are characteristics that are not part of the development and design of the specific intervention, but often exist prior to its introduction. A typical example of this is the existence of strong civil society engagement against domestic violence. Internal factors in turn are IMPROVE D4.1 Identifying enablers of successful DV policy and its implementation Grant Agreement No. 101074010 Page 8 characteristics that are specific to a certain (type of) intervention and are part of its design, for example that a DV training measure is delivered on a peer-to-peer basis. Critical enablers for successful performance of victim protection measures can be divided into impact-related and design-related factors. The former are factors that assess and measure the performance of a solution, for example statistical evidence of an intervention’s usage. Design factors refer to the specific qualities of a solution, like the low-threshold design of a DV intervention. The aim and purpose of this report is to provide policy makers and practitioners from the various sectors involved in victim protection with an easy-to-use guide for the development, implementation and delivery of victim protection measures. Therefore, the present report is structured and written in the form of a catalogue of criteria. Consequently, the main part of the report refrains from comprehensive descriptions and analytic dissections of the 18 analysed victim protection measures in favour of simple and quick access to the essential content. Only the different ‘critical enablers’ are presented, and their content is illustrated by reference to a few carefully selected examples from the analyses. Readers interested in the details of the various measures, or the methodology of the report are referred to the appendix. The report is structured as follows: Section 2 provides a brief overview of the various analysed measures. Section 3 and section 4 then present the critical enablers for the successful implementation of DV policies and intervention, as well as the critical enablers that are used to assess the practical successfulness of DV polices respectively. Section 5 presents the SISPO Framework, which summarises the findings, by presenting a matrix of critical enablers. The conclusion in Section 6 offers suggestions to policymakers and practitioners on how the presented results can be used in the design, development, implementation and evaluation of measures to combat violence against women. IMPROVE D4.1 Identifying enablers of successful DV policy and its implementation Grant Agreement No. 101074010 Page 9 2. Summary of analysed DV measures 2.1 Austria Measure 1 – Approach and Entry Ban The Approach and Entry Ban is stipulated in § 38a of the Security Police Act (SPG), and can be considered the most important police intervention for addressing domestic violence in Austria. The imposition of the measure prohibits the perpetrator from entering or approaching the home of the victim for a period of two weeks. This applies regardless of whether the perpetrator or the victim is the owner or main tenant of the home. § 38a SPG obliges police officers to issue a ban in case of “dangerous situation”. Police can define a situation to be dangerous based on the likelihood of an act of violence to occur. Following the issuing of the ban the police must notify the regional violence protection centre, providing victim information to facilitate proactive outreach. The police also have to inform victims about restraining order options. Additionally, perpetrators are required to engage in violence prevention counselling within 14 days. The incident is recorded in the Central Violence Protection Register for three years. Measure 2 – Women’s Shelters Austria has 33 women’s shelters, of which 16 are linked to the Association of Autonomous Austrian Women’s Shelters. These shelters provide critical services for women and children affected by violence, including accommodation, legal advice, psycho-social support, and assistance with authorities and courts. Core support activities include creating safety plans, aiding in legal claims, and providing parenting or separation guidance. Depending on the financial situation of the women seeking help, access and the stay may be free of charge or require a small fee. Shelters often extend support beyond the victim’s stay, offering follow-up care and social reintegration. They operate on a victim-centred approach, ensuring all measures have the victim’s consent. Additionally, they contribute to societal awareness through workshops, campaigns, and educational events. Staff typically have backgrounds in psychology, social work, or law, coupled with specialised training to support victims effectively. Measure 3 – Violence Protection Centres Violence protection centres (GSZ) are federally mandated and organised at the state level, focusing on comprehensive support for victims, such as navigating legal processes, finding IMPROVE D4.1 Identifying enablers of successful DV policy and its implementation Grant Agreement No. 101074010 Page 16 supports proximity, personalisation of care, and the decentralisation of resources and services. The Gipuzkoa Provincial Council has taken significant steps to improve the response to gender-based violence against women. A key initiative was the creation of AMUUM, a working group led by the Social Inclusion and Attention to Women Victims of Gender-Based Violence Service. The AMUUM reviewed DV intervention models and practices to develop recommendations for enhancing services. These recommendations align with gender-perspective principles drawn from international, national, and regional gender-based violence frameworks. The aim is to standardise quality across services and ensure a coherent, value-driven response to victims’ needs. The guidelines focus on translating these principles into actionable practices, promoting micro-level service improvements, and steering services toward excellence. Ultimately, the measure seeks to provide consistent, high-quality support for victims of gender-based violence. Measure 4 – GAMA (Abuse Care Group) of the Valencia Local Police (PLV) The GAMA is a police intervention group that was developed to act exclusively for the protection of victims of gender and domestic violence. The implementation of the GAMA marked a turning point in DV police interventions, both in terms of the quantitative results of the work carried out by the team, as well as a qualitative leap that has led to a substantial improvement in the quality, effectiveness and efficiency of the service provided to victims under protection. Over the years, GAMA has developed into a specialised unit dedicated to offering comprehensive assistance to victims. Operating within a collaborative network of support services, the unit works closely with various organisations and institutions. This ensures that victims are provided with timely and effective support. IMPROVE D4.1 Identifying enablers of successful DV policy and its implementation Grant Agreement No. 101074010 Page 17 3. Critical Enablers of DV policy implementation The following section describes the factors identified as crucial for the successful implementation of DV policies. As mentioned above, these factors can be categorised as either external or internal. External factors delineate the framework conditions that must be in place for the implementation of a measure to succeed. These include, in particular, a legal basis, but also political or civil society support. Internal factors, in contrast, describe how the measure must be ‘designed’ in order to be effectively implemented. 3.1 External factors Overall, the analysis shows that one of the most important factors driving the implementation of DV measures is to establish a legal basis. Almost all of the measures presented in the national reports are based on legal provisions. Such provisions can be (1) narrow and specifically defined, as is the case for the German DV Helpline, which was established by a dedicated legal act. In just 8 paragraphs and less than 500 words, this legal act regulates the central tasks, the group of addressees, availability as well as questions of public relations and the evaluation of the hotline. Certain details, such as the qualifications required of hotline staff, are left to the practical assessment of the operator. Besides such specific laws, legal regulations can also set out (2) comprehensive principles that frame the conditions for a range of various measures across different institutions and settings. This is, for example, the case with the Spanish legislation on the elimination of gender-based violence, which across several different acts also regulates public authorities’ responsibilities to provide specialised and high-quality trainings for professionals1. In contrast to the legal definition of specific services, the focus here is on formulating framework conditions, such as by defining general objectives, the target audience, assigning responsibility for implementation, setting a time frame and resolving financing aspects. Other legal measures, such as the Judicial Task Forces to Combat Family Violence in France, represent a (3) combination, involving both the establishment of specific procedures and the prescription of general principles. When developing measures for the protection of victims, political decision-makers can choose between these three forms of legal regulation. A particular advantage of very narrow on concrete legal stipulations, like in the case of the German support hotline, is that the 1 Organic Law 1/2004 on Comprehensive Protection Measures against Gender-Based Violence; the Organic Law 3/2007 for the Effective Equality of Women and Men; Law 14/2011 on Science, Technology and Innovation; Royal Decree 1393/2007; Organic Law 2/2023 on the University System. IMPROVE D4.1 Identifying enablers of successful DV policy and its implementation Grant Agreement No. 101074010 Page 18 envisaged measure is comparatively easy to implement (e.g., because further legal interpretation is hardly to be expected) and to evaluate. The successful adoption of comprehensive legal frameworks to improve protection against violence is particularly advisable when systemic and structural changes are the goal. However, the successful implementation of comprehensive measures, such as the legally required specialised training in the field of gender-based violence at Spanish universities, can heavily depend on another external factor, namely the existence of a corresponding socio-political orientation. As the Spanish example shows, the successful implementation of legally stipulation training was significantly driven by academic feminism, which has a 50-year tradition in Spanish universities. Finally, it is crucial to recognise that in all three cases. (i.e., task-specific legal regulations, general legal frameworks and the combination of both) the respective legalisation leaves the “fine-tuning” of the practical implementation and execution of the legal requirement to the responsible actors. Ideally these responsible actors are closely involved in the design and development of the regulation. The second external factor for the successful implementation of DV policies is that of political support. While political support for a particular issue may often be expressed by introducing legal measures, it is not always necessary or advantageous to aim for the comparatively high standard of legal regulations. Instead, political support can be expressed symbolically and/or via policy efforts. One example of this comes from the development of women's shelters in Austria. Their historical development shows the great importance of political support in two ways. First, political allies were needed to raise the project to the level of public-political discourse and to keep it there. Second, the project required political representation, which can be achieved, for example, by political actors taking on representative functions in the project. In the case of the founding of the first women's shelter in Austria, this was accomplished by filling the shelter association's supervisory board, with ‘honourable personalities’ from politics and society. In addition to its representative function, political support is an important factor for the successful implementation of victim protection measures because it can facilitate the acquisition of funding. In contrast to legal regulations, political support also allows for a continuous balancing of the various perspectives. While the enactment of laws can mark the preliminary end of political attention, endeavours and efforts (after all, implementation is usually the responsibility of executive bodies such as authorities and not the legislature), ongoing participation of political actors can strengthen collaboration between all stakeholders and foster acceptance and effectiveness among various groups. IMPROVE D4.1 Identifying enablers of successful DV policy and its implementation Grant Agreement No. 101074010 Page 19 Equally effective, however, can be the support and recognition of an intervention by nongovernmental public institutions (e.g., universities) and civil society actors, like NGOs. Indeed, it may even be advantageous for an intervention to be primarily associated with private and civil society initiatives, because state institutions do not always enjoy the full trust of those affected. Examples of this are again the women's shelter movements in Spain and Austria, which, although partly supported by public authorities or political actors, were mainly driven by grassroots feminist movements. In these cases, the success in implementation is based on the fact that women who themselves were affected by violence worked on the implementation of the measure. Such engagement is typically associated with a high degree of intrinsic motivation, while economic or political motives, for example, are of little importance. Both factors, i.e., legal foundations and political or civil support, are also important because they are closely linked to the third external factor for successful implementation, namely sufficient and clearly regulated funding. While the aspect of sufficient funding is selfexplanatory as an important implementation factor, the second point requires further explanation. A clear financing regulation includes the unambiguous determination of who provides how much money, for how long, on what basis (e.g., legally stipulated or as a donation), how this money is to be used, what happens to surplus funds, what documentation requirements exist, and whether certain other conditions (e.g., from whom else money can be obtained) are associated with it. Such clarifications are particularly necessary for sustainable implementation. At least as important as the factors mentioned above is the fact that many of the measures mentioned in the country reports emerged from feminist-motivated, bottom-up efforts. These measures thus predate political or legal endorsement and are closely linked to civil society support for violence protection measures. The importance of a feminist orientation and perspective for the development and implementation of victim protection measures can hardly be overestimated. Some of the most important measures, such as women's shelters, violence protection laws and comprehensive counselling services, were initiated, driven and/or implemented by groups of women who opposed the sexist and patriarchal structures of societies. These include, for example, the Women's Shelter in Austria, the Women's Houses in Spain, and the StoP project in Germany and Austria. Without these feminist principles, which are shared by many practitioners, be it in social work, legal or health-related IMPROVE D4.1 Identifying enablers of successful DV policy and its implementation Grant Agreement No. 101074010 Page 20 victim support, it would hardly be possible to implement a variety of measures. As a result, the state would not be able to adequately fulfil its duty to protect people, especially women from violence. Therefore, policy makers should be more receptive to initiatives and projects that demonstrate such a critical attitude and have emerged from bottom-up efforts. 3.2 Internal factors In addition to these external factors that drive the implementation of measures, there are a number of internal factors that need to be considered when designing the content and structure of any measure. Before a comprehensive introduction of a DV-policy measure takes place, it is important to plan an extended pilot phase that ideally involves all affected stakeholders. The added value of such a step can be seen, for example, in the MARACs in Finland, the “StoP” project from Germany or the violence protection centres in Austria, which all included (scientifically) monitored pilot phase. Such piloting phases enable the refinement of strategies and adaptation to the needs of practitioners and victims. Moreover, they can help identify potential risks and vulnerabilities that are difficult to foresee, allowing negative consequences to be addressed and minimised early on. This is especially important to ensure that a programme is both effective and safe, when working with vulnerable populations. In addition, such a pilot phase provides information on the scalability of a measure by gaining initial insights into existing demand and associated resource requirements. Whether measures are designed to be integrable into existing (victim protection and/or social) structures, constitutes another positive factor for a successful implementation. While this may not be possible or necessary for all measures, the experiences from France with the integration of social workers into the police force or the Finnish Anchor Teams show the benefits of such an approach. In both cases, the integration of social work and police structures lowers the threshold for contact and mutual support beyond the core tasks of the stakeholders. Particularly, such integration reduces the threshold for mutual exchange if both organisational and local integration is achieved, i.e., the participating actors share office space, for example. For the exchange of information and the development of a trustingrelationship face-to-face exchange is typically preferred over telephone or email exchange. Integration of different stakeholders directly involved in the measure is thus conducive to the implementation of victim protection measures. Measures should also be embedded within local communities, for example by establishing contact with local associations, religious groups or social services provided by NGOs. In this way, the targeted measures can be IMPROVE D4.1 Identifying enablers of successful DV policy and its implementation Grant Agreement No. 101074010 Page 21 tailored to fit local conditions and needs. A prime example of this is certainly the ‘StoP’ project, which aims to build and embed violence and victim protection in local-community structures. Consequently, policy makers should consider the diversity of different social settings when developing interventions. For example, it can make a significant difference whether community-based interventions are to be implemented in urban neighbourhoods that tend to be characterised by anonymity, or in rural communities where it may be necessary to provide opportunities for anonymity. Another factor that drives the implementation of measures is the peer-to-peer communication of concepts and content. In fields like medicine, police work, and social work, trust in the skills and training of professionals from other sectors is not always automatic. This lack of trust may sometimes stem from prejudice but can also be to the understandable perception that people outside a profession lack the same level of knowledge and practical experience in a given field as those within it. Therefore, a peer-to-peer approach is better suited for creating accessible and effective collaboration. The Round Table Berlin (RTB), for example, which is working on the implementation of victim protection measures in the medical field, shows how important such a conceptual structure is for successful implementation. The RTB involves various medical professions in the overall development of their concepts and trainings, which improves the implementation of these guidelines and training offers, because they are tailored to the needs and practices of the various medical specialities. Consequently, it is more likely that results will be accepted by the respective disciplines and organisations. In addition to specific professional contexts, peer-to-peer development, support and training are also essential for victim support and counselling programmes. This is evident in the development of women's shelters, as described in the Spanish and Austrian contexts. In both cases, it was coalitions of women that created spaces for the protection and the empowerment of women. Whilst in both cases, initiatives were dependent on the support of political or public partners, they were essentially bottom-up and peer-to-peer endeavours, distinct from state interventions against domestic violence. Thus, their success stems from their bottom-up and peer-to-peer approach. Finally, two further important factors should be mentioned, even if they are general. First, measures should always include the continuous assessment and evaluation of the needs and experiences of service users and providers, e.g., through dedicated surveys or scientific evaluation. Such continuous assessments provide the information basis for the ongoing IMPROVE D4.1 Identifying enablers of successful DV policy and its implementation Grant Agreement No. 101074010 Page 22 improvement of measures, as well as, in the case of changes in the field, their rapid adaptation to the changing needs of victims and practitioners. Closely related to this is the collection of data on the organisation's own activities. The importance of this was highlighted in almost all of the analysed measures (e.g., keeping records of the services provided, such as the number of counselling sessions), as well as effective information management and information processing. This is especially necessary and beneficial for multi-agency interventions, as their success heavily depends upon the ability to share information about a specific case. Second, measures should always be combined with regular training and education programmes on the topic of protection against violence. This is crucial because it is an effective way to keep staff up to date in the face of today's complex intervention systems and to ensure that the latest research findings on domestic violence can be integrated into the measures. This way, the sustainable operation of intervention can be supported. IMPROVE D4.1 Identifying enablers of successful DV policy and its implementation Grant Agreement No. 101074010 Page 23 4. Critical Enablers for the assessment of the success of victim protection measures When analysing the factors that can be employed to assess and evaluate the effectiveness of victim protection measures, it is also possible to distinguish between two categories. First, those criteria that provide information about the impact of the measure, for example, the extent to which a victim protection measure is utilised over time. Second, we have identified criteria that can help to assess the quality of the measure in terms of content. This includes, for example, whether the measure involves networking several front-line responders. 4.1 Impact related assessment criteria One of the most important criteria for assessing the effectiveness of victim protection measures is the availability of ‘empirical evidence’. Almost all measures analysed by the partners refer to empirical evidence as an essential indicator for assessing the effectiveness of a DV policy measure. There are two sources of empirical evidence’ policy makers and practitioner can draw on to assess the impact of a measure. First, data provided in activity reports and work documentation of front-line responders that, for example, show a continuous increase over the years in the usage or application of a measure. This can, for example, include the number of counselling sessions offered by hotlines and victim protection organisations or the number of undertaken/requested victim protection measures, such as restraining orders or MARACs. As these figures present the utilisation of a measure, they provide a solid basis for mapping developments in the ‘demand’ for certain support or protection interventions. Furthermore, higher rates of utilisation can be considered as an increase in public awareness. However, a disadvantage is the fact that such ‘bare figures’ only provide limited information about the quality of a measure. Likewise, such figures by themselves do not provide an explanation as to why, for example, there is an increase or decrease in requests for counselling. The second type of empirical evidence that can be drawn on to assess a DV policy measures addresses this gap: It includes scientific publications or evaluations of measures/activities commissioned by international organisations, public authorities, NGOs or even the organisations implementing the measures. For policy and other decision-makers, this means that one important way to determine the effectiveness of an intervention is to monitor or commission the collection of its utilisation rates or impact. Here the focus can be on assessing the individual uptake rates of an intervention, as well as user and practitioner experience with the measure. The most IMPROVE D4.1 Identifying enablers of successful DV policy and its implementation Grant Agreement No. 101074010 Page 24 important dimension of such impact-evaluation is the feedback from the target group of the measure, i.e., whether for example victims of domestic violence report an improvement in their situation and/or the stakeholders involved in the measure consider that the intended effect of the measure has been achieved. Only in this way can the possible relation between the measure and its goal be estimated. Another factor in analysing the performance of a policy measure is the degree to which a measure has gained the trust of public authorities and/or third-party organisations over the course of its implementation. Here, two indicators stand out in particular. The first is whether and to what extent measures have a legal basis and are experiencing continuous expansion and further development. The second is the extent to which such measures receive long-term funding. Both indicators suggest that the legislator and/or funding bodies recognise the necessity and benefit of the measure and acknowledge its long-term use. Among the measures analysed by the partners, and standing out in the context, are the Austrian entry and approach ban, the French model of ‘Embedded Social Workers’ (ISCG) and the Finnish Anchor Teams. All three measures are long-term and comprehensive victim protection measures that have been expanded over the course of their implementation and enjoy a high level of public confidence in containing domestic violence. For policy makers aiming to implement a comparable intervention, this is a particularly useful criterion for evaluating measures in other countries. The possibility of low-threshold national transferability and its implementation in different national contexts is another indicator to assess the potential of measures. One example is the StoP violence protection project. StoP is a bottom-up community project which was developed in Germany. It has already been expanded to Austria and is currently being evaluated for implementation in France, Belgium, the Czech Republic and Romania. Other examples of such measures are the MARAC interventions, and the cultural interpreter analysed in the Finnish report. The decisive factor for considering transnational transferability and implementation as an evaluation criterion is that this awards the measure a high degree of flexibility and adaptability, both of which are also central aspects of the successful implementation of measures. 4.2 Design-related assessment criteria One of the most important design-related criteria is that measures take a cross-organisational and cross-agency approach, i.e., a so-called ‘one-stop shop’ model. Examples of this are the IMPROVE D4.1 Identifying enablers of successful DV policy and its implementation Grant Agreement No. 101074010 Page 25 Marburg Model in Germany, the Anchor Teams in Finland, the ISCG in France, the Abuse Care Group (GAMA) of the Local Police in Valencia or the violence protection centres in Austria. Such networked approaches offer advantages for victims as well as for the participating organisations and authorities. For the latter, for example, ‘operational effectiveness’ is improved through the exchange of information. Likewise, the introduction of different expert perspectives and the consolidation of information from various sources increases the effectiveness of the response. Moreover, networked measures enable a more precise assessment of a case, since a concrete threat and the appropriate set of measures for a victim can often be best be provided through a multi-perspective analysis. For example, while the police are very effective at ensuring immediate safety in dangerous situations, victim support organisations are better equipped to provide psycho-social support to victims. Similarly, medical or social service partners are able to identify medical or material/financial risks, respectively. Such long-term networked collaboration can also lead to a mutual recognition of organisational responsibilities and perspectives. In this way, a networkapproach can help to overcome professional and organisational knowledge silos, and therefore bridge differences in perspectives. For the involved organisations, such an approach can contribute to mutual reassurance, advice and guidance in relation to the various areas of expertise. For victims, such a model can make it easier to get in touch with the various organisations, which reduces their overall burden and increases the likelihood of them remaining in the support system. It also makes it easier to support victims who suffer from a combination of problems, such as domestic violence, drug abuse and mental illness. It is therefore generally advisable for policy makers to consider a co-operative, multi-agency framework when developing DP measures. Not all possible organisations working on victim protection need to be involved in every measure, as this can increase bureaucratic work (e.g. due to changing information obligations) and reduce the effectiveness of cooperation and intervention. To determine who should ultimately collaborate as part of an intervention, an extensive pilot phase is advisable The practical effectiveness of many of the cited interventions also stems from the proactive approach. In Austria, for example, if the police impose an entry and approach ban, they will inform the regionally responsible violence protection centre. The centre then actively contacts the victim by telephone. This way, victims who would otherwise not contact victim protection organisations are reached. Even more wide-reaching are the various forms of screening tools that can be used in the health sector (see the corresponding analysis in the Finnish report). IMPROVE D4.1 Identifying enablers of successful DV policy and its implementation Grant Agreement No. 101074010 Page 2 these two combinations. For example, a holistic and one-stop-shop intervention design is appropriate for measures that primarily aim to intervene and quickly stop violence, such as the entry and approach ban in Austria, which combines police intervention, violence prevention sessions with the perpetrator and the active approach to the victim by violence protection centres. Longer-term follow-up measures, in contrast, which aim to empower victims, enable them to permanently separate from their violent partner and/or to take legal action, must be designed to be primarily victim-centred and easily accessible (for example, by being easily compatible with the professional and social circumstances of victims). Ideally, however, interventions are designed in such a way that a combination of all five factors is achieved. The fourth cornerstone, “Practical Environment”, summarises factors that serve to assess the feasibility of an intervention with regard to practical circumstances. Particular attention should be paid to whether an intervention that is being considered for expansion, for example, has a high level of trust. These aspects can be analysed relatively easily, even in the cases were measures implemented in other countries are considered. In this regard, it is also valuable to consider how many other countries have implemented the same measure, and what similarities and differences can be observed. The final cornerstone, “Ongoing Development”, emphasises the importance of data-based monitoring and ongoing adaptation of interventions, as well as the need for professional capacity building and knowledge sharing. Thus, the factors summarised under this cornerstone are important to consider in order to verify whether interventions are designed in such a way that they can adapt to changing challenges, incorporate the latest scientific insights and therefore contribute to the long-term provision of care for victims and the prevention of domestic violence. IMPROVE D4.1 Identifying enablers of successful DV policy and its implementation Grant Agreement No. 101074010 Page 3 Table 3. SISPO Framework for DV Interventions Conceptual Cornerstones Considerable Factors Related Decision-Making Questions Legal Basis – Is there a substantive reason for a measure to be implemented without a legal basis? – What is the scope of the legal issues being regulated (small scale vs. structural solution)? – Can the measure be included in / or linked to existing legislation? Political/Civil Society Support – What roles can/should political actors play? – What role can/should civil society support play? – Is representative or involved support required, or both? Adequate and Clear Funding – Who is responsible for funding? – What activities will be funded? – How long are the funding periods? – What happens to surplus funds? – What are the documentation requirements Feminist Perspective – Does the measure comply with feminist principles? – Does the measure include intersectional dimensions? – Are there any feminist grassroots projects that the intervention could build on? Pilot Programs – Does the measure target vulnerable or hard to reach groups? – What risks or challenges should be tested during pilot phases? – What are the indicators of a successful piolt phase? Integration of Services – How can a planed service be integreated into existing strcutures? – Which stakeholder need to be involved in the service intergation? – Is there a reason for the intervention to be a "stand-alone" measure? Peer-to-Peer Delivery – Which professional actors are involved in the implementation of the measure? – Which modes of training already exist in this field? – What does the trainer culture in this field look like? One-Stop-Shop Design – Can victims access all potential support services via a single point of contact? – How are public agencies and civil society/independent support services linked? Proactive Approach – Does the measure provide for automatic contact with the victim? – Does the measure provide for automatic obligations for offenders? – Is active information sharing between stakeholders planned? Clear Division of Labour – What mechanisms can prevent duplication of effort or conflict between stakeholders? – Are roles and responsibilities clearly defined among all service providers and stakeholders? Low-Threshold Service Access – What are the key aspects concering accessibility and availability of the planned service (e.g. regional availability, opening hours)? – Who is the target group, and which psychological/economic/cultural/social circumstances should be taken into account? – In addition to the primary access option (e.g. telephone support), are other options (e.g. email or live chat) also provided? Victim-Centred Approach – How are victim needs included in the desgin of the measure? – Are there mechanisms to obtain and incorporate feedback from victims? – Does the measure contain aspects that involve obligations directly/indirectly affecting the victim? – Is the measrue desgined to empower victims and respecting their autonomy? Holistic Intervention Design – Is the measure aimed at victims and offenders? – Does the intervention include immediate and long-term support? – Are different sectors (police, health services, victim support, etc.) involved? – Are legal, psychological and social measures integrated into the intervention alongside security police measures? Trusted Practice – How long does the intervention exist? – Has the measure been continously developed? – Has the intevention been continously funded? – Is there a legal basis? – Is there political or civil society support? Cross-National Transferability – Has the measure been implemented internationally? – Has the measure been implemented in different countries in a relatively consistent or very inconsistent manner? – Are there other countries planning to introduce the intervention? Continuous Assessment and Evidence-Based Monitoring – Are there activity reports by the responsbile organisations? – Is there scientific evidence regarding the success of the measure? – Has quantiative and qualitative evidence been gathered? Continuous Training – Are there up-to-date training programmes related to the measure? – Are there mandatory or only voluntary training/further education programmes? – Are training and further education part of the employment conditions? SISPO – A Conceptual Framework for Domestic Violence Interventions Societal Foundation Implementation Pathways Service Design Practical Environmnent Onogoinig Development IMPROVE D4.1 Identifying enablers of successful DV policy and its implementation Grant Agreement No. 101074010 Page 4 6. Conclusion The findings of this report can be used as a basis for the (further) development and design, but also for the evaluation of victim protection measures. It should be noted that the report focuses on the design of victim-centred measures. Perpetrator-focused measures are not covered. The following approach is recommended for the practical application of the SISPO framework. As a first step, the SISPO framework can be used as a kind of checklist when developing a measure, by going through the individual conceptual cornerstones and the considerable factors summarised under them. In doing so, the measure in question should address each of the five cornerstones by including at least one of the considerable factors. For the cornerstones Implementation Pathway and Service Design, we recommend including at least two of the considerable factors. This way, it can be ensured that a given measure conceptually fulfils the minimum requirements for an implementable and conceptually feasible intervention. The example questions in column three can be used as a stimulus for brainstorming and discussion. If additional guidance and clarification is needed or desired for certain considerable factors, their detailed descriptions in sections 3 and 4 can be consulted. If, beyond that, specific practical examples are needed, for example to better understand how a holistic approach is realised in an already implemented intervention, the 200-page detailed analysis of 18 measures in the appendix is highly recommended. Finally, it should be noted that the SISPO framework developed here is a conceptual tool. It is therefore neither intended nor possible to actually predict the success of an intervention in practice. Ultimately, such a prediction depends on factors that cannot be meaningfully included in a conceptual framework for developing or analysing measures, such as the motivation of those applying a measure, the behaviour of victims/perpetrators or the way in which domestic violence is dealt with in society as a whole (e.g., whether the topic is highly taboo or publicly discussed). The reason such factors were not included in the framework is that, while they all affect the success and feasible form of an intervention, they have very different impacts depending on the type of intervention (e.g., police interventions, even if well designed, are likely to have little impact in a society where domestic violence is seen as a private matter, while anonymous counselling or women's shelters may be more effective). It is therefore difficult to generalise the factors in terms of design. IMPROVE D4.1 Identifying enablers of successful DV policy and its implementation Grant Agreement No. 101074010 Page i Appendix IMPROVE D4.1 Identifying enablers of successful DV policy and its implementation Grant Agreement No. 101074010 Page ii Appendix 1. Methodology Overall methodology The aim of Task 4.1 is to identify those factors (termed critical policy enablers) that extend across specific nationally successful or innovative victim services (termed solutions) and enable the implementation of DV policy-measures and characterise their effective design and structure. Therefore, the following methodological guideline was developed. At first, contributing partners were asked to identify and describe solutions which have proven to be “the most relevant” in preventing or protecting victims from violence. Relevance was constructed along five questions: • What are the most widely employed solutions? • What are the most established solutions across different stakeholder groups? • What are the most recently developed or novel solutions? • What are the best solutions for reaching new victim groups? • What are the most effective solutions? To justify the choice of solutions, in addition to their own expertise in the respective national context, the selection and descriptions were based on empirical findings from previous IMPRODOVA and IMPROVE research activities and additional, specifically conducted desk research. In a second step, partners were tasked to justify their selections and in doing so, to identify factors which contribute to the relevance of a given solutions. While it was important to the analysis that justifications were open ended, guidance was given to ensure that justifications followed a similar structure, in order for the comparative analysis to be carried out. Hence, five guiding questions were formulated: • What were the conditions and decisive factors for the successful implementation of the solution? • How relevant is the solution in practice? This included how effective the solution is in prohibiting or protecting against domestic violence. • What evidence or data supports the relevance of the solutions? • Did the solution align with, or complement, existing policies, regulations, strategies, or the practice of actors in the field? IMPROVE D4.1 Identifying enablers of successful DV policy and its implementation Grant Agreement No. 101074010 Page iii • Are there unintended consequences or risks associated with implementing the solution? The third methodological step was the comparative analysis of all national reports provided by the partners, both the descriptions and, more importantly, the justifications. The comparative analysis was dedicated to the two questions described in the introduction two this report, namely which factors lead to the successful implementation of DV policy measures and how can the success of the measure be assessed? To answer these questions the comparative analysis drew in particularly on the empirical evidence provided for the success of the measure contained in the national reports (e.g. the development of case numbers by victim support organisations) as well as on the findings of partners’ own research activities, like interviews with professionals from the field. A detailed description of the analytical approach is provided in chapter 4 of the analysis. The comparative contrasting was carried out by VICESSE, the task leader responsible for organising and guiding the task. Guidance included regular calls with all contributing partners, as well as situational bilateral calls to support partners in their research and writing activities. Furthermore, partners were sent two Guidelines for T4.1, one for this deliverable, as well as one for the acquisition of data needed for T4.2 “Designing Method for Identifying Change Accelerators (MICA)” and T4.3 “Developing a Decision Support Toolkit for FLR managers (DST)”. IMPROVE D4.1 Identifying enablers of successful DV policy and its implementation Grant Agreement No. 101074010 Page iv Appendix 2. Country Analysis of Policy-Enabler 2.1 Austria The Austrian report expands on the research conducted in IMPRODOVA and IMPROVE. To this end, it uses previously collected interview material from T1.2, T1.3 and T1.4, as well as research from IMPRODOVA. This data is updated with new desk research. For this report, we have identified four different solutions that work in tandem to support victims, as well as intervene in and prevent DV. The first solution is the Entry and Approach Ban (AV/BV), which at its core is a police intervention. However, due to its expansion of the course of more than 20 years, it now represents DV policy measures that address victims and offenders and involves several stakeholders. Combined these measures provide an effective, low-threshold and rapidly deployed method for preventing the immediate continuation of violence. They also serve as a starting point for further intervention. The second solution are the Austrian Women’s Shelters which were among the first suitable victim protection measures available for female victims of DV. Women’s Shelters not only provide immediate shelter to female victimsurvivors of DV, but also offer out-client consultation among the most important interest groups working to improve the protection of women from domestic violence. The third solution are Violence Protection Centres which further expand the available support offer, by providing a generalised support infrastructure specialised on the counselling of victims. A special aspect of their work is their legally regulated cooperation with other front-line responders, in particular the police or violence prevention counselling services for offenders. The fourth solution are two distinct forms of court assistance available to victims of domestic violence in Austria. Legal court assistance, which provides legal consultation and representation, and psycho-social support which aims at lowering the burden of the support process and court proceedings. 2.1.1 Solution I: The Entry and Approach ban Background and Aim Among the police intervention measures used to address domestic violence, the entry and approach ban is the most important tool. Regulated in § 38a of the Security Police Act (SPG), the legal text obliges the police to impose an approach and trespassing ban if the necessary IMPROVE D4.1 Identifying enablers of successful DV policy and its implementation Grant Agreement No. 101074010 Page v requirements are met. The decisive reason for imposing such a ban is whether a “dangerous situation” exists, i.e. whether the police officers can assume from the situation at the scene that a person will commit a dangerous attack on the life, health or freedom of another person. To do so, officers must perform a risk prognosis § 38a SPG itself does not define the facts that are constitutive for a dangerous situation. According to case law and the academic literature, this may include: a potential previous assault, the statement of the endangered person, their appearance (e.g. swollen face, frightened impression), the behaviour of the endangering person, previous relevant incidents and official actions, cries for help heard from the home, previous convictions and visible injuries, traces at the scene (e.g. damaged door, broken objects) and/or statements from other persons present (Mayrhofer, 2023). If the intervening officers arrive at the conclusion that a dangerous situation exists, they must impose an entry and approach ban, which has numerous consequences. Firstly, for a period of two weeks, the perpetrator may no longer enter the premises (irrespective of property rights), including the area within a radius of one hundred metres of the location for which the AV/BV was issued. The ban on entry is accompanied by a ban on approaching which prohibits the perpetrator to approach the victims within a radius of one hundred metres. Moreover, the perpetrator has to hand over, all keys to the premises to the police. However, there are other consequences associated with the AV/BV. First, the police are obliged to report the AV/BV to the regionally responsible violence protection centre and to transmit the victim's data so that the violence protection centre can proactively contact the victim. The victim must be informed about this procedure. Furthermore, the victim must be informed about the possibility of applying to the court for a restraining order. There are three variants, namely the restraining order for protection against domestic violence, § 382b, for general protection against violence § 382c and for protection against “stalking” 382d. If the victim applies for such a restraining order, the AV/BV will first be extended by two weeks. Second, the perpetrator must contact a counselling centre for violence prevention within five days of the order of the AV/BV to arrange violence prevention counselling (§ 25 para. 4) and take part in the counselling. The counselling must take place within 14 days of contact being made. If the perpetrator does not make contact or does not take part in violence prevention counselling, they must be subpoenaed to the security authority for the purpose of carrying out violence prevention counselling. Thirdly, the imposition of an AV/BV results in an entry into the Central Violence Protection Register (“Zentrale Gewaltschutzdatei”), where the personal data of the perpetrator and information on the incident are stored for 3 years. IMPROVE D4.1 Identifying enablers of successful DV policy and its implementation Grant Agreement No. 101074010 Page vi Implementation of the measure The decisive driving force behind the original introduction of the entry ban as part of the First Protection Against Violence Act in 1997 was the socio-political atmosphere. With Europe as a whole experiencing a positive momentum also human rights and women's rights movements calling for the protection of women's fundamental rights were gaining political ground. Justification A key characteristic of the importance and success of the measure in practice is that since the introduction of the entry ban as part of the first Protection against Violence Act in 1997, the number of issued AV/BV has steadily risen. Although it is difficult to find exact and uniform figures for the last 26 years (e.g. violence protection centres and the police sometimes report different figures), all available sources show a steady increase. While in 1997, the first year that Section 38a (i.e. the possibility and duty of issuing an entry ban) came into force, the violence protection centres reported only 170 cases of entry bans. This figure rose to 4,672 cases by 2004 (Hengerer and Ullmann, 2005; Mayrhofer and Schwarz-Schlöglmann, 2017). For the same period, experts from the Federal Criminal Police Office reported 1,365 entry bans (BVs) for 1997 and 4,764 cases for 2004 (ibid.). In addition to the increase, an alignment of the figures can also be observed. In 2016, 8,637 cases were reported to the violence protection centres (Mayrhofer and Schwarz-Schlöglmann, 2017). The figures continued to rise with the third Protection against Violence Act, although the comparability is limited due to a new counting method. According to the 2020-2022 Violence Protection Report, the number of ordered AV/BV rose from 11,652 cases in 2020 to 13,690 cases in 2021 and 14,643 cases in 2022 (Bundeskriminalamt, 2023). This steady increase can be interpreted as an increase in the social and individual awareness of DV and the measure itself. Experts from science, the police and violence protection organisation attribute this steady increase to several reasons. First, they note an increase in social awareness of the problem. This concerns both the problem of domestic violence in general and the willingness to defend oneself against it. Second, the awareness of the need for a professional approach to domestic violence has also increased in the security sector and, according to police experts, the entry and approach ban is among one the best trained measures by the police. The background to this development lies in the low threshold, immediacy, and effectiveness. IMPROVE D4.1 Identifying enablers of successful DV policy and its implementation Grant Agreement No. 101074010 Page vii The low threshold is primarily based on the fact that the measure is imposed directly by the intervening officers. This means that no judicial or prosecutorial intervention is required. It has an immediate effect because the imposition directly breaks through the violent situation, in multiple dimensions. First, it provides immediate security, as the perpetrator has to leave the premises immediately, has to hand over all keys, maybe even taken to police station for questioning. Moreover, the police monitors compliance with the order within the first three days. In addition to these security measure, the AV/BV also intervenes at the social and psychological level, as the victim will be pro-actively contacted by a violence protection centre and the perpetrator is obliged to attend violence prevention counselling. Thus, the AV/BV is also designed by law to connect different front-line responder organisation and foster the information exchange between those stakeholders. The effectiveness of the measure is achieved not only through the comprehensive training specialising on protection against violence, which police officers undergo as part of their basic training, but also through additional police measures that are structurally linked to the AV/BV. In almost every police station in Austria there is a specially trained officer to whom colleagues can turn, depending on availability, even during a police operation due to domestic violence. The police also offer victims counselling sessions, e.g. regarding further legal steps such as a restraining order. Moreover, the data on violations of the AV/BV demonstrate its effectiveness. According to the report of the Austrian Court of Audit (Österreichischer Rechnungshof), the proportion of violations of the AV/BV in relation to the total number of impositions in the period 2018-2021 was between 10% and a maximum of 14%. Finally, the measure is also highlighted by the “GREVIO Baseline Evaluation Report” for Austria for being an international role model in terms of police and legal interventions2. Overall, according to our analysis, several factors are decisive for the positive assessment of the AV/BV and its high level of effectiveness in practice: • Clear legal anchoring with practical guidelines for intervening security authorities. • An approach to victim protection that goes beyond police/security measures, but also included social and psychological support and intervention. 2 For more details, see: https://www.aoef.at/images/03_gesetze/3-5_istanbulkonvention/Official_GREVIOReport_Austria_Web.pdf. IMPROVE D4.1 Identifying enablers of successful DV policy and its implementation Grant Agreement No. 101074010 Page xiv 2.1.3 Solution III: Violence Protection Centres Background and Aim The Austrian approach to combatting Domestic Violence entails a four-pillar-approach. The first three, introduced since 1997, are the approach and entry bans, temporary injunctions and the Gewaltschutzzentren – the Violence protection centres (abbreviated GSZ) (Hengerer & Ullmann, 2005). Additionally, a fourth pillar, the violence prevention training, was introduced in 2019 and implemented 2021.5 Consequently, the GSZs hold a central role within the support infrastructure for victims of violence. This goes theoretically beyond DV, nevertheless cases of DV comprise large parts of GSZ casework.6 While the other three pillars target the perpetrator; the GSZ are a dedicated victim-survivor institution that seek to “comprehensively support at-risk persons”.7 These centres are mandated federally and organised on a stateby-state level. The GSZs are tasked with helping victim-survivors navigate the available support infrastructure, as well as legal procedures. In practice, this includes a wide variety of tasks. D1.2 Interviews highlighted how GSZ were supporting victims when requesting international judicial cooperation in cross-border DV cases, to help find alternative housing, to go through police reporting, and much more. To do so, state-level GSZs usually consist of one central office with local offices, as well as mobile units. This helps provide localised support to victims of violence, especially in the more rural areas of Austria. The implementation of the GSZs must be understood as part of larger consorted efforts to overhaul the Austrian approach to DV “from a private matter” to a criminal matter (Logar, 2007). For this overhaul, the Violence Protection Centres were tasked with addressing the victim’s support needs as well as facilitate cooperation between all relevant institutions in the handling of DV. Early tasks included aiding victims to navigate the post-intervention situation, including filing for an extension of security measures, to help draft a security plan, as well as preliminary legal and comprehensive psycho-social support during the reporting and legal processes.8 1997 saw a number of additional legal reforms, including changes to the Security Police Act (Sicherheitspolizeigesetz - SPG), the General Civil Code (Allgemeines 5 For more details, see https://www.bundeskanzleramt.gv.at/agenda/frauen-und-gleichstellung/gewalt-gegenfrauen/gewaltformen/haeusliche-gewalt.html 6 As can be seen in GSZ activity reports, including Gewaltschutzzentrum Burgenland, 2024; Gewaltschutzzentrum Wien, 2024; and Gewaltschutzzentrum Steiermark, 2024 7 For more details, see https://www.bundeskanzleramt.gv.at/agenda/frauen-und-gleichstellung/gewalt-gegenfrauen/gewaltformen/haeusliche-gewalt.html 8 This does not entail psycho-social court assistance, given its later implementation. IMPROVE D4.1 Identifying enablers of successful DV policy and its implementation Grant Agreement No. 101074010 Page xv Bürgerliches Gesetzbuch - ABGB) and the Enforcement Order (Exekutionsordnung - EO);9 as well as financing for psycho-therapeutic support for victims of crime (via changes to the Crime Victim Act in 1999) (Wiener Interventionsstelle gegen Gewalt in der Familie, 2019). With the increasing availability of legal recourse, court proceedings became an integral part of the handling of DV. The nationwide implementation psycho-social court assistance in 2006 has impacted and defined GSZ activities. This is in part due to the criteria for funding by the Ministry of Justice (abbreviated as MoJ), namely that psycho-social process assistance services must be provided by organisations providing wider support services (Bundesministerium für Justiz, 2024). The role of the GSZs saw further expansions with subsequent reforms to the GewSchG. The 2nd GewSchG came into force 2009 and was intended to provide a “faster, more flexible and effective approach against any type of domestic violence” (Mottl, 2009). This was followed by the 3rd GewSchG 2019, which included better interventions against stalking and harassment by requiring data transfer on such matters to GSZs.10 Furthermore, the reforms also introduced the Security Police Case Conferences (Sicherheitspolizeiliche Fallkonferenzen), which provides a platform to address high risk cases and can be utilised by the GSZs. Implementation and Practice The practice of the GSZ is largely based on an “active approach”. This active approach is facilitated by legally obliging police officers intervening in a DV case to forward any issued approach and entry ban or report of stalking to the relevant GSZ.11 This allows the GSZs to quickly engage with victim-survivors once a forwarded police report has opened a new case.12 GSZ internally distribute these new cases amongst staff, who then try to actively reach out to victim survivors via phone or mail. GSZ support is not mandatory, as such victimsurvivors are only offered a first introduction, as well as a follow-up appointment. Where no police report was filed, victim-survivors can choose to seek GSZ support themselves. To aid in this, police officers, judges and prosecutors are required to inform victim-survivors of their rights, including the right to psycho-social court assistance.13 This usually entails imparting 9 For more details, see https://www.bmi.gv.at/magazin/2022_07_08/15_Gewaltschutzgesetz.aspx 10 For more details, see https://www.bmj.gv.at/ministerium/gesetzesentwuerfe/entw%C3%BCrfe-2019/drittesgewaltschutzgesetz.html 11 As defined by 38§ SPO. 12 Police reports are compared to existing files on victim-survivors. Should a costumer file exist, the report is forwarded to the responsible social worker where possible. 13 As defined by §70 para. 1 & 2 StPO. IMPROVE D4.1 Identifying enablers of successful DV policy and its implementation Grant Agreement No. 101074010 Page xvi information and contact details about local GSZ branches. Additionally, public information campaigns advertising GSZs,14 as well as cooperation between the various support organisations with GSZs, help funnel victim-survivors to the central support organisations. The rate of clients who were actively approached after a forwarded police intervention, to clients who actively sought help can vary. For Styria in 2022, the GSZ reported 1466 clients referred to by an approach and entry ban, in contrast to 2077 cases without (Gewaltschutzzentrum Steiermark, 2023). For Burgenland, a total of 778 clients were reported, while 419 referred approach and entry bans were issued (Gewaltschutzzentrum Steiermark, 2023). A comparison between states remains difficult due to a partial lack of data, as well as different formats thereof. Nonetheless, it seems safe to assume that referral due to issued approach and entry bans are an important factor to the influx of victim-survivors to the GSZs. Victim-survivors of GSZs receive both short-term, as well as long term support. According to the annual activity reports and interviews with GSZ staff, a first support step involves addressing immediate security needs. This can include in some GSZs a preliminary risk assessment and the drafting of a security plan where clients might still be facing an active risk. More immediate actions can also include supporting clients should they choose to file a police report, including accompanying them to the police. A large part of the work of GSZ personal is providing judicial and long-term support. Judicial support, especially throughout the length of the criminal proceeding, comes primarily in the shape of psycho-social court assistance. More details on this are supplied in the corresponding chapter of this report. Interviews with victim survivors have indicated, that support provided by GSZs social workers can go beyond a single violent relationship. This means that for some victim-survivors, GSZ support transcends one violent partner or instance of violence. Hence, they can provide support across multiple interventions. For example, in 2023 the Viennese GSZ reported a total of 1303 returning clients, out of a total of 6708 (Gewaltschutzzentrum Wien, 2024). This is done, according to interviews, whereever possible, by the same social worker. For some clients, support can, therefore, entail a process that may last multiple years and multiple partners, each with different support cycles and needs. Furthermore, all interviewed GSZ 14 One example of such are GSZ contact details printed out on grocery store receipts (Spar, 2023) IMPROVE D4.1 Identifying enablers of successful DV policy and its implementation Grant Agreement No. 101074010 Page xvii staff reported providing long-lasting support well after a case has concluded and/or a divorce has gone through. Strengths and Weaknesses The strengths of the GSZs lie in a number of factors. Interviews with GSZ staff have highlighted, how most, if not all staff is undergoing psycho-social court assistance and other training. This contributes to GSZs having highly trained social workers available to support victim-survivors. This distinguished GSZ staff in particular from smaller NGOs. Furthermore, GSZs are connected to a number of external professionals. These include both, informal and formal links to hospitals, police departments and officers, legal professionals, and so on. The legal framework under which GSZs operate underpins this interconnectivity, as well as secures annual funding for the GSZs. Lastly, the victim-centred approach has been identified by interview partners as an essential strong point of GSZs, as they are able to provide support to a number of victims in various circumstances. The main weaknesses of the GSZ can be identified in two areas: the dependence on other stakeholders, as well as the perception of the Austrian support infrastructure amongst the victim-survivors. A topic that was discussed multiple times within the interviews with social workers from the GSZs, was the inability for the GSZs to reach parts of the population. This impression is by no means unreasonable, given existing data. The latest large-scale survey on violence against women in Austria published by Statistik Austria in 2022 concluded, that while 70% of respondents sought help for violence in intimate partnerships, only 17% did so via the police, and only 12% via dedicated support services. Health care and consultation services were sought by 20% (Statistik Austria, 2022). Consequently, usage of these services, according to the interviewees, lags far behind the needs of the victims. This is further exacerbated by a gap in awareness regarding the existence of the GSZ. The same study found, that only 53% of respondents knew about the GSZs, in contrast to over 90% who knew about women’s shelter. Given the centrality of the GSZs in the Austrian support structure, one interviewee highlighted failures to adequately disseminate information on the GSZs within the last 2,5 decades. Interestingly enough, the lack of awareness was a theme present during D1.2 interviews with victims, who at times noted about not having been aware about the GSZs until police intervention. IMPROVE D4.1 Identifying enablers of successful DV policy and its implementation Grant Agreement No. 101074010 Page xviii The second weakness relates to the dependency on other external actors. As was discussed above, the GSZs rely on police officers for referrals, on judges and lawyers during the trials, as well as other external actors, ranging from medical experts operating Victim Protection Groups in hospitals, to NGOs providing expertise on marginalised victim groups. While interviews have highlighted that the cooperation infrastructure is working well, instances of problems where judges are not adequately sensitised to DV or police officers not forwarding reports to GSZs on time have been noted. All of these can impede the support services provided by the GSZs. Individual instances of such problems have been reported. They seem sufficiently wide-spread that interviewees report to avoid or specifically seek out certain judges or officers. IMPROVE D4.1 Identifying enablers of successful DV policy and its implementation Grant Agreement No. 101074010 Page xix Justification The successful implementation of the GSZ can be traced back to 4 distinct factors, each of which will be explained in more details. They are: Comprehensive legislation underpinning the centrality of the GSZ, interagency cooperation and standing, secured and continuous funding, as well as a victim-survivor centred approach. The GSZs are embedded within a legal framework that ensures the funding thereof, as well as mandates the interaction between it and other institutions addressing DV. The original GewSchG and the following two reforms have delineated a number of roles and obligations for the GSZs. This underpins not just the financial backing and continues funding that will be discussed in the next paragraph, but also the cooperation with courts, LEAs and NGOs. For instance, the police are legally obliged to forward reports of cases where approach and entry bans have been issued to the regional GSZ (See for example Gewaltschutzzentrum Wien, 2024). During court trials, victims are by law entitled to receive psycho-social and legal Court assistance. Both of which can be provided or arranged by GSZs, securing GSZ staff a legally mandated position in these trials. This interlinkage is also observable during security case conferences, where GSZs are able to apply for opening of such cases by the police, or the referral of victim-survivors from smaller NGOs to GSZs where risk assessments are required. This highlights how GSZ operations require cooperation with numerous different stakeholders throughout the entire support process. The intended centrality on the victim-support side makes GSZs, where victims have chosen to use GSZ-services, a central hub for support interventions. D1.2 interviews have provided examples of GSZ social workers helping victims with filling for social security payments, seeking accommodations, facilitate the return of children from foreign countries, find legal representation and file necessary court documents. Thus, where clients are supported by GSZs, other stakeholders are obliged and incentivized to cooperate. T1.3 interviews have indicated how a number of factors have contributed to a positive standing of GSZs amongst other stakeholder. The include the high-standard of training GSZ-employees undergo, the involvement of GSZs in the training of other professions, a general increase in DV awareness, the use of cooperation platforms, as well as the perception that GSZs can help alleviate workload. This, in turn, further enhances the cooperation, contributing to a better implementation of GSZs activities and provision of support. IMPROVE D4.1 Identifying enablers of successful DV policy and its implementation Grant Agreement No. 101074010 Page xx In regards to funding, the GSZs are recipients of various funding streams, that ensure their continued function. Most notably, all GSZs receive direct funding from the Federal Chancellery of the Republic of Austria, as well as the Ministry of Interior (abbreviated as MoI).15 The funding from the MoI is fixed but happens on an annually renewed contract basis. It stipulates a base-line funding for the GSZ according to an estimated caseload. Should any of the GSZs support more clients within their state than stipulated, according to the number of extra cases additional are paid out. For the year 2023, a budget of 7,8 million € for services rendered (Werkleistungen) was reported (Rechnungshof Österreich, 2023). Furthermore, GSZs receive financial compensation for their work as court assistance from the Ministry of Justice . Like the funding provided by the MoI, it consists of a contractually fixed sum for an estimated contingent of services, as well as corrections based on the reported efforts (Bundesministerium für Justiz, 2024). Given that the exact funding numbers are often collated with other intervention structures, it remains difficult to ascertain the total funding for the GSZs. This has already been a point of contention in the GREVIO report on Austria (Council of Europe, 2017). Besides these national funding streams, GSZs can also receive additional funding for projects.16 It is unclear in how far all GSZ do receive this, given that some GSZ annual reports do not mention funds by state institutions. These multiple state-funding schemes ensure that the GSZs are able to provide free-of-charge support to victim-survivors across Austria. The victim-survivor centred approach of GSZ entails two different aspects: firstly, is an “active approach” (as termed by the GSZs). This means the following: Once the GSZs have been forwarded a police report, GSZ staff actively reach out to victims of violence to offer support. Potential clients are free to decide whether to make use of GSZ services. Secondly, it is the flexibility regarding the clients’ situations. GSZs have multiple mobile units and smaller offices spread throughout the region, to ensure that geographical distances can be bridged. Additionally, GSZs will provide support to victim-survivors regardless of their housing and living situation. This includes victims residing in shelter housing, or with the perpetrator, at their own house, as well as (temporarily) unhoused victims.17 This has been highlighted by 15 The exact funding agencies are subjects to change due to possible changes in competencies. 16 Perspektive: Arbeit is one such example, where the lower Austian GSZ, Women’s Shelter and Labour Office cooperate under directive of the national Labour Office on helping female victim-survivors of DV with re-enty into the labour market: More information available at: Bundesministerium für Soziales, Gesundheit, Pflege und Konsumentenschutz (2019): Handbuch PERSPEKTIVE:ARBEIT 17 As was the case for one interviewed victim-survivor, who was temporarily unhoused due to the DV they had experienced. IMPROVE D4.1 Identifying enablers of successful DV policy and its implementation Grant Agreement No. 101074010 Page xxi T1.2 interviews with victims of DV, who had stressed issues with shelter-provided services, who had imposed limitations to residency, including bringing teenage boys, pets, as well as substance-abuse issues. While GSZs do not provide the same services as shelters, the counselling provided by GSZs targets a wider audience. Practical relevance Given how victim-survivor centred GSZ activities are, practical relevance is best measured by seeing how well it reaches and supports victims of DV. On the topic of usage, GSZ caseloads have increased almost yearly, with the exception of 2018, from 1154 in 1998 to a total of 24805 in 2023. Graphic 1: Graph of cases of support reported by the GSZs Austria-wide18 A regional comparison of growth rates shows, that while this growth is not distributed evenly, all state-level GSZs report a growing case-load between 2019 and 2023, as pictured in the graph below: 18 Data is available online, here https://www.gewaltschutzzentrum.at/zahlen-fakten/ IMPROVE D4.1 Identifying enablers of successful DV policy and its implementation Grant Agreement No. 101074010 Page xxii Graphic 2: Growth-rates of Caseloads (based on GSZ reported data19) As official numbers on DV are lacking and not all GSZ reports do differentiate between DV and non-DV cases, it is unclear in how far this adequately covers the support needs of DV victim survivors. A comparison with reported approach and entry bans shows that increases in GSZ cases closely followed or exceeded increases in Approach and Entry bans.20 There are as of 2024 still problems regarding public perception. Close to half (53%) of the women who have experienced violence in their partnerships reported being aware of the GSZs, in comparison to over 90% who knew about the existence of women’s shelters (Statistik Austria, 2022). Interviews conducted have also highlighted, how high-risk victims in particular are not sufficiently covered by GSZ support. This problem is somewhat ameliorated by the fact, that victim-survivors are approached by the GSZs after the issuing of an approach and entry ban. Nonetheless, there appears to be a general lack of access to high-risk victims. A study on femicides by Haller at all found that only 5,4 percent of all victims of femicides were known to support services. Perpetrators were known to the police in only 28,4% of all femicide cases (Haller et al, 2023). However, a growing number of cases indicate an increasing public awareness, if not improvement of the referral mechanisms. Additionally, as reported in D1.2, Austrian interview 19 Data is available online here: https://www.gewaltschutzzentrum.at/zahlen-fakten/ 20 Whose use as a proxy for instances is lacking, as the data published by the Statistic Austria survey from 2023 indicates. © GeoNames, Microsoft, TomTom Powered by Bing Growthrate of Cases between 2019 and 2023 9,27% 43,31% Series1 IMPROVE D4.1 Identifying enablers of successful DV policy and its implementation Grant Agreement No. 101074010 Page xxiii data from GSZ clients indicate a high degree of satisfaction with GSZ support, once used. Consequently, there seems to be an ever-increasing practical relevance of GSZs. Evidence and Data Evidence and data to evaluate GSZ activity are available via multiple avenues. Firstly, the state-level GSZs publish activity reports themselves. While the number of details and information included in the reports varies from state to state, they do provide statistical information on the case load of the GSZs. For example, the Viennese GSZ reported for 2023 6708 clients who had experiences violence in close relationships (Gewaltschutzzentrum Wien, 2024). In the same year, 4284 reports of approach and entry bans were forwarded by the police to the GSZs. The Viennese report, which constitutes one of the more detailed examples, also includes other data points, such as geographical distribution, rate of returning clients, offence types, and so on. Similarly, detailed reports are also provided by the GSZ Styria (Gewaltschutzzentrum Steiermark, 2024) and Lower Austria (Gewaltschutzzentrum Niederösterreich, 2024). This is not to say that the other reports do not provide sufficient data, as all states provide annual statistics on their activity. For an overview of the reported statistics, see “Practical relevance” above. Besides the self-published GSZ reports, governmental reports and evaluations of GSZs or GSZ related activities are published. Notable is the report by the MoJ on court assistance spending and activities, which are a significant part of GSZ work (Bundesministerium für Justiz, 2024). Financing reports and data are also available (Rechnunsghof Österreich, 2023). National evaluations are evaluation of the 1997 GewSchG (Dearing et al., 2000; as well as Haller et al., 2002) and the evaluation of the GewSchG 2019 (Bundesministerium für Inneres, 2020). They are all part of dedicated efforts to evaluate reforms to the GewSchG at different points in time. Another evaluation preceding the 2019 reforms was conducted under the leadership of the MoI (Kommission Opferschutz und Täterarbeit, 2019). Criticism of the most recent evaluation largely focuses on the support infrastructure for victim-survivors of situational violence. GSZ operations for DV victims are largely seen as satisfactory, especially in regard to the referral mechanism. Furthermore, GSZs can be indirectly or partially evaluated. As was mentioned above, the latest Austrian victimisation survey included items regarding respondents’ use of support infrastructure, as well as whether they were aware of IMPROVE D4.1 Identifying enablers of successful DV policy and its implementation Grant Agreement No. 101074010 Page xxx Justification The successful implementation of court assistance in Austria rests in particular on three aspects: an legal framework, funding and acceptance amongst stakeholders. The Austrian legal framework clearly enshrines the right to PSCA and LCA in § 66b para. 1 StPO for victims according to § 65 para. 1 StPO or§ 66b para. 1 StPO. The exact purposes of PSCA and LCA are defined in § 66b para. 2 StPO and detailed in “Description” above. While this is not without its flaws and gaps, as described in “Strengths and weaknesses”, this helps to clearly communicate the role of court assistance to other stakeholders and ensures legal recourse where stakeholders fail to account for them. Examples include the right of victims to be informed about support services, including PSCA and LCA, the right to support during trials and while giving a testimony, as well as the right to counsel by PSCA and/or LCA. The legal framework also provides a vehicle to secure state funding for these services. The funding is done by the MoJ. Funding is available only to recognized PSCA and LCA, in accordance with §66b para. 3 StPO, and for eligible victim survivors (detailed in “description” above). PSCA funding is based on annually issued contracts with selected organisations providing victim-support services. These organisations are expected to have Staff trained for PSCA. A updated list of accredited institution for each states is publicly available.38 Remuneration is based on a catalogue for the corresponding profession and is handed it to the court. The secured funding stream ensures that court assistance can be provided to eligible victim-survivors (Bundesministerium für Justiz, 2024). Lastly, acceptance among third parties has been highlighted as an important factor for PSCA. Interviews have highlighted the importance of the police, prosecutors and judges to cooperate. In the case of police officers, they can serve as a first point of contact with the victim support structure for victim-survivors. In such instances, the police are obliged to inform victim-survivors of their rights, one of which is the right to court assistance.39 Furthermore, cooperation with the police and prosecution is required to ensure that the victims can be informed about any steps within the investigation process or the status of the perpetrator, especially in regard to custody-release. PSCAs rely on the cooperation of courts and judges 38 For more details, see https://www.justiz.gv.at/service/opferhilfe-undprozessbegleitung/prozessbegleitungseinrichtungen.2c94848535a081cf0135a4a0496e002d.de.html 39 As defined by §70 para. 1 & 2 StPO. IMPROVE D4.1 Identifying enablers of successful DV policy and its implementation Grant Agreement No. 101074010 Page xxxi during the trial, for example when seeking to arrange a victim-friendly testimony, such as adversarial questioning according to § 165 para. 3 StPO. In regard to LCAs, LCA are also dependent on other stakeholder groups, especially prosecution and judges. Reform suggestions by the GSZs have highlighted, that this cooperation can be flawed where legal obligations are not clearly in place (Bundesverband der Gewaltschutzstellen, 2024). As such, well-functioning court assistance requires a degree of reliance on external actors, that at times goes beyond what is legally required and secured. Nonetheless, D1.3 interviews with PSCAs have generally indicated how court assistance is largely acknowledged and respected, thus enabling adequate support fort victim-survivors. Additionally, the standards for court assistance, in particular for PSCAs, are also of note. MoJ accredited PSCA can only be offered by victim-support organisations, which have an ongoing financing contract with the MoJ. These organisations have to provide holistic victim-support and cannot solely specialize on providing PSCA. Furthermore, staff working as PSCA are expected to undergo training for accreditation. For LCA, set standards only allow for practicing lawyers to provide LCA for clients. By doing so, court-assistance is meant to provide high quality support (Bundesministerium für Justiz, 2024). Practical relevance The practical relevance of this solution can be gauged by the extent to which its use is widespread. Usage statistics are available and indicate that while PSCA and LCA individually see diminishing or similar usage from 2013 to 2022, dual use, i.e. clients having both PS and LCA, has been increasing since 2013. From 3102 clients in 2013, victim survivors making use of both has reached 5415 in 2022. The total number of victim-survivors has risen from 6378 to 8960 in the same time period. More on this in the Graph below. IMPROVE D4.1 Identifying enablers of successful DV policy and its implementation Grant Agreement No. 101074010 Page xxxii Graphic 3: Number of Person receiving PSCA or LSCA in criminal proceedings (based on data published in Bundesministerium für Justiz, 2024) As the activity report by the MoJ argues, a simple contrasting of total numbers of victimsurvivors with PSCA and/or LCA clients to calculate the usage rate is not possible, as not all victim-survivors are eligible to receive PCA. Similarly, contrasting PSCA and/or LCA client numbers with the numbers of trials can be misleading, as single victim-survivors can have multiple trials. Consequently, information on usage rate is not available as of 2024 (Bundesministerium für Justiz, 2024). Nonetheless, usage rates amongst some victim support organisations are available, though the issue of unclear eligibility rates persist.40 Data and information on the quality of court assistance is scantily available. An older national evaluation noted that PSCA implementation saw issues regarding access (especially amongst vulnerable groups, such as persons with a migration background, as well as persons with disabilities or mental health issues), issues with compensation, accessibility of information and cooperation between various actors (Haller et al, 2007). Evaluation by the GSZ Corinthia, which includes insights into PSCA, describes positive feedback of clients about the support during the reporting and subsequent court proceedings. Especially the continued support throughout the different steps was highly regarded (Gewaltschutzzentrum 40 Examples include Gewaltschutzzentrum Wien, 2024; Gewaltschutzzentrum Burgenland, 2024; and Gewaltschutzzentrum Steiermark, 2024. 0 1000 2000 3000 4000 5000 6000 7000 8000 9000 10000 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017 2018 2019 2020 2021 2022 Number of Persons recieving CA during criminal proceedings PSCA LCA PS&LCA IMPROVE D4.1 Identifying enablers of successful DV policy and its implementation Grant Agreement No. 101074010 Page xxxiii Kärnten 2019). D1.2 interviews underscored the importance of PSCA. Nonetheless, a recent assessment of the quality is difficult to make based on the lack of publicly available data. Evidence and Data Data and evaluations of PSCA and LCA are published by various sources. Noted in the chapter on GSZs, the MoJ publishes periodical reporting on the usage and funding of court assistance across Austria. The report covering the period from 2013-2022 provides a detailed statistical picture of PSCA and LCA usage – both in regards to financial and case data. Such information is gathered via the compensation procedure, as well as entries into the datacollection system of the judicial system (Verfahrensautomation Justiz) (Bundesministerium für Justiz, 2024). Information on PSCAs is also published yearly by various providers, such as GSZs. As noted above, these data points indicate that PSCA is increasingly seeing wider use. Interviews with experts regarding PSCA have indicated, that court assistance has also seen evaluation on a regional and national level. This is done in parts during regular interorganisational meetings, as well as internal evaluation projects. A regular platform are round tables held on state-level biannually since 2017.41 They include local stakeholders such as prosecutors, judges, representatives of regional victim support organisations, the police and the local bar association, as well as representatives of youthand child services, ombudsman and other support organisations. Resulting reports are not made public.42 On a national level, public research into the early implementation of PSCA is also available, namely by Haller and Hoffinger (2007), noting issues regarding access for vulnerable groups, renumeration and inter-sectoral cooperation. A more recent evaluation that included CA was done by the Commission Victim-protection and Perpetrator-work. It noted room for improvement regarding the inclusion in civil procedures. Austrian court assistance has also been reviewed internationally. The baseline GREVIO report on Austria, which ion particularly criticised eligibility concerns for children, which have since been addressed (Council of Europe, 2016). A new GREVIO report is underway for 2024 but has not been published at the time of writing. 41 Earlier Iteration of these round tables were held annualy until 2015. 42 Information on these round tables and their content has been part of the D1.3 Interviews. IMPROVE D4.1 Identifying enablers of successful DV policy and its implementation Grant Agreement No. 101074010 Page xxxiv References AÖF, & IST. (2016). Austrian NGO-Shadow Report to GREVIO. Association of Austrian Autonomous Women Is Shelters (AÖF) and Domestic Abuse Intervention Centre Vienna (IST). Brem, A. (2008). Von der idee zur bewegung, vom Projekt zur institution – die wiener frauenhäuser. In Verein Wiener Frauenhäuser, (Ed.), 30 Jahre Frauenhäuser Wien—Tagunsgbericht (pp. 20–29). Verein Wiener Frauenhäuser. Brückner, M. (2008). 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Ein gebrochenes Tabu: Frauenhäuser in Österreich. Deuticke. Lange, K. (2020). Gewalt gegen Frauen. Zur Umsetzung der Istanbul-Konvention in Österreich (Working Paper). Institut für Sozialarbeit und Sozialpädagogik e. V. https://doi.org/10.25595/2012 Mandl, S., Schachner, A., Sprenger, C., & Planitzer, J. (2014). Zugang von Frauen mit Behinderung zu Opferschutzund Unterstützungseinrichtungen bei Gewalterfahrungen Deutschland, Großbritannien, Island und Österreich. Ludwig Boltzmann Institut für Menschenrechte, queraum. kulturund sozialforschung. Rechnungshof Österreich (2023). Gewaltund Opferschutz für Frauen. https://www.rechnungshof.gv.at/rh/home/news/news/news_3/Gewalt-_und_Opferschutz_fuer_Frauen.html Rosa Logar. Einfürhrung. In: Bundekanzleramt (2007). 10 Jahre Österreichische Opferschutzgesetze. Tamar (n.A.), Über Tamar. https://tamar.at/ueber-tamar/ Taskforce Strafrecht Opferschutz und Täterarbeit (2019): Ergebnisse des Ministerratsbeschlusses zur Task Force Strafrecht. https://www.bmi.gv.at/Downloads/files/Taskforce_Bericht_1302_RZ_Web.pdf Taskforce Strafrecht Opferschutz und Täterarbeit (2019): Kommissionsbericht. https://www.bmi.gv.at/Downloads/files/Task_Force_Strafrecht__Bericht_Kommission_Opferschutz_und_Taeterarbeit.pdf Thurner, M.,& Sadjadi, N. J. (2023). Assessing National Structures and Services for Hate Crime Victim Support in Austria – Diagnostic Workshop. Weißer Ring (2018. ) Entwicklungslinien des Opferschutzes in 3½ Kapiteln. https://www.weisser-ring.at/wpcontent/uploads/2018/11/100_Jahre_Republik_Rede_Nachbaur_v2.pdf Wiener Interventionsstelle gegen Gewalt in der Familie (2020). Tätigkeitsbericht 2019. Wiener Interventionsstelle gegen Gewalt in der Famile (2019). 20+: Eine vielstimmige Festschrift. https://www.gewaltschutzzentrum.at/wien/wp-content/uploads/sites/8/2023/10/Festschrift_IST_web.pdf IMPROVE D4.1 Identifying enablers of successful DV policy and its implementation Grant Agreement No. 101074010 Page xxxvii 2.2 Finland Population surveys show that the majority of victims of domestic violence (DV) are women. Compared to men, the domestic violence experienced by women is also more long-term and it is recurring violence. Gendered and Domestic Violence in Finland study was carried out in 2021 and found that the majority of women aged 16-74 and men between 18-74 reported experiencing some form of violence at some point in their lives. A total of 57 percent of women and 46 percent of men said they had experienced physical violence, threats, or sexual violence, while 34 percent of women and 18 percent of men experienced violence from a current or former partner. According to Statistics Finland, in 2022 there were 11,800 victims of DV that came to the attention of the authorities, which is 7.9% more than the previous year. Of the victims of DV over the age of 18, 6,700 were women and 2,300 were men. 76% of those suspected of committing DV were men. (Official Statistics of Finland, 2022). However, the majority of DV does not come to the attention of the authorities: only about 10 percent of all violence (Danielsson & Näsi, 2019) and serious domestic violence (FRA, 2014) are reported to the police. Researchers at Statistics Finland found that around one in ten victims report their experience of violence to the police. Only half of those who have experienced intimate partner violence had confided in someone about it, and less than a tenth had reported it to the authorities. According to this study, women tend to disclose incidents of violence more frequently than men, and older women more so than younger women (Attila et al., 2023). The high rates of DV in Finland have sparked much public debate. How can one of the world's most equal countries be one of Europe's most violent for women at the same time? In research, this contradiction observed in different Nordic countries has been called the Nordic paradox of intimate partner violence (Lyömätön Linja Espoossa ry and NYTKIS ry, 2023). DV is described as a wicked problem for which there is no single professional solution (Rittel & Webber, 1973). Intervening in DV and breaking its cycle requires cooperation especially between social work, healthcare, the police, and support organisations that help the parties involved in the violence. In Finland, the responsibility for organizing public healthcare, social welfare and rescue services is now placed at wellbeing services counties. In addition, the City of Helsinki is IMPROVE D4.1 Identifying enablers of successful DV policy and its implementation Grant Agreement No. 101074010 Page xxxviii responsible for organizing health, social and rescue services within its own area. The key objective of the reform is to improve the availability and quality of basic public services throughout Finland and to increase the cooperation of social and health services. In Finland, violence prevention related responsibilities lie on the government, wellbeing services counties, 43 and municipalities. Wellbeing services counties have the most responsibilities on an operational level of preventing and combating violence. Municipalities have an obligation to promote health and welfare, and therefore violence prevention work should start already in schools, daycare facilities, youth work etc. NGOs play a significant role in intervening violence and organizing support services. In 2022, THL published national guidelines/recommendations to support the municipalities and wellbeing services counties to prevent and combat domestic violence. Guidelines include two parts: 1) coordination of the structures for violence prevention (strategic part) and 2) organizing the services and examples of good practices from the field (October & Laitinen, 2022). Finland is committed to the Council of Europe Convention on preventing and combatting violence against women and domestic violence (Istanbul Convention). It was ratified in Finland on 1 August 2015. The Council of Europe’s Group of Experts on Action against Violence against Women and Domestic Violence (GREVIO) published its first evaluation report on Finland on 2019. The report analyses the implementation of the provisions of the Istanbul Convention on preventing and combatting violence against women and domestic violence in Finland. GREVIO acknowledges many measures that have already been taken or are in process. GREVIO considers that there is a political will to implement the Convention. GREVIO also mentions the appointment of the Committee for Combating Violence against Women and Domestic Violence (NAPE) and the opening of a 24-hour telephone service called Nollalinja. In addition, GREVIO appreciates the progress made in the provision of services for victims and commends the comprehensive reform of the legislation concerning sexual offences. 43 The Wellbeing Service Counties are the organisational, region units responsible for health care and social service provision in Finland. A total of 21 counties, as well as 2 autonomous regions, ensure county-wide support. For more details, see https://stm.fi/en/wellbeing-services-counties IMPROVE D4.1 Identifying enablers of successful DV policy and its implementation Grant Agreement No. 101074010 Page xxxix At the evaluation report (2019), GREVIO points out that several issues, including especially matters concerning the training of professionals, need to be addressed. In Finland, it is possible to graduate as a social worker without having acquired a basic knowledge of DV (Niklander, Notko & Husso, 2019). GREVIO (2019) also encourages Finland to • recognise, encourage and support women’s NGOs active in preventing and combating violence against women, including community-based grass roots movements of migrant women; • ensure the provision of specialist women’s support services with a gendered approach, providing comprehensive, immediate, shortand long-term support to all female victims of violence and their children in Finland, and introduce the practice of referral to such services by law enforcement agencies; • Higher degrees of awareness of the different forms of violence against women, and cultural sensitivity towards the specific situation of women from national minorities such as the Sámi as well as other distinct groups of women in Finland, are also needed. GREVIO has identified several barriers faced by women from national minorities, women with disabilities and women exposed to other intersectional discrimination when seeking help for different forms of violence. According to GREVIO, there is general ignorance among the authorities and service providers about the specific cultural characteristics, limitations and obstacles that Sámi and Roma women and women at risk of honour-related violence face when seeking protection from violence. Moreover, women with disabilities or women who belong to sexual or gender minorities also face barriers in seeking help (GREVIO, 2019). In March 2022, the Committee for Combating Violence against Women and Domestic Violence (NAPE) published the Istanbul Convention's Second Action Plan for 2022-2025. This action plan includes long-term goals and 36 measures. The plan has three key crosscutting goals aimed at: • strengthening the gender perspective and intersectionality in the implementation of the Istanbul Convention • strengthening and consolidating inter-sectoral and multi-professional cooperation, as well as the prevention and combatting of violence against women and domestic violence at all levels, and IMPROVE D4.1 Identifying enablers of successful DV policy and its implementation Grant Agreement No. 101074010 Page xlvi • The Child Welfare Act (417/2007) mandates cooperation between different authorities and organisations to protect children and ensure their welfare. MARAC meetings often involve discussions about the safety of children in domestic violence situations, thus aligning with the requirements of this act. • The Act on Social Welfare (1301/2014) outlines the responsibilities of municipalities in providing social welfare services, including support for victims of domestic violence, and emphasizes the importance of inter-agency cooperation. • The Act on Restraining Orders (898/1998) provides mechanisms for protecting individuals from domestic violence and supports the use of restraining orders. MARAC processes often involve discussions around the implementation of restraining orders to protect victims. • The Police Act (872/2011) and The Criminal Investigation Act (805/2011) include provisions for police involvement in protecting victims of domestic violence and working in cooperation with other agencies, which is a core aspect of the MARAC process. Government commitment and support In addition to the above-mentioned laws and policies steering the inter-agency cooperation and providing a legal basis for sharing information and working together, the Finnish government supports the effective implementation of MARAC through various measures that ensure coordination, funding, training, policy framework, and monitoring. First, the government allocates funding to local authorities and to some non-governmental organisations (NGOs) that are involved in MARAC processes. This funding helps ensure that agencies have the necessary resources to participate effectively. For example, the Ministry of Justice and the Funding Centre for Social Affairs and Health (STEA) allocate funding to the Victim Support Service. In addition, shelter services receive funding from the government. On the other hand, AA (Anonymous Alcoholics) does not receive external funding. There are conditions and restrictions associated with applying for state funding. Organisations that receive grants must be able to report how the funds have been used. Thus, the organisation can decide relatively independently how the granted funds are utilized, but in accordance with what was described in the application. In STEA's performance evaluation, emphasis is placed on reaching the target group, achieving the goals and results described in the grant applications, and verifying the outcomes achieved. Second, the government funds and IMPROVE D4.1 Identifying enablers of successful DV policy and its implementation Grant Agreement No. 101074010 Page xlvii organizes training programs for professionals from various sectors (e.g., police, social workers, health care providers) to ensure they have the skills and knowledge needed to participate effectively in MARAC. Third, there are national bodies or committees that oversee the implementation of MARAC, ensuring consistency and providing guidance to local MARACs. On the regional level, there are coordinators who assist local MARACs in implementing best practices and addressing challenges. Fourth, the performance of MARACs is monitored through regular reporting and evaluation, ensuring accountability and continuous improvement. Moreover, collecting and analysing data on domestic violence and MARAC outcomes helps in monitoring the effectiveness of the interventions and making necessary adjustments. Fifth, the government develops and implements national action plans or strategies that include specific measures to support MARAC and improve responses to domestic violence. Last, the government ensures the availability of comprehensive support services for victims of domestic violence, including shelters, counselling, and legal assistance which are crucial components of the MARAC process. Sufficient resources Overall, while there is significant support for MARACs in Finland, the sufficiency of resources can vary by region and over time. Ensuring that MARACs have adequate and consistent resources is crucial for their ability to effectively tackle serious domestic violence. 1.1.1.2.2 Practical relevance MARACs in Finland are likely to be effective in prohibiting and protecting against domestic violence by providing a coordinated, comprehensive, and victim-centred approach. Their success is supported by evidence from other countries and is contingent on adequate resources, continuous training, and strong inter-agency collaboration. The effectiveness of MARAC in prohibiting or protecting against DV can be evaluated through various indicators and outcomes: studies and reports from other countries where MARACs are implemented, such as the UK, indicate significant reductions in risk for victims of domestic violence. In UK, MARACs enabled the agencies to assist victims more efficiently through enhanced information sharing. In a study conducted in 2006, MARACs improved victims' safety as statistics revealed that 6 in 10 victims had not been revictimized (Robinson, 2006). In parallel, a study conducted in 2007 showed that more than 4 in 10 victims reported no further violence one year after intervention of the MARAC. Nearly all victims acknowledged the importance of having multiagency support once they were ready to change their situation (Robinson & IMPROVE D4.1 Identifying enablers of successful DV policy and its implementation Grant Agreement No. 101074010 Page xlviii Tregidga, 2007). In Finland, similar positive outcomes are expected, with enhanced safety planning and coordinated interventions reducing the likelihood of re-victimisation. A study conducted during the years 2010-2014 showed that after the implementation of MARAC, the police received significantly fewer reports of violence caused by the same partner compared to the corresponding period before its implementation. Within six months after MARAC, 15 percent had filed a report of IPV by the same perpetrator, whereas just under 60 percent had filed such reports within the year prior to the risk assessment. Within a year after MARAC, 17 percent had reported new violent crimes to the police. Based on the data, it seems that those who experienced violence within six months and after six months are not the same individuals. According to the criminal report data, typical situations in which violence reoccurred after the six-month mark occurred when a restraining order ended or when legal proceedings related to earlier violent crimes were approaching, triggering the perpetrator to act again. In these cases, physical violence did not occur continuously throughout the observation period but started later, after the six-month mark. In a longer-term follow-up, the recurrence of violence is more common when considering all those who had reported violent incidents to the police within 12 months after MARAC, but still, for over 70 percent, the violence did not recur after MARAC. (Piispa & Lappinen, 2014) Through coordinated efforts, MARACs ensure that victims receive comprehensive safety plans tailored to their specific needs. This includes immediate protective measures like restraining orders and long-term support such as counselling and housing. Moreover, MARACs facilitate the sharing of critical information among agencies, leading to more informed decision-making and comprehensive support plans. This collaboration helps in identifying high-risk cases and ensuring timely interventions. The multi-agency approach ensures that all relevant agencies work together, reducing the chances of victims falling through the cracks. This coordinated response is crucial for addressing the complex needs of domestic violence victims. Victims engaged with MARACs benefit from a wide range of support services, from emergency housing to legal aid and healthcare. This holistic support system enhances their ability to escape abusive situations and rebuild their lives. MARACs empower victims by ensuring their voices are heard and their needs are prioritized in safety planning and interventions. Evidence suggests that MARACs can significantly reduce repeat incidents of domestic violence (Piispa & Lappinen, 2014; Piispa & October, 2017). By addressing the root IMPROVE D4.1 Identifying enablers of successful DV policy and its implementation Grant Agreement No. 101074010 Page xlix causes and providing comprehensive support, MARACs help break the cycle of abuse. Regular follow-up meetings and monitoring ensure that interventions are effective and that any emerging risks are promptly addressed. Nevertheless, while MARACs are effective, their success depends on adequate funding and resources. Ensuring consistent support across all regions is necessary to maintain their effectiveness. In addition, continuous training for professionals and raising awareness about MARACs within communities can enhance their effectiveness. Ensuring that all relevant parties are knowledgeable about the process and their roles is crucial. Empirical evidence from countries with established MARAC systems, like the UK, shows positive outcomes in terms of victim safety and reduction in repeat victimisation. However, ongoing assessment and adaptation are essential in Finland to address any challenges and ensure the continued effectiveness of MARACs in safeguarding victims of domestic violence. In UK, there has been a discussion about the risks of harm to victims and witnesses who have an insecure immigration status. The report ‘Safe to share? Report on Liberty and Southall Black Sisters’ super-complaint on policing and immigration status’ (2021) points out that the risk for e.g., deportation of vulnerable individuals may arise from information sharing about people at high risk of domestic abuse, within formal and informal multi-agency discussions, e.g., at MARACs. The report notes the concerns about the police prioritizing immigration enforcement over safeguarding and the investigation of crime. Nevertheless, clients can decide for themselves which authorities and actors they want to participate in the risk assessment conference. Therefore, a client can decide that they do not want the police to participate in the conference. In this way, the client receives multiprofessional support, even though they do not want to involve the police in their case. The police can also participate in the meeting by telling the client about police's possibilities to intervene in violence and protect the victim on a general level, but then leave the meeting before the client starts to discuss their case with other agencies. 1.1.1.2.3 Evidence and Data As of now, there is limited specific empirical data published on the effectiveness of MARACs in Finland, given that the adoption and implementation of MARAC can vary across different regions and countries. A study from 2010-2014 found that after the implementation of MARAC, the police received significantly fewer reports of violence by the same partner IMPROVE D4.1 Identifying enablers of successful DV policy and its implementation Grant Agreement No. 101074010 Page l compared to the period before. Six months after MARAC, 15 percent had filed reports of IPV, compared to nearly 60 percent in the previous year. After one year, 17 percent reported new violent crimes. Recurring violence often followed the end of restraining orders or upcoming legal proceedings, but in over 70 percent of cases, violence did not recur after MARAC (Piispa & Lappinen, 2014). In addition, the studies conducted in UK (e.g., Robinson, 2004; Robinson & Tregidga, 2007) support the effectiveness of MARACs in preventing serious violence. The Finnish Institute for Health and Welfare (THL) and various municipalities have been involved in piloting and implementing MARACs. These efforts are supported by the Finnish government, indicating a commitment to adopting proven international practices. Feedback from professionals involved in MARACs, such as police officers, social workers, and healthcare providers, indicates that the multi-agency approach leads to better outcomes for victims. 1.1.1.2.4 Context of the Solution MARAC complements existing policies, regulations, strategies, and practices of various actors in the field of domestic violence prevention in several ways. It achieves this through integration with existing frameworks, enhancing collaboration, and improving the effectiveness of interventions. Legal frameworks The MARAC process aligns with the Child Welfare Act by ensuring the protection and welfare of children in DV situations. MARAC meetings often consider the safety of children, and the process facilitates mandatory reporting and intervention requirements. MARACs operate within the framework of the Act on Social Welfare, which mandates the provision of social services and support for victims of DV. The multi-agency approach ensures that victims receive comprehensive and coordinated social welfare services. Additionally, MARAC complements the use of restraining orders by identifying high-risk victims who may need such protective measures and facilitating their implementation through coordinated efforts among agencies. Enhancement of existing strategies MARACs contribute to the objectives of national action plans (e.g., the Action Plan for Combating Violence against Women) by providing a structured and effective response to high-risk DV cases, thereby reducing incidents, and enhancing victim protection. MARACs support public health strategies by addressing the health impacts of domestic violence, IMPROVE D4.1 Identifying enablers of successful DV policy and its implementation Grant Agreement No. 101074010 Page li facilitating access to healthcare services, and coordinating with health professionals to ensure victims receive appropriate medical care and support. Complementing multi-agency approach MARACs enhance police practices by providing detailed risk assessments and comprehensive safety plans, enabling more effective protection and intervention. Social workers, on the other hand, benefit from the multi-agency approach of MARACs, which ensures that they have access to relevant information and can coordinate with other agencies to provide holistic support to victims. MARACs ensure that healthcare providers are part of the information-sharing network, allowing them to better understand the risks faced by their patients and to provide appropriate medical and psychological support. NGOs that provide support services to victims are integral to the MARAC process. Their involvement ensures that victims receive continuous and comprehensive support, from emergency shelter to longterm counselling and legal aid. Regular MARAC meetings ensure ongoing communication and coordination among all involved agencies, fostering a culture of collaboration and mutual support. Continuous training for professionals across different sectors ensures that all actors involved in MARACs understand the process, their roles, and the importance of collaboration. Regular workshops and seminars facilitate knowledge sharing and the dissemination of best practices among MARAC participants. The development of standardized protocols and guidelines for MARAC meetings ensures consistency and clarity in the process, making it easier for various agencies to integrate MARAC practices into their existing workflows. Ongoing evaluation and monitoring of MARACs help to identify strengths and areas for improvement, ensuring that the process continues to align with and complement existing policies and practices. 1.1.1.2.5 Unintended Consequences and Risks Implementation of the MARAC in Finland can bring significant benefits in addressing DV, but it also carries unintended consequences and risks that need to be managed. For instance, the additional responsibilities of participating in MARAC meetings and followup actions can strain the resources of agencies already dealing with high workloads, potentially leading to burnout among professionals. Agencies might need to divert resources from other important areas to support MARAC activities, which could impact their ability to deliver other services effectively. IMPROVE D4.1 Identifying enablers of successful DV policy and its implementation Grant Agreement No. 101074010 Page lii Furthermore, the process of sharing sensitive information across multiple agencies can raise concerns about confidentiality and data protection (see. e.g., Kurvinen et al., 2023). Ensuring that data is handled securely, and that privacy is maintained is crucial. In parallel, victims may be hesitant to share personal information if they fear it might be widely disseminated, which could affect their willingness to engage with services. Some unintended consequences may arise from regional disparities. The effectiveness of MARACs might vary across different regions due to differences in resources, training, and commitment from local agencies, leading to inconsistent levels of support for victims. Without standardized procedures and protocols, the practices and effectiveness of MARACs can differ, resulting in uneven protection and support for victims. One crucial risk is the overemphasis on high-risk cases that may lead to the neglect of lowrisk cases. Focusing primarily on high-risk cases might lead to insufficient attention and resources for lower-risk cases, which could escalate if not properly managed. Determining which cases are included in MARAC can be challenging, potentially leaving some at-risk individuals without the necessary support. Furthermore, effective MARAC implementation requires seamless communication among various agencies. Any breakdown in communication can hinder the coordination of efforts and the timely provision of support. Agencies involved in MARAC might have different priorities and mandates, which can lead to conflicts or misalignments in objectives and actions. Moreover, complex safety plans involving multiple agencies might be harder to implement effectively, particularly if coordination is poor. The legal framework governing data sharing between agencies must be robust to prevent legal challenges and ensure compliance with privacy laws. Professionals may face ethical dilemmas when balancing the need to share information for risk assessment with the need to protect client confidentiality (see e.g., Kurvinen et al., 2023). Establishing standardized protocols for MARAC operations and clear agreements on data sharing practices can help ensure consistency and clarity in the process and management of the privacy concerns. Providing ongoing training for all professionals involved in MARAC can enhance their understanding of the process and improve inter-agency collaboration. The risk assessment procedure must also consider the fact that every decision or measure taken by the authority can increase the risk of violence beyond the momentary level. The IMPROVE D4.1 Identifying enablers of successful DV policy and its implementation Grant Agreement No. 101074010 Page liii involvement of multiple agencies in a MARAC might inadvertently alert perpetrators, leading to potential retaliation against victims. IMPROVE D4.1 Identifying enablers of successful DV policy and its implementation Grant Agreement No. 101074010 Page liv 1.1.2 Solution 2: Anchor teams 1.1.2.1 Description The purpose of the Anchor team model is to promote the well-being of children, adolescents, and families at an early stage and to prevent crimes. Locally, Anchor teams can also work with DV cases. Anchor work is carried out by a multi-professional Anchor team. The team members are experts from the police, social, health and youth services. The composition of the team may vary on a case-by-case basis.44 1.1.2.1.1 Background and Aim In 1977, the first social worker was placed in the sobering facility of the Lahti Police Department. Sobriety facilities are units where intoxicated people can safely sober up. Cooperation between the police and social services accelerated in the 1980s, when so-called police-social work activities were established. Since the turn of the millennium, the cooperation between the police and social work has expanded significantly. Various national and local political programs, plans and strategies have influenced the forms of cooperation. The police wanted real-time support measures alongside the criminal justice system. In addition, the police shared a common view that crimes can be partly prevented by early intervention, in which social services play a very central role (Heino et al., 2005). In 2004, the so-called Anchor project was launched in Hämeenlinna, which is a medium-sized city in the province of Kanta-Häme. In 2004, there were about 47,000 inhabitants in Hämeenlinna. The Anchor model was created in response to the authorities' initiative and needs. Its goal was to strengthen the cooperation of several authorities at the regional level to effectively and immediately intervene in the issues of adolescents and children who were at risk of being marginalized. Soon the anchor model became a national model. Today, Anchor work is done in multi-professional teams consisting of professionals from the police, social services, healthcare, and youth.45 Nowadays, the Anchor work is a national model. There are Anchor teams working almost in 40 locations in Finland. The goals of co-operation are early intervention in the criminal behaviour of minors, comprehensive investigation of the young person's life situation and their need for help, referral to the right help and support, quick intervention in DV, and 44 For more information, see https://ankkuritoiminta.fi/-/ankkuritoiminta-kehittyy. 45 For more information, see https://rikoksentorjunta.fi/en/anchor-model. IMPROVE D4.1 Identifying enablers of successful DV policy and its implementation Grant Agreement No. 101074010 Page lv increasing internal security through multi-professional cooperation.46 However, lately the focus has been shifted to promotion of the wellbeing of young people and to prevention of adolescent criminality and extremism, and the resources to intervene DV vary by location (Bradley et al., 2020). Multidisciplinary cooperation enables professionals to serve the client comprehensively. The work is based on the "one-stop shop" principle. While the police of the preliminary investigation units investigate the crimes, Anchor teams’ police officers, health and social care professionals investigate the situation of the clients and their families more broadly from the perspective of wellbeing and needs. After assessing the clients' needs, they are referred to other services, such as victim support services, shelter services, NGOs, mental health services, etc. The benefits of this holistic approach and inter-agency cooperation are particularly visible in challenging situations where the client suffers from multiple problems, such as DV, substance abuse and mental health problems (Bradley et al., 2020). The Anchor teams do not only seem to shape the cooperation between social work, health care and the police within the team, but its effects are wider in the entire police department by building bridges and intermediating cooperation between the uniformed police officer and social work in general. The threshold for disclosing informal information is lower if the police officers can disclose the information to the Anchor team’s police officer. By doing this, they do not have to assess the possibilities provided by the law for the exchange of information between the police and the other authorities. The Anchor team’s police officer, on the other hand, is experienced in evaluating the possibilities of handling information within a multiprofessional team (ibid.). In addition to the fact that Anchor teams can combat criminal phenomena more effectively, Anchor teams also offer their members collegial support, which is considered to have a positive and very important effect on well-being at work. Collegial support has been described as an opportunity not only to share one's expertise for common use, but also as freedom to work as one's own person and an opportunity to share responsibility. The promoters of collegial support are shared rules and values, good interaction, and respect for other professional skills. In contrast, inflexibility, inability to cooperate and remote work may be factors preventing collegial support (Peltonen & Pöllänen, 2021). 46 For more information, see https://ankkuritoiminta.fi/toiminta IMPROVE D4.1 Identifying enablers of successful DV policy and its implementation Grant Agreement No. 101074010 Page lxii It supports the client-centred approach of Anchor teams, emphasizing the importance of privacy, informed consent, and the right to receive appropriate services. Fifth, the Criminal Code of Finland (39/1889) provides the legal framework for prosecuting perpetrators of domestic violence. The Criminal Code also supports the protective measures such as restraining orders and other legal protections for victims. Sixth, the Act on Restraining Orders (898/1998) provides the legal basis for imposing restraining orders to protect victims of domestic violence. Seventh, the European Union's Victims’ Rights Directive ensures that victims of crime, including domestic violence, receive support and protection. Last, the Health Care Act’s (1326/2010) purpose is to strengthen the operating conditions of basic health care and to improve cooperation between health care providers, cooperation between different sectors in the welfare area and cooperation between the welfare area and the municipality, as well as cooperation with other operators in the promotion of health and well-being and in the organisation of social and health care. Continuous evaluation and development Anchor activities are evaluated through systematic data collection, monitoring the quality of work, and assessing whether set goals have been met. This process also helps in understanding local youth well-being and informing stakeholders. Data is collected on the Anchor Activities Extranet and used for planning, development, and management at all levels. Each team produces an annual report summarizing collected data and local activities. Consistent data collection improves coordination, organisation, and decision-making, allowing for comparisons at local, regional, and national levels.47 Anchor activities are consistently monitored nationwide on a shared Extranet platform, recording work with youth and cooperation with stakeholders. Annual reports are prepared for local, regional, and national steering groups, based on systematic, anonymous data, and feedback collection.48 Anchor activities are developed based on evidence and good practices, with national statistics and reports identifying areas for improvement. Local and regional activities are 47For more details, see https://ankkuritoiminta.fi/kasikirja/arviointi-ja-kehittaminen 48 Ibid. IMPROVE D4.1 Identifying enablers of successful DV policy and its implementation Grant Agreement No. 101074010 Page lxiii tailored to youth needs and involve feedback from youths and parents. Professional competence is enhanced through continued education and multidisciplinary collaboration. Development is guided by national guidelines and based on evidence, statistics, and monitoring. National development focuses on creating structures that meet changing needs, with the national Anchor activities development group overseeing this process in cooperation with the responsible ministry.49 1.1.2.2.2 Practical relevance The shift in focus of Anchor teams in Finland from addressing domestic violence to concentrating more on youth delinquency and radicalisation has raised questions about their current relevance and effectiveness in dealing with domestic violence cases. Originally, Anchor teams were designed to be a multi-agency approach to tackle issues like domestic violence, juvenile delinquency, and other social challenges by providing holistic support. However, as the focus has shifted more towards youth-related issues like delinquency and radicalisation, the emphasis on domestic violence is diminished. This shift might limit the teams' ability to address domestic violence cases effectively, as resources and attention are now more directed towards other priorities. Despite the shift in focus, the multi-disciplinary nature of Anchor teams still holds potential for addressing domestic violence cases when they do arise. The presence of professionals from different sectors (social services, police, healthcare, youth services) within the teams means that with domestic violence identified, the responses can still be comprehensive. However, without a clear mandate or priority to focus on domestic violence, the effectiveness of these teams in this area may not be as strong as it previously was. Although the Anchor model has recently emphasized addressing criminal behaviour among children and youth, it remains an important part of tackling DV. First, in many police departments, the Anchor teams also handle DV cases. Research (e.g., Anda et al., 2006; Dube et al. 2003) shows that the root cause of criminal behaviour in children and youth can often be linked to adverse childhood experiences such as DV, and multidisciplinary collaboration can help assess the family’s need for support, including in cases of violence. This violence may occur in the young person’s own relationship or in the relationship between 49 Ibid. IMPROVE D4.1 Identifying enablers of successful DV policy and its implementation Grant Agreement No. 101074010 Page lxiv the youth’s guardians. Detectives at the police department can also benefit from the Anchor team’s expertise in DV cases that require multidisciplinary cooperation. Even though the Anchor manual no longer highlights domestic violence, police departments have some autonomy in organizing Anchor activities in the way they deem most effective. For example, in Helsinki, the prevention of DV is still listed as one of the goals of the Anchor program. In the Häme region (Forssa, Hämeenlinna, and Riihimäki areas), the Anchor teams are also responsible for handling family and domestic violence reports. In Eastern Finland, the focus includes the prevention of DV regardless of age, as well as connecting both victims and perpetrators to support services. In Southwest Finland, the Anchor team works with families where family and domestic violence occurs. Ideally, members of the Anchor team work in the same facilities at the police station. This can lower the threshold for police officers to seek the opinion and advice of the multidisciplinary team in cases where the client could benefit from collaborative support. For this reason, the role of Anchor in addressing DV is crucial, as it enables the sharing of multidisciplinary expertise with the police. In addition, since MARACs only deal with intimate partner violence, elderly people experiencing violence from their adult children, for example, may be left without risk assessment and multidisciplinary support. In such cases, the Anchor team may be a police department’s only ‘fast track’ to multidisciplinary consultation. The change in focus might affect how the police departments perceive the Anchor teams' role in handling domestic violence. If the police organisation sees these teams primarily dealing with youth issues, the police officers may be less likely to ask them for consultation on DV cases (adults without minors) that would require a multi-professional approach. Studies show that young people who have experienced traumatic events within their families are more likely to engage in criminal activity in the future (Herrera & McCloskey, 2003; Asscher, van der Put & Stams, 2019). Considering the fact that young people who commit crimes are often exposed to or have experienced domestic violence, it is remarkable that there isn't a stronger connection between Anchor teams and the prevention of domestic violence. One would expect that efforts to combat youth delinquency would also include effective measures for preventing domestic violence, and that examining the life situations of young people could reveal instances of family violence that might otherwise go unnoticed by professionals. IMPROVE D4.1 Identifying enablers of successful DV policy and its implementation Grant Agreement No. 101074010 Page lxv 1.1.2.2.3 Evidence and Data A study on the effectiveness of Anchor activities (Kaakinen et al., 2022) was conducted by the Institute of Criminology and Legal Policy (Krimo) at the University of Helsinki. The research was part of the "Effectiveness of Anchor Activities" project carried out between 2021–2022, funded by the Prime Minister's Office.50 The study was based on an analysis of the effectiveness of Anchor activities, the experiences of those involved in the activities, and a description of the Anchor process. The analysis was supported by comprehensive quantitative and qualitative research data. The study assessed the impact of Anchor activities on youth criminal behaviour and explored the experiences of professionals working within the Anchor teams, as well as the potential opportunities for developing the activities based on these experiences (ibid.). The study's key conclusion suggests that the Anchor interventions appear to prevent future criminal behaviour. Youth involved in Anchor activities had a significantly lower risk of being again suspected of a crime within the following year compared to their peers (ibid.). 1.1.2.2.4 Context of the Solution The Anchor team model aligns with and complement existing policies, regulations, strategies, and practices in the field of domestic violence, though its primary focus has expanded to include youth delinquency and radicalisation. Anchor team model is achieved through a conscious effort to integrate and complement existing frameworks and practices. This is done by promoting inter-agency cooperation, adhering to legislative requirements, and aligning with national strategies for domestic violence prevention and victim support. The Anchor teams bring together professionals from police, social services, healthcare, and youth services. This multidisciplinary approach ensures that the interventions align with broader social and health policies that emphasize collaboration between various sectors to address complex issues like domestic violence (Bradley et al., 2020). The operation of Anchor teams is supported by Finnish legislation that mandates cooperation between different authorities in protecting and promoting the well-being of citizens. For instance, the Social Welfare Act (1301/2014) and the Child Welfare Act (417/2007) require 50 For more details, see https://rikoksentorjunta.fi/ankkuri IMPROVE D4.1 Identifying enablers of successful DV policy and its implementation Grant Agreement No. 101074010 Page lxvi local authorities to work together to protect children and families, which is a core function of the Anchor teams. The Anchor model complements national strategies aimed at preventing domestic violence and supporting victims. For example, Finland's Action Plan for Combatting Violence against Women for 2020–2023 (Ministry of Justice, 2020) emphasizes the need for early intervention, risk assessment, and support for victims, which have been all integral parts of many Anchor team’s work. Anchor teams are embedded within local communities, allowing them to adapt their practices to fit local needs and conditions. This local integration ensures that their work is relevant to the specific challenges and dynamics of domestic violence in each area, thus aligning with local policies and practices. 1.1.2.2.5 Unintended Consequences and Risks The shift of Anchor teams to focus more on juvenile offenders, and thereby reducing their intervention in domestic violence cases, could have several implications for the provision of multi-professional help to adult victims of DV. Anchor teams have traditionally provided a coordinated approach to managing DV cases, involving multiple professionals such as police, social workers, healthcare providers, and NGOs. With their focus shifting away from domestic violence, there might be a gap in the availability of such coordinated services. Victims may experience more fragmented support if the multi-professional collaboration facilitated by Anchor teams is diminished. Anchor teams are often involved in early intervention, identifying and addressing risks before they escalate. Their reduced involvement in DV cases could result in missed opportunities for early intervention and prevention, especially if their young clients’ adverse childhood experiences such as DV are not detected and actively addressed. According to the Manual, MARACs are assumed to take on a more prominent role in coordinating multi-professional help for DV victims. Ensuring that MARACs are wellresourced and supported may help mitigate the impact of Anchor teams' shift in focus. However, MARACs are primarily intended for victims of severe and prolonged violence, and not all victims of domestic violence can be referred to MARAC due to resource constraints. IMPROVE D4.1 Identifying enablers of successful DV policy and its implementation Grant Agreement No. 101074010 Page lxvii 1.1.3 Solution 3: Tools for screening risks of domestic violence and female genital mutilation (FGM) in health care A domestic violence enquiry and assessment form is a tool for detecting domestic violence in health care services. The Finnish Institute for Health and Welfare (THL) recommends its use in maternity and child health clinics and elsewhere in health care services. (THL, 2024b) A form for evaluating the threat of female genital mutilation (FGM) is a tool for detecting the possible risk of a girl child to have her outer genitals mutilated. (THL, 2019) The report is complemented by recent interviews with professionals, conducted as part of the EU project IMPROVE. Code Profession, discipline Representing Year THL_T1 Health Care Specialist (development tasks) Wellbeing Services County 2023 THL_T2 Health Care Specialist (development tasks) Wellbeing Services County 2023 THL_T3 Health Care Specialist (Maternity and Child Health Clinics) Wellbeing Services County 2023 THL_S3 Social Worker Wellbeing Services County 2023 THL_S4 Social Worker Wellbeing Services County 2023 THL_S5 Social Worker Wellbeing Services County 2023 THL_N2 Specialist NGO/victims of DV 2023 1.1.3.1 Description 1.1.3.1.1 Background and Aim According to the recommendations of THL, domestic violence should be detected with a special questionnaire from both parents at least once during pregnancy at the maternity health clinic, and again later in child health clinic. Both these services are universal, free, and voluntary. Almost 100 per cent of expecting couples and families with small children regularly visit these clinics. Therefore, these places offer an excellent opportunity to detect domestic violence. IMPROVE D4.1 Identifying enablers of successful DV policy and its implementation Grant Agreement No. 101074010 Page lxviii The suitable time to give the questionnaire to the pregnant woman and her spouse would be around mid-pregnancy. By then the initial excitement of having a baby may have subsided a little, and the future parents are able to concentrate on other topics, too. The public health nurse/midwife in the maternity clinic will also be more familiar to the couple at that point. THL also recommends that the topic of female genital mutilation (FGM) is discussed in maternity and child health clinics with families originating from countries where FGM tradition is still alive and practised. Preventive work should start already during the pregnancy; first by inquiring about expecting woman’s own possible genital mutilation and secondly by discussing future parents’ attitudes towards the tradition and their plans concerning their own daughter (THL, 2024c). It is important to emphasize that there are no health benefits of FGM, but instead it causes a wide range of health problems to girls and women. FGM is a punishable act under the Criminal Code of Finland as assault or aggravated assault. Penalty for aggravated assault is as long as 10 years of imprisonment. A form for evaluating the threat of female genital mutilation (FGM) is a tool for professionals working with families of foreign origin. Public health nurse/midwife, for instance, can use the form in the reception of a maternity health clinic or a child health clinic to evaluate whether the girl is in risk of FGM or not (Hongisto & Kahelin, 2016). The Finnish Institute for Health and Welfare (THL) gives recommendations to municipalities and wellbeing services counties on how to arrange certain social and health care services. There are detailed recommendations of the contents of the services; for example, what kind of questions to ask in detecting domestic violence in maternity clinic or child health clinic. THL has created a specific domestic violence enquiry and assessment form, and a clinical pathway for professionals to follow in case domestic violence is suspected or reported. A health care specialist (T1) working in the welfare services county in Southern Finland, stated that there are regional differences when it comes to asking about domestic violence in the above-mentioned clinics. “Partly it is due to available resources, and partly due to individual differences amongst professionals and organisational structures. Asking about DV seems to depend also on professional’s own interest, will, and courage. Organisational structures either support asking about DV or prevent it.” (T1) IMPROVE D4.1 Identifying enablers of successful DV policy and its implementation Grant Agreement No. 101074010 Page lxix There are many other things that need to be asked too during the reception in maternity health clinic and in child health clinic. (T1, T3) These include, for example, the client’s substance use, social environment, and mental health issues. Time must be found for all of this, so screening must be recorded in the organisation's structures so that professionals have a real opportunity to carry out screening. In addition, THL recommends that clients who need an interpreter be given double time for the reception, because using an interpreter makes customer service more time-consuming. According to an interviewee (T2) working as a health care specialist in the capital area, a solution could be detecting domestic violence already in the hospital after the birth of the baby. Usually, family stays overnight or even longer in the hospital ward, where professionals have more time to discuss with families before they go home. In the hospital, there are more professionals present of different fields like social worker and priest with whom families can discuss. Finland has its own action plan for the prevention of female genital mutilation. (Koukkula & Klemetti, 2019). As FGM is a tradition that violates human rights and breaks the Finnish law, THL recommends that professionals should take up the topic with clients originating from countries where the tradition persists. It is a culturally sensitive topic, and it may feel difficult to discuss the matter in the reception. Therefore, THL has developed this tool based on a similar tool used in Britain (HM Government, 2017) to make it easier to talk about FGM with clients, and at the same time evaluate whether a girl is at risk of FGM. Preventive work could also be carried out in the hospital after the birth of the baby – just like any form of domestic violence. 1.1.3.1.2 Implementation and Practice THL’s work is guided by international agreements, research evidence, and national policies, and law. THL’s recommendations concerning domestic violence are based on Istanbul Convention battling against violence towards women and domestic violence. The wellbeing services counties should ensure that there are enough resources in the health care sector and other necessary sectors to detect domestic violence including harmful cultural practices like FGM. Resources here refer to hiring sufficient personnel and providing tools, methods, and training to address these demanding domestic violence related topics. A social worker (S3) emphasized that the training should be compulsory and constant due to high personnel IMPROVE D4.1 Identifying enablers of successful DV policy and its implementation Grant Agreement No. 101074010 Page lxx turnover in both social and health care fields. When the training is compulsory, it is easier to clear space for it compared to some voluntary training. As mentioned before, almost all expecting couples and families with small children are encountered in these clinics. Therefore, both these solutions meet the needs of people who belong to vulnerable groups. The ideal situation for any expecting couple and family with small children would be that professional asks about domestic violence during their visit in the clinic. A professional would then follow the clinical pathway according to the result of the enquiry and assessment form. The same practices apply for the evaluation of the threat of female genital mutilation. Clients assisted by an interpreter need to be reserved twice as much time for the appointment. Few victims of DV report their experiences on their own initiative (Notko, M. et al., 2011). Therefore, it is very important for professionals to ask directly about DV at the reception. When asked from everyone, it is not stigmatizing to any group of clients. Besides covering people with immigrant background, it also covers many other vulnerable groups such as Roma, sexual minorities, people with disabilities, and people with mental health problems. The professional at the reception should also mention that the question of domestic violence is asked equally from everyone, not just from one particular group of people. 1.1.3.1.3 Strengths and Weaknesses We already have a high-quality and proven tool existing for detecting domestic violence amongst expecting couples and families with small children. The challenge is the scarcity of resources (Kankaanpää et al., 2022) and uncertainty and sometimes even unwillingness of professionals to use the tool. Screening should be part of the organisation structures. Solutions to these obstacles would be for decision makers to ensure that there is enough staff working in maternity and child welfare clinics so that professionals have enough time to ask about domestic violence and to guide persons forward along the clinical pathway, when needed. Professionals should also get regular and compulsory training on the topic of domestic violence. The training should at least cover topics like different forms of DV and how to detect it by asking the right questions at the right time (T1, T2, S3, S4). Asking about violence is part of the overall survey of the client’s situation in health care. A domestic violence enquiry and assessment form is used as a tool for mapping the situation. IMPROVE D4.1 Identifying enablers of successful DV policy and its implementation Grant Agreement No. 101074010 Page lxxi Asking about violence initiates a process that strengthens the safety of the victim. At the same time, a professional can spread information about violence, its various forms, and the services available. According to a study (Perttu, 2004), the experiences of public health nurses and women (as clients) in asking about DV showed that discussing the topic in maternity and child health clinics was perceived as natural and women generally accepted it. If a professional suspects that a girl is under the threat of FGM or has gone through the procedure while living in Finland, the topic should be taken up with the girl and her parents/guardians. In addition, the professional is obliged to submit a child welfare notification to the social welfare authorities and to report the matter to the police. “A form for evaluating the threat of female genital mutilation” (FGM) is a tool for detecting the possible risk of a girl to have her outer genitals mutilated. Inquiring about FGM is the most effective form of preventive work in order to eradicate this harmful tradition. According to a recent survey by THL, the FGM threat assessment form has so far only been rarely used by professionals. In the future, information about the form and its use should be more effective at various training events, which THL also organizes (Parekh & Koukkula, 2024). Ideally, in both cases – inquiring regularly about DV and FGM - the expertise of the employees of maternity and child health clinics gradually increases. Work related to domestic violence becomes routine without uncertainty and fear. 1.1.3.2 Justification Implementing a domestic violence enquiry and assessment form in health care in Finland can be justified on several grounds, e.g., reflecting the importance of addressing and mitigating the impacts of domestic violence on individuals and society as a whole. Domestic violence is a significant public health issue that affects individuals' physical and mental health. Implementing a DV enquiry and assessment form helps healthcare providers identify victims early, leading to timely intervention and support; ultimately reducing the longterm health consequences associated with this phenomenon. In the study (Notko et al., 2011) involving over 500 patients in three specialized hospital wards in Central Finland, the prevalence of domestic violence, its different forms and recurrence of experienced violence and need of further care were clarified. The health care personnel utilized a questionnaire to identify domestic violence and the need for further care. According IMPROVE D4.1 Identifying enablers of successful DV policy and its implementation Grant Agreement No. 101074010 Page lxxviii policy. Multiculturalism is still being learned in Finland. This causes challenges for both immigrants and professionals belonging to the majority population. Immigrant associations seem to have an important role in the integration of the immigrant groups - especially women (Saksela-Bergholm, 2010). Elsewhere in Europe in the 1980s, a concept called cultural mediation was developed to help migrants navigate complex systems. The goal was to promote the access of health care and other services and facilitate the interaction of professionals and clients in different areas of life, such as birth, well-being, illness, and death. Cultural mediation is an inclusive approach that helps to reduce cultural and language barriers also in the field of gender-based violence (Rakovica & Ianovitz, 2021). This solution helps to find vulnerable victims of violence and bring them into the service system. The cultural knowledge and language skills of the organisation’s victim support workers lower the threshold of victims of violence to disclose their experiences. The victim support workers help the victim to cooperate with the authorities and at the same time they create bridges between the authorities and the victims. Moreover, they help victims to understand that normalized experiences of violence in the lives of victims are wrong and that these are crimes, and that victims have the right to receive help, support, and get justice like everyone else. When considering a solution, local professionals could try to build collaboration with key persons in the communities - including religious leaders. Immigrant women seem to trust other immigrant women who have stayed longer in the country. It is also important that they come from the same country or at least from the same language group. It is especially appreciated if they are already involved in working life in some capacity (Delpeuch et al., 2024). NGOs working with immigrant women have paid attention to this phenomenon, and they call them “cultural interpreters” who can offer peer support. An example of this could be a (voluntary) worker in an NGO or a shelter for victims of DV specialising in the issues of immigrant women. The worker could help the victim in contacting local authorities and in building confidence in the system. The cultural interpreter may also be able to estimate more accurately the urgency of required intervention in the DV situation. IMPROVE D4.1 Identifying enablers of successful DV policy and its implementation Grant Agreement No. 101074010 Page lxxix In addition, local professionals seem to be afraid to ask about honour related violence from their clients with immigrant background because they are afraid of being labelled as racists. According to the interviews conducted in D1.3 (Delpeuch et al., 2024), it is desirable to talk about all the problems directly without reservation - even if the topic is taboo in the community. If professionals ignore difficult topics, things might just get worse. Cultural interpreters can be an important asset in combatting domestic violence experienced by women with immigrant backgrounds. Good experiences have already been gained, for example of the projects led by NGOs in Finland. This came up in the interviews with the professionals, when they were asked about the removal of obstacles for women with immigrant backgrounds to seek help (Delpeuch et. al, 2024). There is an essential difference between a regular interpreter and a cultural interpreter; while the regular interpreter only translates, the latter can also provide cultural context, information, and instructions. It is also commonly known that many clients with immigrant background have difficulties in trusting interpreters. They believe that interpreters leak information to their own community despite their official non-disclosure agreement. This is also one critical barrier, why victims of domestic violence with immigrant background, are often unwilling to disclose their problems to local professionals, even though they are already using available services (Lilja, 2020). A cultural interpreter could be a valuable resource in such situation, as well. 1.1.4.1.2 Implementation and Practice A study conducted by Honkatukia & Suurpää (2007) reinforces the conception of lack of knowledge of families of foreign origin of their rights and duties in the institutional system of Finnish society. This seems to be the case for both young people and their parents. Families are not aware where to seek help in situations of crisis or even with less serious problems, as a professional described in D1.3 (Delpeuch et. al, 2024): “Victims of domestic violence can ponder in their minds: What’ll happen to my mother, if I seek help from the shelter for victims of domestic violence? What’ll people say to my father? Members of one’s own community can also give misleading information, for example about the role of officials/professionals or consequences of reporting DV. Sometimes family can consult a religious leader (e.g., an imam staying locally or even in another country) rather than a local professional like nurse, social worker, or police.” (N2) IMPROVE D4.1 Identifying enablers of successful DV policy and its implementation Grant Agreement No. 101074010 Page lxxx A social worker specialised in adult social work (S3) raised concerns related to men with immigrant background. Intercultural marriages - where one party is a Finn, and the other party is of foreign origin – are becoming increasingly frequent in Finland. “The foreign male spouse is often left totally alone in cases of domestic violence (usually psychological and/or economical violence) when the perpetrator is a Finnish woman. He doesn’t know where to contact to seek help. On top of everything, he is too embarrassed to talk about his situation to anyone. His friends would say ‘can’t you control your woman?’. This applies naturally to female spouses of foreign origin as well; they may feel extremely lonely and lost in situations of domestic violence.” (S3) The interviewee emphasized that it would be very important for men with immigrant background to also have a support person/cultural interpreter originating from the same country or at least from the same language group. It seems to be difficult for them to talk about their problems to a Finnish female (social) worker, especially in situation where the perpetrator is also a Finnish woman. Women with an immigrant background who suffer from DV (sometimes a lifetime of violence and abuse) can find it very difficult to trust the authorities in their new home country (Lilja, 2020). Cultural interpreters can help victims to contact and trust professionals and/or authorities by removing prejudices on both sides. In an ideal situation they build bridges between victims with immigrant background and professionals/authorities belonging to the majority population. As an example, in 2017 the Finnish Refugee Council (FRC) launched a project called Linkki (Link in English) related to training and use of cultural interpreters in various situations. The aim of the project was to strengthen the interaction between staff in various services and families with an immigrant background. This, in turn, was believed to increase mutual understanding and trust between the families with immigrant background and the authorities/professionals. In 2019, there were 146 individual cultural interpretations performed by the project staff of Linkki. The most common places for them to work were kindergartens, schools (e.g., with teachers, school welfare officers, and psychologists), and healthcare (e.g., with nurses and doctors in maternity and child health clinics and health stations). At some stage, they started cooperation with employment office services too. The most common languages used were IMPROVE D4.1 Identifying enablers of successful DV policy and its implementation Grant Agreement No. 101074010 Page lxxxi Somali, Kurdish and Arabic. There were more women than men working as cultural interpreters. The project was running for three and a half years, i.e. from 2017–2020 until the funding ran out during Covid-19 pandemic. After that, for example Helsinki City has adopted the model in some form, but instead of cultural interpreters they call these professionals multilingual counsellors. Another example is MONIKA that develops and provides specialized services for women with an immigrant background and their children who have been subjected to violence. This work is carried out at Crisis Centre Monika and Shelter Mona. Crisis Centre Monika provides lowthreshold crisis assistance, guidance, and counselling services for women with an immigrant background, who have experienced violence (crisis help, psychosocial support, peer support groups, advice and service guidance, and supportive housing services after a period in a shelter). Services are provided in the following languages: Arabic, Belarussian, Dari, English, Farsi, Finnish, French, Persian, Russian, and Spanish. MONIKA also develops and offers integration activities that support the social skills and employment of immigrant women, thus fostering their successful integration into society. This work is carried out at Integration Centre Monika. They provide, among other things, individual guidance for applying to study and for jobs, residence permits, family reunification, housing, and livelihood. In D1.3 (Delpeuch et al. 2024), several interviewees (S3, S4, T1) referred to Monika Women’s work as an excellent example of handling complicated and demanding situations connected with DV amongst women with immigrant background. Language skills and understanding of different cultures were specifically mentioned as an advantage over local professionals. They knew how to ask the right questions and they managed to get to the core of the problem much faster. The third example of an NGO that works with women with immigrant background is Iraqi Women’s Association (INY). The focus of their work is also on integration like supporting women in finding study place or job. Another important goal of their work is to prevent violence, especially the domestic violence that can sometimes have features of honourrelated violence too. IMPROVE D4.1 Identifying enablers of successful DV policy and its implementation Grant Agreement No. 101074010 Page lxxxii “It is important to get information on one’s own language from someone whom you can trust.” (N2) INY has good experiences of cultural interpretation in various situations. They guide women with immigrant background to various services whether it is a Finnish language course, an employment office, or some service in the social or health care field. 1.1.4.1.3 Strengths and Weaknesses The primary purpose of using a cultural interpreter is to familiarize immigrants with the Finnish society and culture, and at the same time support their integration. In addition, cultural interpreter acts between the immigrant and the official/professional. The goal is to build trust in authorities and Finland's institutional system (Delpeuch et. al, 2024). Immigrants are not a homogenous group – instead there are huge differences when it comes to their background like nationality, language, level of education, and skills. This can be challenging for the cultural interpreter. It is essential that cultural interpreters are familiar with the Finnish society and its basic values. They must also have a good command of Finnish language and the knowledge of at least one other language (Savolainen, 2020). The Finnish Refugee Council has been piloting so called trainers' training (for civic orientation of immigrants). Educational institutions, NGOs, and municipalities can hire trainers who provide training in several languages, for instance in Arabic, Dari, Farsi, and Kurdish (Suomen Pakolaisapu, 2020). A similar kind of method could be applied for cultural interpreters'/multilingual counsellors’ training too. D1.3 (Delpeuch et al., 2024) showed that this solution supports well the needs of immigrant women and children, who belong to the category of the most vulnerable victims. With the help of cultural interpreters, they will be able to more rapidly acquire the necessary information about their rights and duties. They will also get a basic understanding of the law in their new home country. Cultural interpreters cannot function alone; it is important that they work together with local authorities/professionals. Women who arrive to Finland via family reunification seem to be one of the most vulnerable groups because they often stay without any information compared to refugees and asylum seekers who participate in specific information events arranged for them. IMPROVE D4.1 Identifying enablers of successful DV policy and its implementation Grant Agreement No. 101074010 Page lxxxiii Knowledge gives strength and courage to persons in vulnerable position so that it is easier to seek help and trust the local authorities/professionals. In some countries, DV is considered strictly to be a private issue, and victims seldom approach “outsiders” in this kind of situation. It requires that persons with immigrant background rethink their values and ways of seeing the world, to be able to seek external help. The interviews conducted in D1.3 (Delpeuch et. al, 2024) showed that cultural interpreter would be valuable there, too. During the implementation of Istanbul Convention, for example the Ministry of Justice has been financing the work of NGOs fighting against violence towards women and honour related violence. In addition, the Ministry of Social Services and Health has financed the work of NGOs battling against similar topics. According to the interviews with the professionals, the biggest obstacle is to find regular funding for the NGOs to enable them to recruit staff that can work as cultural interpreters and offer peer support for newcomers in the country. It is also important to emphasize that the role of cultural interpreters is to guide victims of domestic violence into the services, and not to try to solve the problems by themselves. A solution for receiving required funding could be the dissemination of information of the cultural interpreter model. Wherever it has been used, the experiences have been positive and encouraging. On the other hand, the responsibility of arranging this kind of service should not be on the shoulders of the NGOs alone. There should be more cases like Helsinki City where it was decided to train and hire cultural interpreters/multicultural counsellors. To avoid misunderstandings or misinterpretations of the role of cultural interpreters - for cultural interpreters themselves, authorities/professionals, and immigrants - a proper training is required. Once the role of the cultural interpreter is clear to all the parties, it is easier to act accordingly and achieve positive results. 1.1.4.2 Justification Introduction of the cultural interpreter model in the battle against domestic violence can be justified for several reasons, e.g., reflecting the importance of finding vulnerable victims with immigrant backgrounds and bringing them into the service system. Domestic violence can manifest itself differently across cultures; influenced for example by various social and religious factors. A cultural interpreter can provide insights into these specific contexts, thus helping frontline responders to better understand and address the IMPROVE D4.1 Identifying enablers of successful DV policy and its implementation Grant Agreement No. 101074010 Page lxxxiv underlying issues. Using cultural interpreters, all individuals have equal chances to seek help and enter support services in cases of domestic violence. 1.1.4.2.1 Conditions and factors for the successful implementation Domestic violence is a significant public health issue that affects both the native population and the population with immigrant background. As mentioned earlier, the research material (Honkatukia & Suurpää, 2007) confirms the perception that families with foreign background don’t always have the knowledge about their rights and obligations in the institutional system of Finnish society. They don’t know whom to contact in crisis situations or even smaller problems. Implementation of the cultural interpreter model helps frontline responders to identify these victims earlier, which in turn leads to timely intervention and support; ultimately reducing the manifold long-term health effects and costs to society associated with the phenomenon. To successfully implement the model, institutional support is also required. Securing adequate funding to reinforce the recruitment, training, and retention of the cultural interpreters is essential. Immigrant communities should be engaged as well to raise awareness about domestic violence and the availability of cultural interpreters. 1.1.4.2.2 Practical relevance Implementing the model of a cultural interpreters in combatting domestic violence has significant practical relevance. First of all, cultural interpreters can help in overcoming language barriers by ensuring that victims can effectively communicate their experiences and needs to frontline responders in support services. This, in turn, facilitates accurate reporting of DV incidents. Cultural interpreters also provide information about cultural norms and practices that might influence both the behaviour of victims and perpetrators. As a result, frontline responders can offer more culturally sensitive support, which can be crucial in building trust between clients/patients of immigrant origin and authorities. When victims receive information about their own rights and the processes involved, it is easier for them to decide about seeking help. The aim of this model is to help frontline responders to detect domestic violence more efficiently among vulnerable victims and to provide them with support and refer them to the service system. Early intervention can also reduce health care costs and, in addition, the need for social services and legal systems. IMPROVE D4.1 Identifying enablers of successful DV policy and its implementation Grant Agreement No. 101074010 Page lxxxv 1.1.4.2.3 Evidence and Data The use of cultural interpreters (in domestic violence cases) is a recognized good practice in many countries. So far, a limited amount of empirical data on the implementation of the cultural interpreter model has been published in Finland. However, there are studies carried out for example by the University of Helsinki and THL revealing that language barriers may significantly deter especially immigrant women in Finland from reporting domestic violence and accessing support services. The insights of cultural interpreters can provide decision makers with valuable information about the special needs of immigrant communities. This can lead to more effective forms of prevention of domestic violence and intervention strategies, for example by ensuring that services are inclusive and accessible to all groups of people. Based on the experiences of employees of NGOs working with immigrants in Finland, cultural interpreters also help to build bridges between different (cultural) understandings connected with domestic violence. For example, perceptions of raising children and what is and what is not a family matter, can differ greatly between the population with an immigrant background and the majority population. Cultural interpreters can help victims to contact and trust authorities by removing prejudices on both sides. Evidence and data support the implementation of the cultural interpreter model in combating domestic violence (including harmful cultural practices such as honour related violence including female genital mutilation). Among other things, they can overcome language and culture barriers, enhance cultural sensitivity among professionals/authorities, build trust between different parties, and empower victims (Delpeuch et al., 2024). 1.1.4.2.4 Context of the Solution This solution reflects relatively recent demographic changes in Finland since there has been a significant rise in its immigrant population over the past few decades. According to Statistics Finland, in the end of 2022, approximately 9,1 % of the population were of foreign origin. The solution of implementing cultural interpreters in combating domestic violence (including harmful cultural practices like honour related violence and female genital mutilation) is based on the need to address the unique challenges faced by the growing and diverse immigrant population in Finland. Cultural interpreters can play a crucial role in making domestic violence services more accessible and effective for all residents. IMPROVE D4.1 Identifying enablers of successful DV policy and its implementation Grant Agreement No. 101074010 Page lxxxvi The need for cultural competence is increasingly recognized when dealing with cases of domestic violence among immigrants. This approach is an example of best practice that has been tested in practical work, which is also supported by our research findings and encouraging international experiences. 1.1.4.2.5 Unintended Consequences and Risks While this solution has multiple benefits, there are also potential risks that need to be considered. The biggest risks are related to understanding the role of cultural interpreters (both by clients and authorities) and organising adequate training. Limited resources may affect the quality and availability of cultural interpretation services. Standardised training programs are necessary, otherwise there may be inconsistencies in the quality and results of cultural interpretation. Thorough and ongoing training is essential for interpreters to stay updated, which might not always be possible due to the lack of resources. The training should also include topics such as confidentiality, impartiality, and cultural competence. The involvement of a cultural interpreter from one’s own community may also cause risks. Questions about trust and safety may arise during interpretation; especially if all parties (victim, perpetrator, and interpreter) come from the same community. This, in turn, may affect victim’s willingness to seek help in cases of domestic violence (Lilja, 2020). By proactively addressing these potential risks, the cultural interpreter model can be useful in battling domestic violence in the context of Finland also. IMPROVE D4.1 Identifying enablers of successful DV policy and its implementation Grant Agreement No. 101074010 Page lxxxvii References Anda, R. F., Felitti, V. J., Douglas B. J., Walker, J. D., Whitfield, C., Perry, B. D., Dube S. R., Giles W. H. (2006). “The Enduring Effects of Abuse and Related Adverse Experiences in Childhood: A Convergence of Evidence from Neurobiology and Epidemiology.” European Archives of Psychiatry and Clinical Neuroscience 256:174– 86. Ankkuritoiminta (2020). Website. Ankkuritoimintaa kehitetään entistä vaikuttavammaksi. https://ankkuritoiminta.fi/-/ankkuritoiminta-kehittyy Ankkuritoiminta (n.a.) Website. Ankkuritoiminta. [Anchor work]. https://ankkuritoiminta.fi/toiminta Ankkuritoiminta (n.a.) Website. Arviointi ja kehittäminen. [Evaluation and development]. [Referred 14th of August 2024]. https://ankkuritoiminta.fi/kasikirja/arviointi-ja-kehittaminen Asscher, J., Van der Put, C., Stams, G. (2015). Gender Differences in the Impact of Abuse and Neglect Victimization on Adolescent Offending Behavior. Journal of Family Violence 2015 Jan;30:215–25. Attila, H., Keski-Petäjä, M., Pietiläinen, M., Lipasti, L., Saari, J., & Haapakangas, K. (2023). Sukupuolistunut väkivalta ja lähisuhdeväkivalta Suomessa 2021. Loppuraportti (final report). https://urn.fi/URN:ISBN:978-952244-717-3 Bradley, L., Brooks-Hay, O., Burman, M., Bonnet, F., Cuillerdier, F., Delpeuch, T., Felgueiras, S., Giljohann, S., Hera, G., Herbinger, P., Houtsonen, J., Jaffré, J.-M., Jereb, K., Kersten, K., Leonhardmair, N., Limonier, C., Lobnikar, B., Machado, P., Mela, M., Morgado, S., Neunkirchner, M., Nipuli, S., October, M., Pais, L., Pfleiderer, B., Richter, L., Slak, B., Szegő, D., Vassileva, M. & Vogt, C. (2020). Identifying Gaps and Bridges of Intraand Inter-Agency Cooperation. Deliverable report 2.4. for IMPRODOVA. https://improdova.eu/pdf/IMPRODOVA_D2.4_Gaps_and_Bridges_of_Intra_and_Interagency_Cooperation.pdf?m=1585673383& CETS (2011). Council of Europe, Explanatory Report to the Council of Europe Convention on Preventing and Combating Violence against Women and Domestic Violence (CETS No. 210) https://rm.coe.int/ic-andexplanatory-report/16808d24c6 Council of Europe Convention on preventing and combating violence against women and domestic violence. Council of Europe Treaty Series – No. 210 https://rm.coe.int/168008482e Crimeprevention.fi. Website. https://rikoksentorjunta.fi/en/anchor-model. Danielsson, P. & Näsi, M. (2019). Suomalaiset väkivallan ja omaisuusrikosten kohteena 2018 – Kansallisen rikosuhritutkimuksen tuloksia. Kriminologian ja oikeuspolitiikan instituutin katsauksia 35/2019. Delpeuch, T., Vassileva, M., Cohade, L., Leconte, L., Delmas, J., Houillot, M., Franck-de-Preaumont, G., Guillo, I., Jamal, H., Ehrmann, N., Guérin, S., Bonet, E., Fernandez, R., González Cabezas, S., Gramuntell, M., Hellbernd, H., Hera, G., Hopf, S., Houtsonen, J., Izaguirre Choperena, A., Juszczyk, P., Köpsel, N., Linares Bahillo, E., May, A., Mela, M., Morgado, S., Nipuli, S., Parekh, S., Pfleiderer, B., Romero Gutierrez, L., Szego, D., Tananau Blumenschein, E., Vogt, C. (2024). Influencing the Effectiveness of Frontline Response to Domestic Violence and Potential Solutions. IMPROVE D1.3. Retrieved from: https://static1.squarespace.com/static/63357ab404974d1b2715fe90/t/66434ff98915b77a388a3aea/17156874 21313/IMPROVE_D1.3_Factors_Influencing_the_Effectiveness_of_Frontline_Response.pdf Dube, S. R., Felitti, V. J., Dong, M., Chapman, D. P., Giles, W. H., Anda, R. F. (2003). “Childhood Abuse, Neglect, and Household Dysfunction and the Risk of Illicit Drug Use: The Adverse Childhood Experiences Study.” Pediatrics 111:564–72. IMPROVE D4.1 Identifying enablers of successful DV policy and its implementation Grant Agreement No. 101074010 Page xciv facilitating access that allows victims to embark on an effective path towards receiving assistance. The report highlights the recent introduction of FV Task Forces in the French judicial system to combat domestic and family violence (FV). These Task Forces, established in all courts and public prosecutors' offices, aim to enhance the prevention of high-impact domestic violence and improve victim protection. Implemented in 2019, they focus on coordination, information sharing, and specialisation to address domestic violence cases more effectively. The task forces facilitate collaboration between judicial actors, social workers, law enforcement, and victim support associations to ensure a comprehensive approach to victim safety and perpetrator accountability. FV Task Forces articulate a series of other innovations such as the use of personalised victim assessments (EVVI), improved risk detection tools, Anti-Approach Bracelets (BAR), emergency tracks within jurisdictions, and a feedback process (RETEX) for evaluating systemic failures following homicides. The report outlines put a particular emphasis on the role of specialised judicial assistants (JA VIF). These assistants play a crucial role in managing DV cases, supporting magistrates by assessing risk, gathering key information, and ensuring effective communication between judicial actors and victim support services. Their involvement helps compensate for the limited time magistrates can devote to these cases, ensuring continuity and improved case management. The presence of JA VIF has been instrumental in professionalising the handling of domestic violence cases, especially in regions like Réunion Island, where they act as key coordinators. The report also highlights the importance of training in the success of these task forces. Many magistrates initially lack specialised knowledge in domestic violence cases, but through onthe-job training facilitated by the FV Task Forces and judicial assistants, they develop expertise. This training, combined with the increasing specialisation of magistrates in DV cases, ensures a more consistent and knowledgeable approach to domestic violence litigation. However, challenges persist, including the strain on court resources, ethical concerns surrounding information sharing, and the emotional toll on magistrates handling FV cases. One of the major challenges identified is the tension between the institutional focus on victim IMPROVE D4.1 Identifying enablers of successful DV policy and its implementation Grant Agreement No. 101074010 Page xcv protection and the need to respect victims' autonomy and free will. The report notes that victims may not always want the protective measures imposed by the courts, such as antiapproach orders or notifications of an abuser's release. This creates a dilemma for magistrates, who must balance protecting victims from further harm with respecting their personal choices and circumstances. The judicial system's emphasis on protection can sometimes lead to paternalistic practices, treating victims as "at risk" individuals, rather than fully respecting their autonomy, a trend particularly noticeable in the application of judicial measures. These two reforms have generally led to a reduction in femicides on Reunion Island - the number of which has been roughly halved - and to a significant improvement in the support provided to victims, as observed in our empirical investigation. Methods The report is based on a study of administrative, expert, and academic sources dedicated to the selected solutions, as well as professional articles and evaluation reports. In the case of embedded social workers, we also conducted an in-depth review of the international literature on this type of solution. Both solutions are highlighted in all parliamentary, independent administrative authority, and government reports we consulted. The data used for the description are listed in the respective solution. The relevance of the solutions is supported by the results of our own empirical studies conducted in Reunion Island: interviews were carried out in a single area, the overseas region of Reunion Island – one of the French territories most affected by domestic violence, and one where the public response is most developed –at two different times: 2019 (53 interviews, as part as the IMPRODOVA project) and 2023 (34 interviews, with different respondents, except for 4 social workers who were re-interviewed, as part of the IMPROVE project T1.3). The sampling strategy enabled an analysis of the local consequences of policy change. Interviews were semi-structured, with questions about individual and organisational work practices on domestic violence, collaboration (or not) with other professions, and evaluation of the frontline response to DV. Reasons for case selection The primary reasons for selecting these two solutions are as follows: IMPROVE D4.1 Identifying enablers of successful DV policy and its implementation Grant Agreement No. 101074010 Page xcvi • The CNRS IMPROVE team was able to directly examine the local implementation of these solutions and consult with various stakeholders about their perceived effectiveness and relevance. In both cases, the feedback received was overwhelmingly positive. • These solutions are highly acclaimed at the national level and are regarded as significant advancements in domestic violence policies. • Both solutions successfully contribute to establishing and maintaining active partnerships that bring together various local stakeholders. Both participate in successfully defining and promoting a common vision and clear, shared objectives within the partner network. It effectively promotes, facilitates, and organises information exchanges among partners. • Both contribute to a comprehensive public policy response to victims. Victims benefit from a more personalised follow-up and support. • Both solutions place emphasis on identifying and prioritising emergency situations, as well as assessing the danger faced by the victim, in order to provide appropriate responses. ISCGs were introduced in a previous deliverable (D1.3), but this report offers new insight and analysis. The description and scrutiny of FV Task Forces, however, is an original input. Solution 1: Embedded Social Workers 1.1.4.3 Description 1.1.4.3.1 Background and Aim Initially, the role of French police social workers was to ensure that information gathered by police officers concerning situations of social distress was effectively communicated to, and utilised by, social services. Embedding social workers within police stations appeared to be the only efficient method to facilitate the swift transfer of information to social services. The establishment of embedded social workers marked the first instance of collaboration between the law enforcement sector and the social sector in France—two professional spheres that historically harboured mutual distrust (Biezanek et al., 2008). • The main tasks currently assigned to ISCGs (Intervenants Sociaux en Commissariat et Gendarmerie) are as follows: IMPROVE D4.1 Identifying enablers of successful DV policy and its implementation Grant Agreement No. 101074010 Page xcvii • Identifying situations of social distress to prevent their deterioration and any escalation. • Facilitating help-seeking behaviours and providing social support for a limited period: specifically, when the victim reports abuse, files a complaint, is granted protection, and criminal investigations are initiated. • Assessing the social needs of the victim. • Informing the victim of their rights and social assistance entitlements, and referring them to appropriate support services, shelters, and victim support associations. • Explaining police and legal procedures, and assisting the victim in interacting with police or gendarmerie officers. • Establishing a network of contacts within various local support services to facilitate emergency responses for victims in need. • Facilitating dialogue, understanding, and cooperation between the police and social sectors, and acting as an interface between various agencies. The idea of embedding social workers within police and gendarmerie departments dates back to the early 1980s. During this period, there was growing recognition that a significant portion of police work involved elements of social work. It became evident that police interventions and criminal investigations generated a substantial amount of information regarding the social difficulties faced by victims. However, this information was rarely utilised to assist victims, despite its potential to trigger social interventions. The police and gendarmerie lacked both the tools and the expertise to address the social needs of victims. Consequently, tragedies occurred, where the warning signs had been detected by the police but could have been prevented if appropriate social measures had been implemented in time. The scheme was successfully deployed for the first time in Limoges in 1991. A series of negotiations between stakeholders from 2002 to 2006 led to the definition of a workable framework. These negotiations involved the national police and gendarmerie, the government agency responsible for crime prevention, the relevant ministries (Interior, Justice, and Social Affairs), several local authorities and victim support NGOs, and the newly established professional organisation of police social workers, the national association of ISCGs (renamed ANISCG in 2006). IMPROVE D4.1 Identifying enablers of successful DV policy and its implementation Grant Agreement No. 101074010 Page xcviii This framework was formalised in a circular issued by the Ministry of Interior on 21 December 2006. The directive established one of the scheme’s fundamental principles: the ISCG is based within a police or gendarmerie department and operates under the functional authority of the department’s chief, while simultaneously being employed by a local administration or social sector association and subject to the hierarchical authority of that service director (Biezanek et al., 2008). The following year, the scheme was enshrined in law by the Crime Prevention Act of 5 March 2007, and since 2013, all successive Inter-ministerial Plans to Combat Violence Against Women have included provisions for the scheme's expansion. ISCGs have increasingly been recognised as a new professional group within the social sector, working at the intersection of several fields: combating violence against women, child protection, access to rights and justice, and emergency social assistance (ANISCG, 2012). The number of ISCGs increased from 11 in 2005 to 164 in 2012, 261 in 2018, and 450 in 2023. While women victims of domestic violence (DV) are the primary focus for ISCGs, the scheme also extends its benefits to other groups, including minors who are victims of DV, victims of sexual abuse, rape, or incest, and parents facing difficulties in raising their children. 1.1.4.3.2 Implementation and Practice Creating a new ISCG position is a partnership process at the local level, involving the prefecture (the administration representing the government in a French department or region), the police or gendarmerie, one or more local authorities, and sometimes a victim support association. Local partners can adapt the scheme to their specific needs and constraints. The ISCG's tasks and employment framework are defined by a partnership agreement and a job description. This agreement specifies the ISCG’s workplace, the resources allocated, the priority victim groups, preferred work methods, and more (ANISCG, 2012). The police service hosting an ISCG must provide it with operating resources and ensure the day-to-day human resources management (leave of absence, overtime, etc.) (Biezanek et al., 2008). The administration or association that is the ISCG's employer is its sole hierarchical authority. It evaluates its work and professional performance. The ISCGs’ work is conducted in accordance with legal and ethical rules governing social workers. The assistance and support provided to a victim must be accepted voluntarily. What victims say during meetings with social workers is confidential. IMPROVE D4.1 Identifying enablers of successful DV policy and its implementation Grant Agreement No. 101074010 Page xcix On average, a social worker deals with around 400 cases a year. The time devoted to each case depends on the nature and urgency of the situation. It varies according to the complexity of the case and the time needed to activate the relevant support services (ANISCG, FORS, 2012). At local level, the steering and evaluation of the scheme is carried out by board which brings together the employer, the department’s chief and the ISCG. Police social workers have reporting duties to their employer and to the police or gendarmerie department. They must provide data on the number of people received and supported, their profiles, their requests, the types of situations dealt with and the responses provided (ANISCG, 2012). At national level, the system is monitored by an inter-ministerial committee coordinated by the government agency in charge of crime prevention (CIPDR). Existing steering tools do not allow to assess the effectiveness and impact of the scheme (IGA, 2021). ISCG’s tasks: DV detection: The first stage of support provided by an ISCG involves gathering information to identify victims who require intervention. This information is most commonly transmitted by the police or gendarmerie through various channels: the ISCG may have direct access to certain information systems; some police or gendarmerie officers regularly provide data to the ISCG; and officers may report situations of violence identified during DV calls (Biezanek et al., 2008). Less frequently, other DV stakeholders, such as social services, associations, hospitals, or schools, report victims they have detected. Finally, some victims directly contact the ISCG, typically upon the recommendation of a professional within the ISCG network. Establishing Contact with Victims: Once a victim is detected, the ISCG initiates contact and suggests a meeting (either face-to-face at the ISCG office or remotely) to assess the situation. The ISCG may conduct a home visit when the situation allows and requires it. The ISCG prioritises contact with victims based on their initial assessment of the victim's needs and their current workload. Victim’s Needs Assessment: The next stage involves evaluating the victim's social needs. The ISCG conducts a comprehensive assessment of the individual's social situation, covering social, financial, psychological, legal, and family aspects (particularly the situation of children). In principle, the ISCG is not directly involved in assessing the severity of DV or the danger to the victim (IGA, 2021, p.29). However, they play a significant role in assessing the risk to children as part of the procedure for reporting children in danger. IMPROVE D4.1 Identifying enablers of successful DV policy and its implementation Grant Agreement No. 101074010 Page c Emergency Social Support: Finally, the ISCG provides the support deemed appropriate. The duration of this support varies from a few weeks to several months (IGA, 2021). Support concludes when the victim no longer requires police intervention and other social support services have assumed responsibility for the case. In addition to the services already mentioned, the ISCG may provide various types of support, such as physically accompanying the victim to a police interview or court hearing, assisting with administrative procedures, or finding accommodation (Biezanek et al., 2008). 1.1.4.3.3 Weaknesses Short-Term Funding: Each ISCG is funded differently, with financing arrangements varying over time depending on the agreement reached between partners, which is renegotiated annually. This results in significant uncertainties regarding the continuity of positions, requiring partners to engage each year in arduous discussions and cumbersome procedures. This creates the impression that the State is not investing adequately in the scheme, despite it being declared a national priority (IGA, 2021). Associations, which employ 46% of ISCGs, are particularly affected by this unpredictability. To mitigate budget deficits, they tend to recruit less qualified and less experienced ISCGs under more precarious employment conditions and with unattractive salaries, leading to high turnover (Ministère des Outre-mer, 2020). 1.1.4.4 Justification The solution presented here meets the following selection criteria: • Most widely employed solution • Most established solution across different stakeholder groups • Most effective solution 1.1.4.4.1 Conditions and factors for the successful implementation The main characteristics of the schemes that facilitated its development and successful implementation are as follows: • A prolonged period of local experimentation and consultation among all stakeholders enabled the definition of objectives, organisational structures, and operating methods that were agreeable to all parties. • Numerous studies, assessments, expert reports, and programmatic documents were produced to support this bottom-up construction process of the scheme. This high level IMPROVE D4.1 Identifying enablers of successful DV policy and its implementation Grant Agreement No. 101074010 Page ci of reflexivity in the early stages contributed to establishing a solid foundation for subsequent policy developments. • The legal framework of the scheme allows for significant local adaptation, with standardisation encouraged through the dissemination of best practices. • Regular evaluations of the scheme’s implementation have been conducted, involving all stakeholders. Based on these evaluations, a comprehensive implementation doctrine has gradually been developed. • The professional association of ISCGs has actively and consistently participated in policy development. Through regular surveys of all police social workers, it has gained in-depth knowledge of local practices. This expertise enables ANISCG to exert considerable influence over the governance and management of the scheme. Other factors such as Government commitment and support, interagency/inter-stakeholder cooperation, and community involvement were also present. An important factor in the scheme's success is that it benefits the police without imposing additional constraints or interfering with their activities. The scheme is based on a strict division of labour between police officers and ISCGs. ISCGs are prohibited from interfering with police activities, particularly criminal investigations. The scheme allows for very few joint tasks, which means very few sources of potential conflict. ISCGs are tasked with relieving police officers of “extensive” victim support responsibilities, such as finding emergency accommodation or reporting a child at risk to appropriate social services. This enables police officers to focus entirely on “real” police tasks, such as responding to domestic violence calls and conducting criminal investigations. On the other hand, ISCGs’ regulation safeguards their professional autonomy from police interference, for reasons of professional secrecy. Police chiefs have no hierarchical authority on ISCGs working in their department, but only a functional authority. This means that the police or gendarmerie department managers can only define general guidelines, trigger the ISCG’s intervention and check that ISCG is fulfilling its missions. This a posteriori control is carried out by means of regular statistical reports, and does not concern the way in which the ISCG has carried out its work. The support of the police or gendarmerie department's hierarchy is crucial to the scheme's success. This support can manifest itself in various forms, such as memos or invitations to IMPROVE D4.1 Identifying enablers of successful DV policy and its implementation Grant Agreement No. 101074010 Page cii specific work meetings (ANISCG, FORS, 2012). In the gendarmerie, the staff officer responsible for the department’s prevention programs (OAP, deputy chief for prevention) must ensure that the new ISCG is well integrated into the workplace. Some OAP facilitate this by organising training sessions to explain the ISCG’s role and how to cooperate with them. The OAP serves as the ISCG's primary point of contact in case of any issues (Ministry for Overseas France, 2020). When the ISCG lacks support from the department’s management, several problems can arise: limited access to information crucial for identifying victims, inadequate working conditions (such as an unsuitable office or lack of equipment), and a rapid onset of burnout due to the constant need to reassert their role. 1.1.4.4.2 Practical relevance By encouraging help-seeking behaviour, ISCGs allow certain situations to be addressed at an earlier stage, before they escalate into more dangerous circumstances. This approach prevents high-impact domestic violence and reduces the number of recurring calls that would otherwise require the mobilisation of scarce police resources (Ministry for Overseas France, 2020. ISCGs add value to social services by detecting situations that would otherwise have remained unknown, enabling the provision of appropriate social support before matters worsen (Guide de promotion FORS, 2012). The specific needs of vulnerable victims are not mentioned in the scheme's doctrine, and were mentioned rarely during the interviews. However, insofar as the scheme is designed to provide personalized assistance to the victims handled, ISCGs have the possibility of adapting their support on a case-by-case basis. The ISCG functions as a "one-stop shop," providing comprehensive support to victims (Biezanek et al., 2008). The scheme facilitates police work by increasing victims' trust in law enforcement and their willingness to contribute to legal proceedings. In many departments, ISCGs relieve police officers of the task of informing victims about the outcome of their cases (Ministry for Overseas France, 2020). Police officers have a clear interest in participating in the scheme, as they are relieved of social support duties that many consider outside their remit. ISCGs provide officers with a sense of job satisfaction and purpose by delivering appropriate responses to situations that IMPROVE D4.1 Identifying enablers of successful DV policy and its implementation Grant Agreement No. 101074010 Page ciii the police alone would not have been able to address adequately. This reduces the psychological burden on police officers (Biezanek et al., 2008; IGA, 2021). As an interface, mediator, and buffer between the police and social sectors, the ISCG can facilitate mutual knowledge and understanding, which in turn can foster greater information sharing, conflict avoidance, convergence of views, coordination and collaboration between stakeholders of these sectors. Their work can help to break down inter-institutional, interorganisational and inter-professional barriers, enabling the stakeholders to work together better and faster. (Biezanek et al., 2008). Given their presence in the police workplace, ISCGs can raise officers' awareness and provide ongoing training, particularly on how to handle victims' sensitivity and trauma (Ministry for Overseas France, 2020). They can also assist police investigators in working with victims who struggle to discuss the violence they have experienced (Biezanek et al., 2008). 1.1.4.4.3 Evidence and Data Various audits, particularly the most recent one conducted by the General Inspectorate of Administration in 2021, have highlighted the positive outcomes of the scheme, which has satisfied all the participants surveyed. All successive national programmes and plans since the institutionalisation of ISCGs in 2006 have aimed to increase their number and geographical coverage. The relevance of the proposed solutions is reinforced by findings from our empirical studies conducted in Réunion Island in 2019 and 2023, one of the French departments with the highest number of ISCGs (13 currently in service). We interviewed 9 embedded social workers and 29 police officers collaborating closely with them. Additionally, we gathered insights from 26 representatives of victim support NGOs and other key stakeholders through individual interviews with 20 magistrates, 6 healthcare professionals, 10 local government officials, and 5 representatives from local policy centres. Furthermore, focus groups held in 2024 provided additional perspectives, including those of 3 members of the Attorney General's Office, 3 members of the Appeal Court, 10 gendarmerie officers, 3 officials from the university hospital, and 7 members of the local research-action group on domestic violence, along with 5 representatives from victim support associations. IMPROVE D4.1 Identifying enablers of successful DV policy and its implementation Grant Agreement No. 101074010 Page cx These developments have led to a new concern within the services and structures responsible for supporting victims of domestic violence: the fear of failing to give due attention to a report that could forewarn of an impending homicide. In this context, femicide is seen as a foreseeable crime—one that occurs because the relevant institutions did not take the necessary measures to prevent it. This approach to understanding domestic violence demands that practitioners continuously search for warning signs, i.e., less severe forms of violence that might precede lethal violence. From this perspective, ignoring, neglecting, or misinterpreting these early signs is equated with organisational failures and professional misconduct. One of the primary duties of practitioners is to address these shortcomings, which requires a rigorous examination of their practices and modes of operation, particularly in relation to the detection of violent situations, the assessment of danger, and the prompt implementation of appropriate protective measures. The adoption of this new policy framework, which prioritises victim safety within the judicial system, has led to significant transformations in the justice system to meet the imperative of protecting victims. Key Areas of Reform in Response to the New Priority The first major area of reform is the enhancement of specialisation within the judicial system. Dedicated interagency collaborations, internal networks, court divisions and case management processes for handling domestic violence cases have been established within prosecutors' offices and courts, all under the governance of a steering board and under the leadership of a coordinating magistrate. The latter is itself supported by a team of specialised collaborators, which is something new in the French judiciary, where magistrates traditionally work more individually than collectively. These new organisational arrangements - referred to as task forces against family violence - are responsible for coordinating the monitoring and processing of cases, improving the organisation of victim support and protection, and developing a comprehensive strategy for the jurisdiction. Other innovations have been introduced, such as tools and mechanisms for detecting and managing risks, as well as procedures and information systems designed to enhance information sharing. There is also an increased use of social and psychological expertise to assess the vulnerability of victims and the dangerousness of perpetrators. IMPROVE D4.1 Identifying enablers of successful DV policy and its implementation Grant Agreement No. 101074010 Page cxi One of the most significant innovations is the creation of a feedback process for evaluating failures after each domestic homicide, aimed at identifying systemic, organisational and professional shortcomings that contributed to the occurrence of the crime. Family Violence Task Forces and Coordinators Decree No. 2023-1077 of 23 November 2023 establishes specialised domestic and family violence task forces within judicial courts and courts of appeal. Technically, this is implemented through the creation of new articles in the Code of Judicial Organisation (COJ) (Art. R. 212-62-1 COJ: Family Violence Task Forces within Judicial Courts; Art. R. 212-62-1 COJ: Family Violence Steering Committee; Art. R. 312-83-1 – FV Task Forces within Courts of Appeal). According to this framework, Family Violence Task Forces are coordinated by two specially trained magistrates from the judicial court and the public prosecutor's office (Art. R. 212-621 COJ). These task forces consist of judiciary personnel—magistrates, clerks, judicial assistant, contractual agents—who are particularly dedicated to handling DV cases. Under the leadership of a steering committee (Family Violence Steering Committee) cochaired by the president of the judicial court and the public prosecutor, these task forces are tasked with developing, implementing, and evaluating measures to combat DV and other forms of family violence (DV constitutes the vast majority of family violence cases handled by French courts, which also include violence against children and against ascendants), improving the case management system for these cases, and sharing expertise among justice professionals. They are intended to serve as a forum for information exchange, such as on hearing dates, release from detention, and protective measures implemented for victims, to better coordinate civil and criminal proceedings initiated against violent partners or parents. The task forces are designed to facilitate coordinated and swift action by all actors in the judicial chain, particularly members of the public prosecutor's office, sentence enforcement judges, liberty and custody judges, juvenile judges, family court judges, as well as external partners involved in DV policy, such as representatives of the police and gendarmerie, prison administration, bar associations, victim support associations, and others. In addition, each court must establish a family violence steering committee that brings together the various relevant judicial actors to enhance information exchange, coordinate the monitoring and handling of cases, and improve support provided to victims. IMPROVE D4.1 Identifying enablers of successful DV policy and its implementation Grant Agreement No. 101074010 Page cxii The fight against domestic violence can be incorporated into a jurisdiction’s strategy. This strategy allows the two heads of the local judicial system (the president of the Judicial Court and the chief public prosecutor) to clearly articulate the various policy measures, provide it with external visibility, and ensure its ongoing steering and assessment. Measures to promote enhanced information sharing One of the main objectives of FV Task Forces is to improve the sharing of information throughout the judicial process among the various stakeholders involved in combatting DV and FV, namely the public prosecutors' offices, Judicial Court services, probation and integration services (SPIP), penitentiary institutions, victim support associations, associations responsible for socio-educational judicial supervision of perpetrators, and law enforcement agencies. To this end, the Ministry of Justice undertook the development of the SISPoPP database (Computerised System for Monitoring Priority Criminal Policies) starting in 2022. This IT record tool was established by Decree No. 2023-935 of 10 October 2023. It allows magistrates to access more information when ruling on domestic violence cases. “By centralising all data related to cases monitored under domestic violence, whether from civil or criminal proceedings, as well as information exchanged within the FV Steering Committees, SISPoPP facilitates collaboration among those involved in combatting domestic violence by providing an up-to-date and multidisciplinary perspective. SISPoPP can be effectively updated by staff assigned to the specialised task forces, with differentiated access modes defined by the heads of jurisdictions, according to the roles of the various users. Equipped with functionalities for managing victim protection measures, automated or customisable alert mechanisms, and indicators for child protection and released convicts, SISPoPP enhances the courts' ability to monitor this priority criminal policy” (Circular of 24 November 2023). This system is intended to allow for real-time, updated, and contextualised monitoring of the accused in the event of a new incident brought to the attention of the judicial institution. If necessary, automated alerts will be sent to selected recipients for rapid management. This tool is designed to provide access to relevant documents from both criminal and civil proceedings, ensure their preservation, and facilitate the sharing of certain information according to the access level of each partner. IMPROVE D4.1 Identifying enablers of successful DV policy and its implementation Grant Agreement No. 101074010 Page cxiii The system’s data input and usage are managed at the local level by the FV Task Forces. Measures to improve risk assessment: recommendation for increased use of social and psychological expertise FV Task Forces are making increasingly systematic use of “personalised assessments of the victim’s situation” procedure (EVVI), as provided for in Article 10-5 of the Code of Criminal Procedure, in accordance with the circular of 9 May 2019 concerning the improvement of the handling of domestic violence cases and the protection of victims. The EVVI objective is to identify risk signals to provide an appropriate response to the complainant’s situation and, if necessary, to utilise the "grave danger" emergency phone device (TGD) to protect them. Creation of an Emergency Track within Jurisdictions Driven by the governance and management of FV Task Forces, all jurisdictions have, to varying degrees, implemented measures to ensure the prompt consideration of protection orders. This development was accelerated by the law of 28 December 2019, which mandates a six-day period between the scheduling of the hearing and the decision on the protection order (in practice, this allows an eight-day period for making a decision on protection orders). Family court services (JAF) have had to adapt their organisation to meet this procedural deadline. An emergency track involves supporting victims through victim support offices, close cooperation between victim protection associations and the public prosecutor's office, particularly for the issuance of "grave danger" phones (TGD), responsiveness from court services and lawyers, as well as effective communication between the family court and the public prosecutor's office. In the jurisdictions in Réunion Island that we studied, these conditions were in place, but they created such a workload that it negatively impacted other aspects of judicial activity. Some jurisdictions have specialised criminal hearings to ensure that domestic violence cases are handled separately and more swiftly compared to other criminal cases. Jurisdictions are increasingly favouring the immediate appearance procedure, which provides less favourable defence conditions for the accused. Anti-Approach Bracelet (BAR) A new victim protection tool has been made available to the FV Task Forces: Anti-Approach Bracelet (BAR). Created by Law No. 2019-1480 of 28 December 2019 and implemented by IMPROVE D4.1 Identifying enablers of successful DV policy and its implementation Grant Agreement No. 101074010 Page cxiv Decree No. 2020-1161 of 23 September 2020, the BAR is an electronic device designed to ensure compliance with the prohibition imposed on a person from approaching the victim within a certain distance, through geolocation and real-time monitoring. The system includes a mobile unit given to both the victim and the perpetrator, along with an electronic bracelet worn by the latter. An alarm is triggered as soon as the distances set by the court decision are breached. When the Anti-Approach Bracelet (BAR) is activated due to the wearer entering a pre-alert zone, an operator contacts them to instruct them to change direction. If the perpetrator enters the alert zone despite this warning, the operator contacts them again, instructing them to leave the area. Simultaneously, another operator contacts the victim, advising them to seek safety, and triggers a specific alert to the police, who then decide on the appropriate actions based on the received information. The BAR can be ordered in both criminal and civil matters. In criminal cases, the measure can be applied to any person accused of an offence punishable by at least three years of imprisonment (Article 132-45-1 of the Penal Code). In civil matters, the BAR can be ordered as part of a protection order (Article 515-11-1 of the Civil Code), but it cannot be imposed on the defendant without the consent of both parties. The deployment of the BAR across all jurisdictions was completed by the end of 2020. Each year in France, approximately one thousand victims benefit from this. The creation of a feedback process for evaluating systemic and organisational failures after each domestic homicide The creation of FV Task Forces has been accompanied by reforms to systematise the evaluation of how judicial and interagency structures and networks handled high-impact cases of domestic and family violence. Each homicide must undergo a thorough review, known as RETEX (“experience feedback”), which examines how the situation was detected and managed by all relevant law enforcement agencies and support services. These RETEX are managed by the head of the appellate court (which is the hierarchical superior of the heads of the local Judicial Courts) and the appellate court district Attorney General (who is the hierarchical superior of local chief public prosecutors). The RETEX gathers all stakeholders involved in the case management. It does not include the direct actors in the domestic homicide case but involves the heads of the relevant IMPROVE D4.1 Identifying enablers of successful DV policy and its implementation Grant Agreement No. 101074010 Page cxv services. Specific questionnaires for each function are sent to the actors involved and are subsequently analysed and shared among service heads. The results of these reflections are disseminated among stakeholders within the district of the appellate court and are communicated by the Attorney General to the Ministry of Justice. In principle, the objective of these RETEX is not to assign blame, but to collectively share all relevant information, identify signals that could have prompted protective measures, and learn to collaborate more effectively. But in practice, due to the solemn nature of the RETEX framework and its focus on fatal violence, individuals feel targeted and threatened by the RETEX process. The Ministry of Justice has produced tools to aid local stakeholders in conducting a RETEX: dedicated questionnaires for each actor, a timeline, and a methodological guide, all disseminated by a circular dated 3 September 2020, instructing the initiation of a RETEX for each domestic homicide. However, there is no overarching reference framework or guidelines. The FV Task Forces must analyse the results of the RETEX (Return of Experience) and draw the necessary conclusions to improve organisation, procedures, and local coordination. 1.1.4.5.2 Implementation and Practice, as observed in Reunion Island The central role of judicial assistants in FV Task Forces The jurisdictions in Reunion Island have opted to recruit specialised judicial assistants for handling domestic and family violence cases (JA VIF) and have entrusted them with a key role in the operation of the FV task forces. The JA VIF are tasked with assisting magistrates in identifying, assessing, and monitoring FV cases that are sensitive in terms of victim safety. They are responsible for improving the circulation and utilisation of information by ensuring the systematic consultation of available records and files. Additionally, they must ensure that critical information reaches the magistrates who need it, by contacting other professionals (institutional or associative) involved in handling the case when necessary. Eventually, the JAs will play a major role in feeding information into SISPoPP, by entering data on AntiApproach Bracelets (BAR), "grave danger" emergency phones (TGD), and protection orders (OP) to guarantee information sharing within the jurisdictions. The Saint-Denis Public Prosecutor’s Office tasks the JA with conducting the personalised victim situation assessments (EVVI) in collaboration with specialised associations’ experts. IMPROVE D4.1 Identifying enablers of successful DV policy and its implementation Grant Agreement No. 101074010 Page cxvi When certain elements of a case suggest a potential risk to the victim, the JA consults various judicial records to gather information assessing the perpetrator’s dangerousness, such as criminal history, information on previous victims, etc. The JA specifically seeks information about the perpetrator that is not recorded in the TAJ record (judicial history database), such as details about criminal settlements or the perpetrator’s attendance in alternative measures to prosecution, such as rehabilitation programmes. The JA also contacts external partners who are familiar with the situation to gather any information useful for risk assessment. The JA compiles the necessary documents to support protection order requests that the prosecutor’s office submits to the family court judge (JAF). They prepare criminal settlement orders and certain requisitions. The JA VIF at the prosecutor’s office compensates for the lack of time magistrates have to conduct more in-depth examinations of cases requiring it. The magistrate refers the case to the JA, who checks if the victim is already known and assesses the necessity of a BAR or TGD. The JA also plays a role in preparing for prison releases and in implementing post-sentence measures by maintaining contact with the victim. For example, they are responsible for informing the victim of a sentence reduction and explaining the protection measures that are being proposed. How Reunion Island judicial actors use FV Task Forces for accelerating and simplifying case processing To better ensure victims’ safety, the FV Task Forces in Reunion Island have adopted a strategy that prioritises the simplest and quickest procedures. Accelerated processes for handling DV cases have been introduced, relying on a systematic use of a series of procedures that can be carried out rapidly: placing the presumed perpetrator in custody and conducting an in flagrante delicto (crime in progress) investigation, immediate appearance and summary trial, directing cases to single-judge courts, and pre-sentencing judicial control. Mechanisms have been put in place to better identify cases that require greater attention and urgent decisions. Such rapid criminal procedures provide better protection for the victim than protection orders. It is easier for the prosecutor to establish the plausibility of the alleged violence and the existence of immediate danger. The prosecution has authority over police investigation units. It also has the ability to commission expert assessments from specialised associations, such IMPROVE D4.1 Identifying enablers of successful DV policy and its implementation Grant Agreement No. 101074010 Page cxvii as enhanced social investigations into the family situation (EVVI), psychological assessments, and evaluations of the victim’s needs and risks. In contrast, family court judges (JAFs) rely on the evidence provided by the parties, which is often insufficient, even though JAFs tend to be less demanding regarding the quality of the evidence. Their ability to commission expert reports is very limited, especially since they have only about eight days to rule on a protection order request (a timeframe that can be reduced to 24 hours since the adoption of the provisional immediate protection order by Law No. 2024536 of 13 June 2024). Additionally, JAFs do not have the network of external experts and stakeholders available to the prosecution. This is why judicial actors in Reunion Island have chosen to prioritise criminal avenues over civil remedies. This strategy has had consequences for the perception of the courts, as the determination of the judiciary to combat domestic violence is often assessed by the number of protection orders issued. The low number of protection orders requested and granted in Reunion Island raises questions and may be seen as problematic. Moreover, the standardisation of rapid procedures imposes specific organisational constraints. The policy of systematic custody requires prosecutors, particularly FV Task Force coordinators, to devote a significant portion of their work time to managing these cases. As a result, these specialised magistrates are unable to engage as much as they would like in the strategic planning, coordination and implementation of their jurisdiction's DV policy. 1.1.4.5.3 Weaknesses All these innovations face the obstacle of court congestion. Prioritising domestic violence cases impacts the processing times of other cases, particularly in jurisdictions that have not been granted additional resources. The cross-disciplinary approach to handling domestic violence cases and the emphasis on partnership work result in a significant number of meetings, which the relevant magistrates do not have the time to attend regularly. As a result, they tend to prioritise those meetings that are more directly related to their specific role, which limits the dialogue between services. Regarding RETEX, its focus on domestic homicides may seem problematic, as valuable lessons can be drawn from analysing effective interventions that precede acts of violence with less severe consequences. It is at this earlier stage that processes should ideally be halted. IMPROVE D4.1 Identifying enablers of successful DV policy and its implementation Grant Agreement No. 101074010 Page cxviii 1.1.4.6 Justification Correspondence with the template’s criteria for selecting solutions: • Most widely employed solution • Most recently developed or novel solution 1.1.4.6.1 Conditions and factors for the successful implementation As part of the reforms to improve the management of domestic violence cases, FV Task Forces have been allocated specific human resources, including judicial assistants (assistant judge) and project managers, many of whom have been dedicated to the jurisdiction’s DV policy. These staffs dedicated to FV task forces play an active role that magistrates do not always have the time to fulfil. They are able to comprehensively monitor FV-related activities, create links between different court services and with external associations and partners, produce tracking tables for domestic violence cases, and enrich magistrates' files for hearings. In doing so, they facilitate the continuity of case management and the interaction between different actors. Another factor of successful implementation is the positive feedback loop that links professionalisation and specialisation. The role of the FV Task Force coordinator requires magistrates to dedicate a larger portion of their work time to handling these types of cases, leading to a form of specialisation. “Even though I had some experience with these kinds of cases before becoming a FV coordinator, I didn't consider myself a specialist. Today, given the time I spend on it, I must admit that I have become one.” (FV Coordinator of a public prosecutor’s office) Specialisation is seen as a means to ensure that cases are handled by magistrates who have developed an interest in the field and to exclude those who are not motivated by this type of litigation. The FV Steering Committees (COPIL VIF) also play a role in providing on-the-job training to magistrates arriving in Reunion Island without specific training in this type of litigation. Many magistrates still lack specialised training, partly because the implementation of such training by the National School for the Judiciary (ENM) is relatively recent. The work of specialised judicial assistants helps alleviate magistrates' apprehensions about becoming more involved in the fight against domestic violence. The primary obstacle in this regard is the fear of increased workload adding to the already existing overload of work which IMPROVE D4.1 Identifying enablers of successful DV policy and its implementation Grant Agreement No. 101074010 Page cxix is commonplace in the poorly financed French judicial system. Having the support of a specialised JA can encourage some to take on this challenge. As one task force coordinator emphasised, the capacity for action provided by the specialised JAs allows judicial actors to fully invest in the field of combatting domestic violence. Previously, the dynamics of specialisation and professionalisation were hindered by the significant turnover of magistrates. Magistrate rotations are faster in the Overseas Territories than in mainland France, and there are more vacant positions. Since most magistrates leave Reunion Island after the minimum assignment duration of two years, the services experience rapid staff turnover. This phenomenon is precisely due to the unbearable workload exacerbated by high turnover. This leads to a loss of acquired experience as well as knowledge of the local context and its specificities. Since the JAs tend to remain in place for longer periods, their presence ensures continuity in the practices developed within the task forces and interagency cooperation, and allow for better transmission of skills and organisational memory. The same applies to specialised training: the JAs attend or organise training programmes and transfer the knowledge gained to the magistrates. “They help us come out of our ivory tower. They are vectors of professionalisation. We encourage them to pursue training as part of a long-term policy” (President of Reunion Island Court of Appeals). 1.1.4.6.2 Practical relevance The FV Task Forces and steering boards enable the development and implementation of a truly cross-disciplinary approach to handling domestic violence across the jurisdiction, involving all relevant services. They represent a "small revolution," as previously, such policies were led solely by the public prosecutor's office. With the creation of FV Task Forces, both the courts and the prosecutor's office must develop a common strategy and work in partnership. In dealing with domestic violence cases, jurisdictions have adopted a more comprehensive and cross-disciplinary approach. This approach recognises that situations of violence evolve over time. It is attentive to the complexity of these situations and the challenges of protecting victims and their children. The judicial system is thus moving away from the piecemeal handling of individual cases, evolving towards a more holistic management of situations, focused on risk reduction. IMPROVE D4.1 Identifying enablers of successful DV policy and its implementation Grant Agreement No. 101074010 Page ccxxii for collaboration and coordination between state security forces and local police forces for the protection of victims of domestic and gender violence, the Protocol for police risk assessment of intimate partner violence against women in Spain, or the “Zero Protocol” for the initial police contact with victims of gender violence who are in need of protection. In Valencia we work with a national database, the Comprehensive Monitoring System for Victims of Gender Violence, (VIOGEN) implemented on March 13, 2014 through a membership agreement signed between the Ministry of the Interior and the Valencia City Council. This system allows networking with all the State, Autonomous and Local Security Forces and Bodies adhered by the corresponding agreements. 1.1.4.22.5 Unintended Consequences and Risks Risks • Staff faces the risk of burnout and stress, attributed to the high demands of their services. • Victims may remain vulnerable to continued abuse and the possibility of revictimisation. • Dependence on external factors, such as political support, can influence the stability and effectiveness of services. • Deep-rooted societal attitudes and beliefs may continue to enable DV and GBV. • Resource variability could disrupt the continuity of services. • External crises or emergencies, like the COVID-19 crisis, pose challenges to maintaining effective service delivery. Despite this, our experience leads us to propose some suggestions for improvement, such as: • Expanding partnerships and collaborations with community organisations to widen the network of support and resources available to victims. • Continuing to focus on training and capacity-building initiatives to enhance the ability to respond to the evolving needs of victims effectively. IMPROVE D4.1 Identifying enablers of successful DV policy and its implementation Grant Agreement No. 101074010 Page ccxxiii • Increasing the number of specialised professionals to provide targeted support and counselling tailored to the specific circumstances of each victim. • Allocating more social and economic resources to ensure comprehensive support covering legal, psychological, and financial assistance. • Ensuring quick access to information for individuals seeking help, streamlining the process of reporting and accessing necessary resources efficiently. 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