SOCIOPSYCHOLOGICAL DIMENSIONS OF DEVOTION AND ENVIRONMENTAL BEHAVIOR: THE GANGA PARADOX IN VARANASI

TPM Vol. 32, No. S8, 2025 Open Access ISSN: 1972-6325 https://www.tpmap.org/ 1272 SOCIOPSYCHOLOGICAL DIMENSIONS OF DEVOTION AND ENVIRONMENTAL BEHAVIOR: THE GANGA PARADOX IN VARANASI RUCHI KHANNA1, DR. MANISH TIWARI2 1DOCTORAL RESEARCHER, DEPARTMENT OF HUMANITIES AND SOCIAL SCIENCES, NATIONAL INSTITUTE OF TECHNOLOGY PATNA INDIA 2ASSISTANT PROFESSOR, DEPARTMENT OF HUMANITIES AND SOCIAL SCIENCES, NATIONAL INSTITUTE OF TECHNOLOGY PATNA INDIA 1EMAIL: ruc[email protected] ORCID: https://orcid.org/0009-0003-1132-8685 2EMAIL: manishtiwari.[email protected] ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-5653-2415 Absract: The river Ganges that flows through Varanasi has a perplexing psychosocial aspect; it is worshipped as a mother and purifying body yet its ecology is negatively impacted over time. The aim of the research is to delve into the intersections of themes like faith, ecology, moral thinking, governance, and institutions with respect to the case of Namami Gange (2014– 2024). The research adopts a pluralistic approach which involves the collection of primary data through 30 semi-structured interviews, two focus group discussions and the observation of the field made during the period from July to December 2023 and it also examines the data of the Central Pollution Control Board (CPCB) Annual Reports together with the National Mission for Clean Ganga (NMCG) Water Quality Atlas ten-year trend data which includes the provisional 2024 data based on the summaries collected in March 2024. The study, utilizing the concepts of cognitive dissonance (Festinger, 1957) and moral disengagement (Bandura, 1999), has put forward the idea of "devotional dissonance" which refers to the situation where people are aware of the environment but at the same time, they carry on engaging in the rituals that cause pollution. The quantitative measures reveal that the Namami Gange project has led to a very slight ecological improvement, but the change in people's behaviour is limited by the strong social and psychological factors. The research results point out that people's misconception about pollution is not the main reason for its continuation, rather it is the cultural cognitive resilience that is supported by the government and the fragmentation of the governance that is responsible for the situation. Connecting devotion and ecological responsibility requires the use of environmentally friendly communication and the co-creation of policies that are culturally appropriate and recognize the alignment of moral cognition with sustainable action. Keywords: Ganga River; Varanasi; Water Governance; Ritual Ecology; Cognitive Dissonance; Namami Gange; Behavioral Adaptation; Cultural Resilience 1. INTRODUCTION The Ganga River holds a unique status in the cultural and spiritual awareness of South Asia. Originating from the Gangotri glacier and traversing the Gangetic plains to the Bay of Bengal, it supports almost half a billion individuals, irrigates some of the planet’s most fertile lands, and is central to Hindu traditions, mythology, and pilgrimage. Varanasi/Kashi, the "city of light," serves as the sacred stage of the river, where each dawn cosmology and ecology converge as worshippers present water, flowers, and flames in acts of renewal and continuity. Nonetheless, this river is now among the most polluted rivers in the world. Industrial waste, sewage discharges, and urban runoff have transformed certain regions of the Ganga into what researchers refer to as a “sacred-secular paradox” (Haberman, 2006; Alley, 2002). In spite of years of governmental initiatives: the Ganga Action Plan I (1986), GAP II (1993), and Namami Gange (from 2014), indicators of biochemical oxygen demand (BOD), dissolved oxygen (DO), and fecal coliform (FC) repeatedly varying which are way higher than national standards (CPCB, 2024). The coexistence of reverence and indifference has raised not only an environmental but also a sociological question: how could a society that is so supportive of the river reconcile with its gradual death? Different viewpoints have been applied by earlier studies for opening up this topic: symbolic interactionism explaining that rituals create an illusion of purity (Haberman, 2006); political ecology placing contamination in the context of poor governance (Baviskar, 2011; Robbins, 2012); and finally, environmental sociology claiming that modernization is linked to new ecological threats (Beck, 1992). Nevertheless, very few researchers have approached this issue in a holistic way by combining the cultural and governance factors with empirical data obtained from original fieldwork as well as long-term pollution statistics. The present paper declares its intention TPM Vol. 32, No. S8, 2025 Open Access ISSN: 1972-6325 https://www.tpmap.org/ 1273 to execute the socio-ecological analysis of the Ganga at Varanasi, merging qualitative research (interviews, focused group discussions (FGDs), field observations conducted from July 2023 to December 2023) with the examination of water-quality data from the CPCB/NMCG (2010-2024). The secondary component scrutinizes the water-quality datasets provided by CPCB and NMCG during the period of 2010 to 2024, with 2024 values derived from the preliminary monitoring summaries made public by the agencies in March 2024, therefore the quantitative timeline is aligned with the qualitative field period of July-December 2023. The hypothesis of the research is that the Ganga's case embodies a kind of devotional dissonance, a symbolic discrepancy between belief in sacred cleanliness and responsibility for physical pollution. This disharmony, which is supported by government tales of purification and development, keeps alive a governance strategy that emphasizes technological solutions at the expense of cultural involvement and community participation which are equally important. Along with policy and ecology, the study also makes use of environmental psychology to analyze the influence of sacred belief systems on perception, denial, and behavioral inertia. The framework somewhat relies on cognitive dissonance theory (Festinger, 1957) and symbolic interactionism to justify the lack of transition from awareness to pro-environmental action. Consequently, the document aims to achieve four goals: 1. To record the cultural and ritual continuities that influence views on purity and pollution within communities reliant on rivers in Varanasi. 2. To examine empirical trends in water quality in order to evaluate the ecological direction of the Ganga over the previous ten years. 3. To understand the connection between faith, ecology, and governance using combined theoretical frameworks of sacred ecology, political ecology, symbolic interactionism, and risk society. 4. This research seeks to comprehend the paradox of pollution recognition in Ganga yet still the maintaining of purity rituals, and how the cultural psychology along with the governance systems support this paradox. The results seek to add to discussions on local environmental management, demonstrating how cultural interpretations can both impede and facilitate ecological restoration when integrated within participatory models. 2. LITERATURE REVIEW 2.1 Sacred Rivers and the Anthropocene Research on the holy rivers shows a typical scenario where the religious significance does not lead to the ecofriendly measures. The rivers identified as the holy ones such as Jordan, Mekong, or Nile are facing the same environmental problems of pollution, over use of water, and besides which they are being mixed up with spiritual tourism (Dolnicar & Zohar, 2018; El-Said, 2020; Salmon et al., 2021). These rivers in the Anthropocene's story signify the mankind's socio-nature dilemma: glorification and exploitation co-existing. The Ganges case is pointed out by Haberman (2006) and Eck (1982), where it is a god in the making whose holy essence supersedes the filth of the human body; thus, the baptism is a channeling of the divine into the persona and not the river. In India, this dualism is sustained by the ideas of tirtha, which are the holy passages between physical and spiritual worlds that, by allowing the holy to mingle with the unholy, facilitate communal bathing (Alley, 2002). Currently, in academia, this tension is described as “the sacred-secular paradox” or that values are still held while the environment is getting poorer (Singh & Jain, 2022). 2.2 Socio-Ecological Urbanism in South Asia Urbanization of areas along the Ganga has significantly influenced its riverside life. Studies done on the Yamuna River in Delhi (Sharma, 2021; Srivastava, 2022) and the river Sabarmati in Ahmedabad (Trivedi, 2023) have shown that riverfront development usually leads to the creation of “aesthetic ecologies,” where neat appearances mask the presence of the poor and artificial rivers. The same phenomena can be observed in the situation of Varanasi on the Ganga: the big ghats and promenades intended for pilgrimage tourism are hiding a lack of sewage infrastructure. According to Sharma (2021), Varanasi is characterized by a high-level mixture of religious rituals and population density in a situation where the infrastructure is very limited, leading to continual problems with sewage. These patterns reflect Ostrom's (2009) assessment of polycentric systems governance: poor local management brings about sustainability problems for large-scale programs. 2.3 Faith, Behavior and Environmental Ethics The relationship between ecology and religion has been a topic of discussion once again (White, 1967; Taylor, 2010; Chapple, 2022). Hindu environmentalism researchers argue that rita (cosmic order) and ahimsa (nonviolence) imply ecological ethics although these are influenced by caste, ritual hierarchy and economic condition (Dwivedi, 2019). Earlier research indicates that the idea of Ganga Maa being able to purify herself is mostly one alongside the very recognition of pollution (Alley, 2020). As Banerjee (2021) states, this ambiguousness is crucial in comprehending the reason why the awareness-raising activities hardly result in change in practices and behaviours. Thus, while the majority of locals will admit to pollution, there will be very few who will give up their TPM Vol. 32, No. S8, 2025 Open Access ISSN: 1972-6325 https://www.tpmap.org/ 1274 usual practices like offering flowers with plastic or throwing ashes of the dead. Religion gives comfort, but it does not ensure that people follow the rules. 2.4 Governance, Decentralization, and Local Self-Government The constitutional framework of India as laid out by the 73rd and 74th Amendments points out local selfgovernance as a stronghold in environmental administration, yet the river policy remains centralized. The highly ambitious Namami Gange is still open to criticism for its top-down approach and little, if any, citizen involvement (NMCG, 2023; Chakrabarti, 2024). Drawing from international examples, such as the community-based Mekong watershed restoration (Phan, 2022) and Nile Basin cooperative management (El-Said, 2020), it can be seen that decentralized institutions are able to gain better compliance and cultural acceptance. Good local governance relies on the fusion of formal political systems with informal cultural norms (Bačlija Brajnik et al., 2021). But in India, ritual economies are often beyond the reach of the government and hence are considered unregulated which leads to the rise of parallel power structures that further complicate the enforcement of environmental law. 2.5 Climate Change and Hydrological Stress The Ganga is put under even more stress due to climate variability. The Indian Meteorological Department (IMD) in its yearly report for 2023 and the Ministry of Environment, Forest and Climate Change (MoEFCC) claim that the onset of the monsoon has been very erratic and that Himalayan glaciers have lost 15% of their total mass in the past 30 years. Records of flow indicate that there is a reduction in the discharge during the lean season, which is a factor that contributes to the higher concentration of pollutants in the CPCB (2024) river. Agarwal (2023) suggests that the hydrological uncertainty is a factor that erodes the ritual and livelihood rhythms. Hence, the fusion of climate science with sociological inquiry is necessary to unravel the entire complexity of the river’s metamorphosis. 2.6 Interdisciplinary Perspectives and Research Gap There has been a lot of research regarding purity and pollution of the Ganga, but only a few studies link cultural ethnography with quantitative policy evaluation. The majority of studies focus on either symbolic meaning (Haberman, 2006) or technical management (MoWR, 2020). The present study connects both of these approaches by integrating sacred ecology, political ecology, and local governance studies to assess Namami Gange's impact using both belief systems and biophysical data. Thus, it contributes to an interdisciplinary understanding of the convergence between devotion and development in local governance structures. 3. THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK Through the combination of five different perspectives which are complementary to one another, the research provides a thorough and diverse view of the socio-ecological Ganga dynamics. 3.1 Sacred Ecology Berkes (1999) describes sacred ecology as "the relationships between ecological practices and cultural value." It recognizes the indigenous knowledge that perceives nature as a moral and living being. In the case of the Ganga, the aforementioned practices have a more profound meaning than devout human-river interconnection. One of the main issues with the sacredness concept is that it cannot be relied on to provide responsibility. The adherent (believer) is guaranteed that the goddess is purifying their sins, hence, humanity is exempted from the burden, and all are passing to the divine. Though such a belief might help in the promotion of spiritual belief systems, it definitely does not come as a surprise that there is still the problem of material decline. 3.2 Political Ecology Political ecology (Robbins, 2012; Baviskar, 2011) argues that the environment degradation must always be viewed from the angle of power relations. Pollution is not merely a technological problem but an outcome of the governance systems that are biased towards industrial and urban elites. The Namami Gange program is such that the decision-making power is wholly in the hands of federal agencies, thus local authorities and professional groups are completely sidelined. The program, by giving precedence to engineering contracts over participatory stewardship, is a classic case of “managerial environmentalism” as described by Bryant and Bailey (2014). Hence, political ecology reveals the multitude of ways through which the centralization, economic interests, and religious symbolism are interlinked to the point where they become a major factor in the continuance of ecological risk.. 3.3 Symbolic Interactionism ymbolic interactionism (Blumer, 1969) explains the process through which individuals attribute meanings to society, thus providing a microscopic sociological viewpoint to comprehend the importance attached to everyday activities performed at the ghats. The devotion of the worshippers, who are there for the sole purpose of getting religiously purified, is not in the form of taking a holy dip or pouring milk over the river but merely believing that the river is sacred and so the water is pure. It helps to make clear the point why the believers consider the polluted water as holy: the very act of believing is done through social interaction. The ritual acts are a means for the group to assert their identity even when their sensory experiences go against their beliefs. A consensus on the issue of holiness persists even if contamination is clearly evident. This microscopic perspective in sociology helps to explain the devotees’ dissonance: the devotees see no conflict as significance is greater than the matter. TPM Vol. 32, No. S8, 2025 Open Access ISSN: 1972-6325 https://www.tpmap.org/ 1275 3.4 Risk Society Beck’s (1992) Risk Society theory, however, portrays modernity as the maker of hidden, man-made risks. The “created uncertainties” consist of not only chemical pollutants but also microbial contamination. On the one hand, traditional cosmology provides assurance of moral purity, while on the other hand, science uncovers hidden threats; the two epistemologies are in a state of conflict. The cultural lag resulting from the lack of integration of scientific risk perception into the ritual consciousness is continuously responsible for the maintenance of dangerous practices and the weakening of the enforcement of regulatory measures. 3.5 Cultural Political Economy Jessop and Sum (2013) argue that governance is the outcome of discourse. The expression "Namami Gange", meaning "I pay homage to the Ganga", is indicative of the combination of spirituality and the concern for the nation's development. Do you not see this moral ground of governance as the reason for investment through the sacred emotional magnet? Symbolic mobilization without cultural negotiation can result in adherence only at the rhetorical level and no change in behavior. 3.6 Integrative Socio-Ecological Model The research brings together all the different opinions and employs an Integrative Socio-Ecological Model which consists of four dimensions shown in Figure 1: 1. Belief Systems (Sacred Ecology + Symbolic Interactionism) 2. Institutional Structures (Political Ecology + Cultural Political Economy) 3. Perception of Risk (Science versus Faith + Risk Community) 4. Environmental Results (Water condition + Behavioral habits) 5. This model directs the qualitative data coding and the analysis of CPCB/NMCG datasets analysis. Figure 1: Integrative Socio-Ecological Framework of the Ganga Paradox - Connecting Belief Systems, Risk Assessments, Ecological Results, and Governance Structures in Varanasi 4. METHODOLOGY 4.1 Research Design The research adopts a sequential mixed-methods socio-ecological design that encompasses qualitative primary fieldwork along with quantitative secondary data analysis. The mixed-methods approach allows for the concurrent determination of the cultural importance, human activity, and environmental consequences in the Varanasi stretch of the Ganga River. The research design unifies three types of evidence: 1. Primary qualitative data: semi-structured interviews, focus group discussions (FGDs), and field observation; 2. Secondary environmental data: water quality information from CPCB and NMCG (2010–2024); and 3. Documentary review: policy documents, budget reports, and assessment of Namami Gange. This combination follows Creswell’s (2014) convergent design and, thus, the validation of both experiences and numerical data is achieved. 4.2 Study Area and Period The study was conducted at three important ghats of VaranasiAssi Ghat, Dashashwamedh Ghat, and Manikarnika Ghat, chosen due to their different ritual, occupational, and ecological contexts. Fieldwork was carried out over a period of six months (July-December 2023), focusing on both the monsoon season (high ritual engagement and higher flows) and the following post-monsoon period (lower flows and high TPM Vol. 32, No. S8, 2025 Open Access ISSN: 1972-6325 https://www.tpmap.org/ 1276 pollution). This helped in making comparison of the seasonal change in the usage, engagement, and perceptions of pollution. 4.3 Primary Data Collection 4.3.1 Semi-Structured Interviews A total of 30 semi-structured interviews were conducted with river-dependent stakeholders, who were selected through purposive sampling as shown in Table 1. This variety of respondents made certain that both ritual and occupational river users were represented. Table 1. Participant Distribution by Occupation Category Number Gender Key Insights Captured Priests (purohits) 5 M Ritual purity, influence on devotees Cremation workers (Dom caste) 5 M Disposal practices, marginalization Washerfolk (Dhobis) 4 M/F Water use, livelihood insecurity Boatmen (Mallah/Nishad) 6 M Water depth, income fluctuations Municipal cleaning staff 5 M/F Waste management, ghat hygiene Total 30 _ _ Each interview lasted from 25 to 40 minutes and followed an open-ended framework investigating: • Personal meanings of the Ganga (sacred/profane dimensions); • Awareness of pollution causes and responsibility; • Perceived effectiveness of Namami Gange; • Willingness to modify ritual or livelihood practices. Representative questions comprised of: • “Do you consider the Ganga pure even when visibly polluted?” • “How has your occupation been affected by changes in the river’s condition?” • ““What actions should individuals and authorities take to bring back the river’s cleanliness?” • “Are you aware of the Namami Gange Program? If yes, what positive or negative effects have you experienced in your region or occupation?” • “What is your opinion about the participation of local people in taking care of the ghats’ cleanliness?” • “Have you seen less pollution or more environmental awareness leading to some changes in people's religious practices and offerings over time?” The replies were taken with the respondents’ permission, made anonymous, and classified by topic through manual content analysis. 4.3.2 Focus Group Discussions (FGDs) Two Focused Group Discussions (FGDs) were conducted to supplement interviews: • FGD 1: With Mallah and Dhobi community members (n=10). • FGD 2: With sanitation workers and local priests (n=8). Discussions included areas such as the participants' perceptions of responsibility, the effectiveness of local cleaning campaigns, the knowledge of Namami Gange, community weariness, and the necessity of rituals. FGDs sparked a lively dialogue showing both faith-based optimism and skepticism towards the bureaucracy's proficiency. 4.3.3 Field Observations and Contextual Analysis To perform the analysis of the rituals and the major places, the activities of the participants were observed for seven consecutive days at each ghat in the morning and evening, resulting in 42 observation sessions. The field observation aimed at the following aspects: • Ritual practices and offerings; • Waste management and municipal cleaning sequences; • Communication between devotees, priests, and cleaners; • Symbolic use of “purity” language in everyday talk. A descriptive note from Dashashwamedh Ghat (October 2023) records: “A group of people was doing aarti while flowers were drifting around them. After a few minutes, the sanitation staff began sweeping the stairs and, as usual, were pushing the leftover flowers into the same water, this was done daily just with the ritual's sounds and silence of the bureaucracy.” These field-study observations increased the understanding of the interviewees' narratives and pointed out the contradictions in their behaviors.” 4.4 Secondary Data Collection and Analysis Longitudinal water quality data were gathered from the reports of the Central Pollution Control Board (CPCB) and the National Mission for Clean Ganga (NMCG) from 2010 to 2024. The most important parameters were: TPM Vol. 32, No. S8, 2025 Open Access ISSN: 1972-6325 https://www.tpmap.org/ 1277 Dissolved Oxygen (DO); Biochemical Oxygen Demand (BOD); and Fecal Coliform (FC), and they were all measured for the Varanasi part of the river (from Assi to Rajghat). Water quality data (2010–2024) has been derived from the central pollution control board (CPCB) annual reports and NMCG water quality atlas, which includes provisional summaries of water samples collected in 2024 March access (2024 March) and reports data ranging from 2010 to 2024. Table 2. Water Quality Trends of Ganga at Varanasi (2010–2024) YEAR DO (mg/L) BOD (mg/L) Faecal Coliform (MPN/100ml) REMARKS 2010 3.2 7.1 > 1 × 10⁶ Severe pollution 2014 4.0 6.3 > 1 × 10⁵ Pre-Namami baseline 2018 5.4 3.8 2.3 × 10⁴ Improvement phase 2020 6.2 2.9 9.0 × 10³ Lockdown effect 2022 5.9 3.2 1.2 × 10⁴ Stabilization 2024 5.8 3.4 1.6 × 10⁴ Slight relapse (Source: CPCB Annual Reports, 2010–2024; NMCG Water Quality Atlas, 2023) Note: The analysis shows the 2024 values as a preliminary figure derived from the monitoring summaries provided by the CPCB together with the NMCG Water Quality Atlas (consulted in March 2024), which is displayed in Table 2. Interpretation: Analysis combined quantitative trend interpretation with qualitative themes to build an integrated policy performance assessment. Statistical summaries supported pattern recognition rather than inferential testing because the aim was to identify directional change and governance implications. Although DO levels improved after 2018, both BOD and FC remain above bathing standards (BOD ≤ 3 mg/L; FC ≤ 500 MPN/100ml). As depicted in Table 2, the "COVID-19 lockdown (March-May 2020)" was a period during which water quality temporarily improved, indicating human impact on water quality. 4.5 Data Analysis Procedure • Qualitative Analysis: Transcripts were coded thematically under four master categories: 1. Belief and ritual meanings; 2. Awareness and responsibility; 3. Institutional perception; 4. Adaptive behavior. 5. Codes were cross-referenced with observational data to ensure validity. • Quantitative Analysis: Trend data were analyzed descriptively to identify correlation between pollution indicators and policy interventions (GAP II, Namami Gange, lockdown period). • Triangulation: Convergence between faith-based perceptions and empirical data was examined to reveal the “belief–ecology gap.” 4.6 Ethical Considerations Triangulation occurred through the cross-checking of interviewee replies with observational and secondary data. Consent was taken from all participants. To protect the identity, details were made unrecognizable. Observers did not break in during cremation or private ceremonies. A local priest was consulted to ensure that the fieldwork did not cause any misunderstanding and was culturally appropriate. 4.7 Limitations The research was confined to the urban stretch of Varanasi and the period of six months; seasonal changes beyond this period were not visible. The quantitative analysis was restricted to the official monitoring stations; real-time sensor data were not available. However, the mixed-methods approach still gives a comprehensive view of the ritual and policy interactions under the local governance. 5. RESULTS AND ANALYSIS The combination of primary and secondary data indicates that there are regions where ecological improvement can be measured and areas where cultural contradictions are still present. TPM Vol. 32, No. S8, 2025 Open Access ISSN: 1972-6325 https://www.tpmap.org/ 1278 5.1 Perceptions of Purity and Pollution The analysis of interviews, FGD showed that the people still believed in the inherent sanctity of the Ganga even though they recognized its pollution. The “pure regardless” category was the most common one, which is an example of the devotion dissonance, where the symbolic continuity prevails over the sensory and scientific proofs. Table 3 shows the respondents belief and behavior gap very clearly. It is ironic that while 75% of the participants were fully aware of the pollution problem, 83% of them still continued with their traditional offerings and did not even think about switching to eco-friendly practices. People with moderate awareness also did not make much adjustment, while low awareness groups were entirely dependent on the rituals. This trend shows that merely having the knowledge does not lead to a change in behavior, people are just not aware of it (Festinger, 1957) or they have simply become apathetic (Bandura, 1999). The awareness of the problem cannot be said to be the main reason for the rituals not ceasing; rather, it is the issue of dissonance in devotion that keeps the environment in neglect more than ignorance does. Note. Combined responses from 30 semi-structured interviews and 18 FGD participants (July–December 2023, Varanasi). Percentages represent intra-category proportions. Table 3: Belief–Behavior Gap: Awareness vs. Ritual Continuity (N = 48) Awareness of Pollution Ritual Continuity (Still Perform Offerings/Immersions) Behavioral Adaptation (Reduced Offerings or Switched to Eco-Materials) Interpretation High (n = 36, 75 %) 30 (83 %) 6 (17 %) High awareness coexists with strong ritual persistence, showing cognitive dissonance, faith overrides fact. Moderate (n = 9, 19 %) 7 (78 %) 2 (22 %) Some cognitive flexibility; symbolic rather than sustained behavioral change. Low (n = 3, 6 %) 3 (100 %) 0 (0 %) Complete ritual dependence; pollution seen as irrelevant to sanctity. Figure 2. Pie Chart: Perception of Ganga Purity among Respondents The percentages shown in Figure 2 are derived from thirty semi-structured interviews and two focused-group discussions (total participants = 48), which were drawn from purposive and random-cluster sampling methods across Assi, Dashashwamedh, and Manikarnika Ghats. The categories show frequencies of narrative codes and not an estimation of a statistical population. 5.2 Community Awareness and Responsibility Based on N = 30 semi-structured interviews and 18 participants in two Focused Group Discussions (FGDs), analysis suggests moderate understanding of pollution sources, with a dispersed sense of accountability as depicted in Table 4. Table 4. Awareness and Responsibility Perception Question % Correctly Identifying Source % Assigning Responsibility to Government % Assigning Responsibility to Citizens Sewage inflow as major pollutant 78 52 25 TPM Vol. 32, No. S8, 2025 Open Access ISSN: 1972-6325 https://www.tpmap.org/ 1279 Ritual waste as pollutant 41 12 47 Industrial effluent 66 61 18 Plastic waste 82 29 38 The data indicate a reliance on governance mentality: individuals anticipate solutions from the state while opposing changes in behavior. Women from Dhobi households and younger participants showed a bit more environmental awareness. 5.3 Field Observations Table 5. Observed Ritual and Occupational Practices at Ghats (Varanasi, 2023) Observed Practice Description Ecological Implication Morning ablution Devotees bathe and offer flowers Direct organic load Cremation residue Ashes and half-burnt wood enter water Increased BOD Ritual waste disposal Plastic, flowers, diyas Floating litter Washerfolk activity Detergent discharge Chemical contamination Ghat cleaning sequence Sweep waste into river Recycling pollution Boat operations Oil leakage, tourist litter Hydrocarbon input Awareness signage Faded or ignored Communication failure Source: Field observations (July–December 2023) Observation over 42 sessions revealed seven recurring patterns. Seven repetitive ritual and occupational practices observed across 42 observation sessions are summarized in Table 5, and show the consecutive coupling of devotion and degradation at the ghats. Figure 3: Ritual Practice-Pollution Governance Feedback Cycle The Figure 3 illustrates the cyclical relationship between the ritual practices and the decline of the Ganga River ecosystem. The large-scale ritual activities such as mass bathing, immersion of offerings, and cremation, generate a significant portion of organic and inorganic waste. The municipal waste management systems make an effort to manage the waste by collecting a part of it and treating it partially; however, the river gets recontaminated due to the improper disposal and untreated emissions frequently occurring. The Ganga's supposed healing power, which is supported by faith and institutional acceptance, encourages consistency in rituals and thus, the cycle gets completed. The diagram points out the interplay of worship and environmental degradation, exposing their link through social acceptance and disjointed governance. TPM Vol. 32, No. S8, 2025 Open Access ISSN: 1972-6325 https://www.tpmap.org/ 1280 5.4 Ecological Trends and Policy Performance (2010–2024) Evaluation of data from CPCB in conjunction with the project phases shows some progress of the Namami Gange project in the oxygenation, but bacterial control is still limited. Figure 4: DO and BOD Trends in the Ganga River at Varanasi (2010–2024) (Source: CPCB Annual Reports (2010–2023); NMCG Water Quality Atlas (2023); Provisional 2024 data based on CPCB and NMCG monitoring summaries, accessed March 2024). The Figure 4, line chart shows the time graph of the Ganges River's changes in Dissolved Oxygen (DO) and Biochemical Oxygen Demand (BOD) at Varanasi from 2010 to 2024. The data presents a gradual rise in DO levels, starting from roughly 3.2 mg/L in 2010 to almost 6 mg/L in 2024, while BOD levels have diminished from around 7 mg/L to less than 3.5 mg/L over the same period. The minor upsurge in DO and BOD decline around the year 2020 is a sign of the "COVID-19 lockdown (MarchMay 2020)," which led to a temporary upturn in water quality due to the reduced man and industrial activities. The changes in pollution levels after the year 2020 signified only a slight recovery; however, the overall trend still points to poor water quality, thus revealing the direct role of governance actions and human endeavors in the environmental health status. Figure 5: Bar Chart: Annual Namami Gange Budget Allocation vs. BOD Reduction (Source: NMCG Annual Reports 2016–2024) Figure 5 illustrates the relation between the yearly budget allocation for the Namami Gange Programme and the BOD pattern of the Ganga River at Varanasi for the period of 2016 to 2024. 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