In Search for a Better Life? Summary Report of the MIGWELL Project

In Search for a Better Life? Summary Report of the MIGWELL Project 5.5 Open access summary report Ádám Németh, Dávid Sümeghy, Borbála Göncz, György Lengyel, Zsolt Németh, Lilla Tóth 2025 FWF–NKFIH Joint Project 1 This working paper was developed in the context of the project MIGWELL – Well-being and Migration: the Hungary – Austria Migration Nexus Work Package 5: ‘Dissemination’ MIGWELL is an FWF–NKFIH International Joint Project. In Austria the project is funded by the Austrian Science Fund. In Hungary the project has been implemented with the support provided by the National Research, Development and Innovation Fund (Ministry of Innovation and Technology of Hungary), financed under the ANN funding scheme. Project code: I 5616 (in Austria), 139465 (in Hungary) Project duration: 01.02.2022 – 31.07.2025 (in Austria), 01.12.2021 – 31.05.2025 (in Hungary) Project Partners: Institute for Urban and Regional Research at the Austrian Academy of Sciences Centre for Empirical Social Research at the Corvinus University of Budapest Department of Finno-Ugrian Studies, University of Vienna Scientific Advisory Board: Department of Sociology, University of Vienna Hungarian Demographic Research Institute Hungarian Central Statistical Office MIGWELL’s website: LINK MIGWELL’s outputs will be uploaded to: LINK Inquiries can be directed to: Institute for Urban and Regional Research at the Austrian Academy of Sciences, [email protected].at or Centre for Empirical Social Research at the Corvinus University of Budapest, [email protected] Suggested citation: Németh, Á., Sümeghy, D., Göncz, B., Lengyel, Gy., Németh, Zs. and Tóth, L. (2025). In search for a better life? Summary Report of the MIGWELL Project. MIGWELL Working Papers, No. 5.5. Open Access Summary Report. 15 p. FWF–NKFIH Joint Project 2 The Project: Introducing MIGWELL - Structure, Methodology, and Theoretical Framework “What does happiness mean? Obviously, a person is happy if they are content. Because if they’re not content, then they’re not happy. But of course, you have to set certain boundaries and standards in order to be happy. Because someone who always longs for something they’ll never be able to achieve in their life will never be happy or content. Yet at the same time, people often just pass by the things they have achieved...” Woman, 45-60, Elderly caregiver, in AT The core idea of the MIGWELL project was conceived in 2018. The starting point came from leading researchers who took notice of the OECD’s growing calls and publications advocating for the measurement of well-being, aiming to provide an alternative to GDP in policy-making processes. In parallel, the number of Hungarians living in Austria doubled within four years prior to 2018. The gap between Austria and Hungary is among the largest within the EU when it comes to neighbouring countries — not only in terms of income, but also in terms of subjective well-being. Some researchers have even coined the term “Iron Curtain of unhappiness” to describe this phenomenon. But what exactly is subjective well-being? Throughout the project, we followed the OECD’s Guidelines (2013) and applied measurement indicators consistent with international surveys. We interpreted subjective well-being as an umbrella concept, comprising both hedonic (cognitive and affective) and eudaimonic dimensions of well-being. The relevance of our research lies in the fact that the Hungary–Austria migration axis remains under-researched despite its growing importance. Furthermore, after reviewing studies from around the world, it becomes evident that the relationship between migration and growth in subjective well-being is far from clear-cut. The project’s innovative approach lies in its analytical framework, which examined this migration nexus through the lens of subjective wellbeing. We explored causal relationships between migration and subjective well-being (using instrumental variables, retrospective evaluations, and propensity score matching), offering insights that go beyond the associative findings of earlier European studies. Our two main research directions were, firstly, to investigate how subjective well-being influences the intentions to emigrate from Hungary, and secondly, to assess how the subjective well-being of Hungarian migrants changed as a result of relocating to Austria. Thanks to the application of OECD standards, our primary data are comparable with previous surveys such as EU-SILC and the Hungarian Microcensus, providing an almost complete and accurate picture of the living conditions of a still under-analysed group: Hungarians living in Austria (Although Statistics Austria conducts surveys on immigrant populations, Hungarians are not specifically targeted in those assessments). FWF–NKFIH Joint Project 3 MIGWELL ran for a total of three and a half years, from February 2022 to July 2025, and involved three institutions: the Institute for Urban and Regional Research at the Austrian Academy of Sciences, the Centre for Empirical Social Research at Corvinus University of Budapest, and the Department of Finno-Ugrian Studies at the University of Vienna. In addition, an international scientific advisory board supported the project. The research was made possible through funding from the National Research, Development and Innovation Office of Hungary and the Austrian Science Fund. The project employed both quantitative and qualitative approaches. On the qualitative side, we conducted ten narrative interviews, ten cognitive interviews, five expert interviews, and two policy-maker interviews on both the Hungarian and Austrian sides, as well as a joint roundtable discussion. The quantitative analysis was based on secondary analysis of existing data from EU-SILC and the 2016 Hungarian Microcensus, as well as a representative survey of 1,000 people in Hungary, a supplementary survey involving 375 individuals with migration intentions, and a snowball sample-based survey of 310 Hungarian migrants in Austria (who have spent at least one year in Austria). FWF–NKFIH Joint Project 4 The Context: Migration Nexus and Well-Being Gap between Austria and Hungary “I usually say, if someone can’t find work here in Austria, it’s because they don’t want to work — because there are jobs available.” Man, 45-60, House caretaker, in AT Since Austria’s full labour market opening to Hungary in 2011, the number of Hungarians living in Austria has grown significantly. By 2024, their population exceeded 100,000, making them the sixth largest foreign-born minority group in the country. While immigration has continued to rise, especially after 2021, this trend is increasingly accompanied by return migration and circular mobility. In fact, in 2024 for every 100 Hungarians leaving to Austria, 67 returned, reflecting a dynamic and fluid migratory pattern. Geographically, a noticeable shift is underway. Although Vienna and Burgenland have historically been the primary destinations for Hungarian migrants, their relative importance is declining. Instead, the western provinces such as Tyrol and Salzburg are attracting more Hungarians, many of whom are settling in smaller towns with populations of 3,000 to 5,000 and finding employment in the hospitality sector. Our insights are based on a snowball sampling method among Hungarians in Austria. While this approach limits representativeness, the data align closely with the Austrian-resident sample from Hungary’s 2016 Microcensus. The only notable bias appears to be the overrepresentation of highly educated individuals. When asked about their reasons for migration, financial motives clearly dominate. For 57.5% of respondents, this was among the top three reasons for moving to Austria. A more predictable future and better working conditions were also cited frequently, each appearing in over 35% of responses. Interestingly, these same three factors were also the most commonly cited reasons for wanting to stay in Austria, highlighting their ongoing relevance in migrants’ lives. On average, Austrian wages are 2.3 times higher than Hungarian wages when adjusted for purchasing power. However, there is a caveat: migrants from post-2004 EU accession countries earn, on average, only about 70% of native Austrians’ income. A secondary analysis of EUSILC data reveals that Austria offers objectively better living conditions, including lower rates of relative deprivation, better health outcomes, reduced social exclusion, more frequent social interactions, and greater access to leisure activities. In most of these domains, Hungarians in Austria approach or even exceed (e.g. the capability to afford at least one vacation per year) the Austrian scores. However, in some areas, they fare worse than both Austrians and Hungarians in Hungary, especially in perceived social exclusion. In Hungary, life satisfaction, a key indicator of cognitive subjective well-being, has shown a steady increase since 2013. In our 2024 survey, Hungarians in Austria reported an average life FWF–NKFIH Joint Project 5 satisfaction score of 7.4, which falls between the 2022 Austrian average of 7.9 and Hungary’s 2024 score of 7.0. This general pattern is mirrored in satisfaction across various life domains. One notable exception is income satisfaction, where Hungarians in Austria report higher levels than the Austrian average. On the other hand, they report lower satisfaction than their counterparts in Hungary in areas such as housing, social relationships, and work-life balance. A striking duality emerges in affective well-being. Hungarians in Austria report experiencing both positive emotions (e.g., happiness, calmness) and negative ones (e.g., stress, loneliness) more frequently than Hungarians living in Hungary. However, in the domain of eudaimonic well-being, particularly in measures such as optimism (+1.3), they clearly outperform. Hungarians in Austria maintain strong transnational ties, facilitated by the countries’ geographic proximity. In practice, many migrants never truly "leave" Hungary nor fully "arrive" in Austria. They live simultaneously in two social spheres. Over half (54%) visit Hungary at least 4–5 times a year, and nearly half (47%) regularly send money home, indicating a high level of ongoing cross-border engagement. FWF–NKFIH Joint Project 6 Migration intentions in Hungary and subjective well-being “Before migration, I went through a divorce. Three kids, 50% child support. Now, it's easy to add up how much money is needed for someone to get by in a situation like that, and there was no other option. […] I used to be the kind of person who said, ‘If everyone leaves Hungary, I’ll be the last one to close the door, and from the inside.’ I had no intention of going anywhere. But eventually, there was just no other option, no other path.” Man, 45-60, Waiter, in AT In our project we explored migration intentions among the Hungarian population using a threetiered approach (willingness, thought, planning to move abroad within the next two years). For the purposes of this summary, we focus on the most concrete of these: the intention to migrate within two years. Previous Hungarian studies have shown that such concrete plans are statistically significant predictors of actual migration. According to research by Gödri and Feleki (2017), 17% of those with definite plans followed through within three years. Based on our nationally representative survey of Hungarians aged 18–64, 8.3% plan to emigrate, remarkably similar to the figure recorded in the 2016 Hungarian Microcensus. However, just 14% of this group say they have already made a firm decision to leave. The most commonly cited motivations are financial reasons (83%), a more predictable future, and improved working conditions. Notably, 29% also cited the intention to use migration as a means of improving their long-term prospects in Hungary itself. The majority of potential migrants envision staying abroad for two to five years, but 28% are prepared to leave Hungary permanently. Austria emerged as the most popular destination, named by 43% of those considering emigration. It is followed by Germany, the United Kingdom, and the Netherlands. Migration is overwhelmingly driven by employment opportunities, 99% of potential migrants cited work as their primary reason, while only 7% mentioned studying abroad. Migration decisions are largely supported by social networks: while 38% would embark on this journey alone, most enjoy encouragement from family and friends. The demographic profile of potential migrants aligns with international trends and earlier Hungarian findings. They tend to be younger, more likely to be male, in good health, highly educated, employed, and urban residents. They also have greater access to migration networks, nearly 15% have lived abroad before, and over 80% have relatives or friends already living abroad. As expected, potential migrants hold more favourable views of emigration in general. An overwhelming 99% disagree with the notion that leaving the country amounts to letting it down, a stark contrast to only 71% among those who intend to stay. A lower level of life satisfaction characterizes those planning to emigrate. Their average life satisfaction score is 6.9, compared to 7.2 among those intending to stay in Hungary. The most pronounced dissatisfaction is seen in time use (a 0.9-point gap) and income satisfaction (a 0.8- FWF–NKFIH Joint Project 7 point gap). The latter is particularly noteworthy: although potential migrants are not overrepresented among Hungary’s poorest residents, they are concentrated in the middleincome range of 200,000–500,000 HUF per month. Health is the only life domain in which potential migrants report significantly higher satisfaction, a phenomenon consistent with the well-documented "healthy migrant effect." A nuanced pattern emerges when comparing affective and eudaimonic well-being indicators. Potential migrants report more favourable outcomes in affective domains, both positive and negative. In contrast, their scores on eudaimonic indicators, related to meaning, purpose, and long-term psychological flourishing, tend to be lower than those who wish to remain in Hungary. Our findings based on causal methods confirm a clear link between subjective well-being and migration intention. Lower life satisfaction is one of the factors, which are leading to greater intention to emigrate. More surprisingly, life satisfaction also appears to correlate with where people intend to go. Those planning to move to Austria reported significantly lower levels of satisfaction than those considering other countries, suggesting that Austria, while close and familiar, may attract individuals in particularly acute states of dissatisfaction. FWF–NKFIH Joint Project 8 Forms of action potential: Migration propensity and entrepreneurial inclination “I really admire those who stay in Hungary without being favoured by the current system and still keep fighting. Sometimes I even feel a bit of cowardice in myself. That we left. Well, it is what it is... You only have one life... It often crosses my mind that, even if it’s not treason, it might still be cowardice to run away like this, while someone else stays behind and keeps fighting.” Man, 30-45, Cashier, in AT Action potential refers to the readiness and capacity of individuals to respond to changes in their environment. This concept can take different forms: proactive action potential is often expressed through the desire to migrate or start a business, while protest reflects a more reactive, restitutive form of engagement. A third group includes those who remain passive, showing neither proactive nor restitutive tendencies. In Hungary, nearly one in four adults expresses a desire to live abroad, while around one in seven is considering starting a business. Additionally, close to 30% of respondents say they would be willing to protest if their interests were threatened. Migration and entrepreneurial intentions appear to be strongly connected. People who express a desire to migrate show nearly double the average entrepreneurial inclination. An even stronger association emerges between migration intention and protest potential: almost half of those who consider emigrating are also open to participating in protests. While gender is not significantly associated with action potential, age plays a more prominent role. Protest inclination does not decline markedly with age, but among younger people, migration intention tends to outweigh protest engagement. A positive self-perception of health also tends to align with proactive action potential, especially migration readiness, which is more frequent among those who report being in excellent health. Family status is another meaningful factor. Single individuals are more likely to express migration, entrepreneurial, and protest inclinations than those with families. Economic activity also matters: about half of students and two-fifths of the unemployed indicate a readiness to migrate, compared to just one in ten pensioners. Migration interest is more prevalent among entrepreneurs and people working outside the public sector. Professional status, entrepreneurial roles, and internal labour market positioning are all positively associated with various forms of action potential. Migration willingness is notably higher among individuals in both the lower and upper income terciles. For the former group, the motivation may be escape or upward mobility; for the latter, the drive may relate to exploration or opportunity. This V-shaped relationship also characterizes entrepreneurial inclination. However, protest potential does not appear to be strongly linked with income levels. Education tends to be associated with migration and protest tendencies, as well as overall engagement versus passivity, but has less influence on entrepreneurial intention. FWF–NKFIH Joint Project 15 interviewees said that trips back reinforced their decision to migrate, especially after encountering negative experiences with public services or political discourse in Hungary. There is a striking contrast in institutional trust: 80% of respondents trust the Austrian media and government more than their Hungarian counterparts. Many perceive that politics is more intrusive in Hungary. 47% of migrants provide financial or emotional support to family in Hungary. The average amount sent is €330 per month, with higher amounts reported by those planning to return. Return-planning migrants send €150 more on average, and those with a partner in Hungary send an additional €250 monthly. Remittances are more common among: those with lower education, those who visit home frequently, and those who intend to return. By contrast, migrants are less likely to send money if they’ve lived longer in Austria or live with their children there. Interestingly, those who send remittances, especially to close family members, also report higher satisfaction with work. 23% of respondents left behind a partner or child in Hungary. These individuals report more negative outcomes in several well-being indicators. For example, those with a partner still in Hungary are 12.6% less likely to say they are “always happy” compared to those living with their partner. Separation from loved ones appears to be one of the strongest stressors in the migration experience. While transnational connections can offer emotional grounding, they also carry burdens, financial, logistical, and emotional, that may counteract the potential well-being benefits of migration.