Voices of Night Workers: Evidence from Lived Experience

Voices of Night Workers: Evidence from Lived Experience Ben Campkin Alessio Kolioulis The Bartlett Faculty of the Built Environment dataafterdark.org Voices of Night Workers: Evidence from Lived Experience Professor Ben Campkin Dr Alessio Kolioulis The Bartlett School of Architecture UCL Urban Laboratory December 2025 UCL Research Ethics approval reference: 2814.003 UCL Data Registration: Z6364106/2024/02/107 This report is part of the Data After Dark transdisciplinary research collaboration. The summary report, Data After Dark: New Evidence on Night Work in London, and additional research can be accessed here. Data After Dark was supported by the Mayor of London. This project has received support, advice, and funding from UCL Innovation & Enterprise. COVER PHOTO: Winston Tjia “I think night workers have huge challenges, and we often undermine [ourselves] because we have our circumstances, like to fulfil our family needs, our financial circumstances, or maybe some other kind of situations we are in, and we compromise our health. We compromise our well-being. We compromise the sense of security and all these things. And I think it needs to come out, it needs to be debated, discussed, so that there should be some policy decisions which are based on evidence.” [Ravi, age 35-44, Male, Asian Indian, Retail, 3-5 years.] 4 Table of Contents Acknowledgments ................................................................................................... 5 Executive Summary: Voices of Night Workers ...................................................... 6 1. Introduction ..................................................................................................... 10 2. Aims and questions ........................................................................................ 11 3. Methodology and recruitment ........................................................................ 11 4. Locational data and commute patterns ......................................................... 24 5. Voices of Night Workers ................................................................................. 29 5.1 From staying afloat to the love of night work: motivations and circumstances .......................... 32 5.2 Negative experiences: no duty of care at all .............................................................................. 33 5.3 I’d rather have a meal: food provision ........................................................................................ 34 5.4 Back-to-back shifts and work-life balance .................................................................................. 35 5.5 Pay and the cost-of-living-crisis .................................................................................................. 35 5.6 Positive experiences and benefits .............................................................................................. 36 5.7 Health ......................................................................................................................................... 37 5.8 Identity-related issues: between racialised exploitation and positive representation ................. 41 5.9 Racism, harassment, safety and danger .................................................................................... 42 5.10 Value of night work ................................................................................................................... 44 5.11 What night workers want: improvements and imagined futures ............................................... 46 Research team biographies .................................................................................. 53 References .............................................................................................................. 54 Appendix 1 – Analysis of the demographic characteristics of the surveyed participants ............................................................................................................. 55 Appendix 2 – Long Table Etiquette ....................................................................... 70 Appendix 3 – Participation Information Sheet and Consent Form .................... 71 5 Acknowledgments We would like to thank all the night workers who generously shared their insights and experiences with us, and especially those who participated in the long tables that we ran in the summer of 2024. Thanks also to the Greater London Authority 24 Hour London team, UCL Innovation and Enterprise, our research partners UCL Social Data Institute and Didobi Limited, Róisín Fellowes who undertook transcription work, Allie Lester and Lily Flashman who supported the long tables, Michał Iliev and Mikaella Mavrogeni who produced the maps featured in section 4 of this report. 6 Executive Summary: Voices of Night Workers Night work is an essential but often undervalued component of the economy. This report explores the motivations, challenges, and aspirations of night workers in London, defined as individuals working between 6pm and 6am. It highlights the financial, social, and health implications of working outside daytime hours. Based on extensive engagement with night workers, drawing from their insights and experiences it underscores an urgent need for policy interventions, better working conditions, and a public recognition of night workers’ contributions. Led by Professor Ben Campkin and Dr Alessio Kolioulis – researchers of The Bartlett, UCL’s Faculty of the Built Environment, who are based in its departments, UCL Urban Laboratory, The Bartlett School of Architecture and the Development Planning Unit – Voices of Night Workers forms one part of a transdisciplinary research collaboration, Data After Dark, in partnership with UCL Social Data Institute and Didobi Ltd. Data After Dark sets out to deliver a better data and evidence base for night workers in London, utilising a variety of qualitative and quantitative methods. By prioritising evidence from lived experience, the Voices of Night Workers component of the collaboration aimed to better understand the challenges faced by London’s nocturnal workforce. The research engaged night workers through a survey (98 respondents), followed by detailed participatory discussions using the format of long tables (Weaver, undated). The latter comprised a diverse sample of 20 individuals who work in a range of roles and in a variety of inner and outer London boroughs. Following a systematic coding and analysis of the evidence, the findings provide a basis from which night workers’ insights can productively inform urban policy, governance and organisational policy. The participants brought a rich composition of individual perspectives to the long tables, reflecting a wide range of personal and professional backgrounds. To contextualise their contributions, the report presents qualitative evidence alongside demographic and employment information. Maps of the participants’ home-to-work trajectories are also included, accompanied by statements in their own words that describe their experiences and the nature of the challenges they face – from the effects of night-time commuting to safety concerns and the availability of public transport. In line with the university’s ethical protocols, we have used pseudonyms to protect participants’ anonymity. 7 Highlights of the research findings Motivations for Night Work Workers are drawn to night-time employment for a variety of reasons. These may include financial necessity, the higher wages (or perceived higher wages) offered compared with equivalent daytime work, or personal circumstances that require flexibility. Some choose night work to balance caregiving responsibilities or studies, while others work nights due to sectoral requirements, particularly in healthcare, retail, and security. Despite these benefits, night work is frequently perceived as a necessity rather than a choice due to the limited availability of alternative employment options. Night workers with especially precarious employment arrangements have struggled to stay afloat during recent economic challenges such as the pandemic and cost-of-living crisis. Challenges Faced by Night Workers Workplace Harassment and Safety Night workers often experience a controlling work culture in their interactions with management, and harassment through negative experiences with customers, particularly in the nightlife sector and emergency services. Limited support structures exacerbate these challenges and hamper the workers’ ability to perform their duties effectively. Lack of Food Provision Inadequate and unhealthy food options are a persistent issue, with workers relying on vending machines, takeaways, or home-prepared meals due to a lack of latenight food outlets. For some participants, the absence of nutritious meals has had a deleterious effect on their health and well-being and has exacerbated the other negative health consequences of working at night. When refreshments are provided, for employees in clubs and bars, these can often be unhealthy options, such as tokens for discounted or free alcoholic drinks. Night workers question the unavailability of nutritious food, especially given the physical demands of working at night. Exhaustion and Work-Life Balance Many night workers face back-to-back shifts, and long shifts, with insufficient rest periods, leading to exhaustion, social isolation, and long-term health problems. The dominance of the daytime economy restricts their access to leisure and social 8 activities and to essential services. The unconventional hours of night work mean that night workers can struggle to find a suitable work-life balance. Financial Precarity Despite the demanding nature of their jobs, night workers report stagnant wages, financial rewards that are out of proportion with the arduous commitments required, a lack of the collective bargaining power that might be needed to improve their working conditions, and a general financial strain exacerbated by the cost-of-living crisis. Many work under precarious employment conditions, including freelance arrangements with limited legal protections. Health Risks Night work disrupts sleep patterns and contributes to chronic health conditions such as insomnia, migraines, and diabetes. Exhaustion suffered because of late-night commuting, stress, social isolation, and the difficulty of accessing healthcare further compound these issues. Switching between shift patterns can take its toll on physical and emotional health. Night workers are disproportionately exposed to the risk-taking behaviours of others (such as drug and alcohol misuse) and/or situations which encourage them to take risks themselves: e.g. tiredness may lead to driving faster, long shifts might lead to eating unhealthily). Night workers report not being made aware of the correlations between night work and illness, only realizing these connections after experiencing health issues which require life adjustments. Inequalities and Discrimination Night workers are disproportionately from the Global Majority (Campbell-Stephens, 2020).1 They also often have recent migration backgrounds and/or were not born in the UK (ONS, 2023). The types of work are often lower-paid positions, have limited career progression opportunities, or are otherwise precarious, exacerbating gendered and racialised inequalities. In this study, participants reported numerous incidences of harassment and discrimination based on ethnicity, sex or gender, both at work and while commuting. 1 We are using this term as an alternative to “ethnic minority” or “BAME”, in line with Rosemary Campbell-Stephens’ definition: “Global Majority is a collective term that first and foremost speaks to and encourages those so-called to think of themselves as belonging to the global majority. It refers to people who are Black, Asian, Brown, dual-heritage, indigenous to the global south, and or have been racialised as 'ethnic minorities'. Globally, these groups currently represent approximately eighty per cent (80%) of the world's population”. Rosemary Campbell-Stephens, ‘Global Majority; Decolonising the language and Reframing the Conversation about Race’, 2020, https://www.leedsbeckett.ac.uk/- /media/files/schools/school-of-education/final-leeds-beckett-1102-global-majority.pdf (accessed 8 April 2025). 9 Positive Aspects of Night Work Despite these challenges, night work does in some contexts foster strong community bonds, particularly among creative and marginalised groups. Some employers offer a supportive workplace, for example by providing transport and prioritising employee welfare. Workers also value the flexibility, the higher pay compared with day wages in some roles, and the unique social possibilities of night-time employment environments. Policy Recommendations and Future Improvements Night workers have identified key areas for urgent intervention. For example: • Employers must improve safety measures, provide adequate rest periods, and ensure that duty-of-care responsibilities and policies are implemented effectively. • Access to nutritious meals and appropriate workplace facilities should be prioritised to support workers’ health. • Night workers’ wages should be proportionate to risks; policies should support collective bargaining opportunities and enhanced employment protections. • Improved public transport services, including later operating hours and dedicated night routes, would reduce the risk of harm for night workers. • A dedicated policy framework for night workers should be developed, including a formal recognition of their contributions and increased representation in decisionmaking processes. • Night workers should have access to flexible training opportunities, positive role models, workplace rights education, including educational resources on the risks of working at night, and career development opportunities. • A specific charter for night workers should encode good employer practices, including the above, and caution against bad employer practices. Night work is essential for London and the wider economy but remains undervalued and under-supported. Addressing the challenges faced by night workers requires a holistic approach that incorporates policy interventions, employer responsibility, and public engagement. A commitment to improving working conditions, fair pay, and social recognition will work towards a more sustainable and equitable night-time economy for all. 16 3.4.1 Sample composition • Survey: 98 • Long Tables: 20 The survey collected 98 responses in total and, as explained above, served as a tool to identify participants for the long tables. During the survey, census categories were used for demographic data, including ethnicity. With access to the demographic characteristics of the surveyed non-random sample, and having in mind the assertion that Global Majority populations are disproportionately represented in many forms of night work (ONS, 2023), the team prioritised recruiting a demographically diverse long table sample. 3.4.2 Age Range (total sample) • Upper Age Limit: No upper limit • Lower Age Limit: 18 The age range was kept as open as possible to enable engagement with individuals at various life stages, and to allow for the possibility of comparative reflections based on different generational experiences. The team did not seek to work with people under the age of 18 because it was deemed that working with night workers already required a significant sensitivity to ethics, and there was no additional capacity within the research funding and timescale. 3.4.3 Long Tables The survey was complemented by two participatory group discussions, which adapted the format of long tables (Weaver, 2014). The intention was to facilitate a communal exchange of experiences on workplace issues, including on sensitive topics such as safety, health and pay. The team organised two in-person long table discussions in August and September 2024 at Senate House, University of London, each lasting approximately three hours and held in the afternoon. Twenty respondents were selected from the survey. The aim was to create a diverse sample by considering factors such as gender, ethnicity, nationality, educational background, sexuality, reported disabilities and age. The discussions included participants from various sectors, including hospitality, gig economy food delivery, retail, logistics, health and care. The team deliberately sought to include precariously employed night workers in order to address data gaps and complement the parallel research initiatives in the Data After Dark collaboration. The discussions drew on direct experiences from night workers across multiple boroughs, including inner and outer London. 17 The long table methodology was chosen over traditional focus groups for its capacity to foster open, conversational dialogue in a relaxed and collaborative setting, where participants are encouraged to shape the structure and content. Developed by the feminist artist collective Split Britches, this approach is modelled on the atmosphere of a dinner table. It encourages an equal participation in the sharing of experiences and allows for the discussion of challenging topics in an environment of collective support (Weaver, 2014). In this context, the long table format was particularly suited to exploring the sensitive and complex realities of night work. Participants were welcomed to the long table discussions and encouraged to contribute freely, guided by a ‘menu’ etiquette to ensure a safe and respectful space (see Appendix 2). However, in contrast to the typical uses of long tables, those conducted in this research were not held in public. This cautionary approach was taken to safeguard the participants’ identities and to ensure appropriate data protection. The host (lead researcher) introduced the etiquette, and the two principal researchers occasionally intervened to help maintain the flow of conversation with occasional prompts. These interjections were kept to a minimum. Participants were also encouraged to draw or write directly on the tablecloth if they so desired. This helped to create a collective record of their stories, connected across both long tables, and allowed for non-verbal expression. 18 Figure 3. The long table setup, featuring a collaborative tablecloth where participants wrote and drew their contributions during the discussions. The discussions followed a loosely structured narrative progression, with prompts given first to focus on the participants’ routes into night work (past), followed by their current roles and challenges (present), and finally their aspirations and ideas for potential improvements (future). This structure allowed participants to reflect on their initial steps into night work, share personal challenges and valued aspects of their work, and envision, in conversation, ways their experiences and conditions might evolve. The long tables were co-facilitated by Principal Investigator (PI) Prof. Ben Campkin, who has extensive experience of using this format in research with migrant night workers and LGBTQ+ communities, and Co-Investigator (Co-I) Dr. Alessio Kolioulis. Both researchers have significant expertise in qualitative methods that engage marginalised communities while safeguarding their interests and contributions (e.g., 19 Campkin, 2023; Campkin and Marshall, 2017; Kolioulis et al., 2021). The Co-I, supported by research assistants (Lily Flashman and Allie Lester), was responsible for the audio recording and editing of the outputs, while a research assistant (Roisin Fellowes) transcribed the audio recordings. 3.5 Analytical Framework This section outlines the coding structure and framework developed for the analysis of qualitative evidence collected through the survey and long tables. The coding framework was designed according to themes that emerged from the survey data. It was then implemented to organise the survey and long table transcripts for analysis. This coding was implemented using NVivo 15, a qualitative data analysis software package available to UCL research staff, to facilitate thematic coding. The researchers opted for manual rather than automated coding. The long tables were transcribed and the transcriptions were then organised to create individual ‘cases’ for each participant. Survey responses associated with these individuals were assigned to these cases. The cases were then imported into NVivo, where the coding framework was applied. 3.5.1 Coding Framework The coding process was guided by the set of structured prompts used to stimulate responses from participants. These prompts were divided into two categories – survey and long tables. At the survey level, participants had been asked to reflect on their experiences of night work through questions about safety, health, and their perceptions of how night workers were valued. They were also asked for their suggestions for how the understanding and appreciation of night work might be improved, and what might be done to enable better conditions for this work. The long tables were structured into three temporal sections: past, present and future. Participants were encouraged to address topics such as pathways into night work, memorable experiences, current challenges and benefits and the future of night work. The coding framework derived from the combination of these prompts was designed to structure data into i) broader codes and ii) specific sub-codes. In NVivo this is called ‘parent-child’ relationship. 3.5.2 Survey: Parent Codes 1. Safety Issues: frequency of safety incidents at work and the strategies participants used to manage them. 21 2. Health Issues: subdivided into physical and mental health issues. 3. Valuation of Night Work: positively, negatively or neutrally valued. 4. Improvements: suggestions for change, categorised into workplace improvements, public and societal changes, and policy recommendations. 3.5.3 Long Table Parent Codes PARENT CODE CHILD CODE CHALLENGES AND BENEFITS Benefits Challenges EXPERIENCES Neutral Negative Positive HEALTH ISSUES Mental Health Physical Health IDENTITY AND INTERSECTIONALITY Class Ethnicity Gender IMAGINED FUTURES Neutral Negative Positive IMPROVEMENTS Policy Public and Society Workplace PATHWAYS TO NIGHT WORK Circumstances Motivations SAFETY ISSUES Frequency of Issues Strategies to Manage VALUATION OF NIGHT WORK Neutral Negative Positive Figure 4. Treemap showing hierarchy of items coded using NVivo 15 Figure 5. Aggregate count of items by coding categories • Past: coding in this category focused on participants’ pathways into night work, including motivations and circumstances such as migration. Experiences were further divided into positive aspects (e.g., freedom) and negative aspects (e.g., isolation), while another set of codes explored the intersection and influence of identity characteristics on experiences, including ethnicity, gender, and class. • Present: This prompt looked at the challenges and benefits of current/recent night work, with specific attention to issues such as health, safety, pay, and access to services. Memorable experiences, both positive and negative, were also coded here, alongside reflections on participants’ perceptions of how their contributions as night workers were valued. • Future: Coding in this category reflected participants’ imagined futures and desired changes. Sub-themes included improvements, such as better working conditions, family support or mental health resources, or improved manager/organisational appreciation of night workers’ needs, among other aspects discussed. 24 4. Locational data and commute patterns Our survey gathered geographical data from respondents, including home and work postcodes. This enabled us to map and comment on the distribution of the sample across London, and to gain a sense of peoples’ commutes.2 The table below presents the top 10 work locations mentioned in response to question 47 of the survey: 'In which location(s) (e.g. neighbourhood or borough) do you most often work at night? Islington leads with 9 mentions, followed by a general designation for London with 8, Westminster and Newham with 7, Camden with 6 and Tower Hamlets registers 5 mentions. Victoria, Soho, and Hackney each receive 4 mentions, while Shoreditch registers 3 mentions. Table 1: Work locations of survey sample. 2 The maps featured in this section were produced in collaboration with UCL Social Data Institute researchers Mikaella Mavrogeni and Michal Iliev. 012345678910 Islington London Westminster Newham Camden Tower Hamlets Victoria Soho Hackney Shoreditch 25 Commuting trajectories Our survey recorded commuting trajectories based on participants' home and workplace postcodes. The map below illustrates all recorded trajectories from survey participants who provided complete postcode data, offering a view of home-to-work commutes across different areas and distances. The data shows a central clustering of shorter commutes, while longer journeys extend to the periphery of London and beyond. Figure 6. Home-to-work commute patterns of survey participants in London, categorised by commute length. Short commutes (yellow) are concentrated centrally, while medium (blue) and long (pink) commutes extend outward. 5.1 From staying afloat to the love of night work: motivations and circumstances Participants reported a diversity of motivations for night work, and this connected to the nature of their work and other variables. For some this was financial necessity. For instance, Imran commented: “I’ve been working as a delivery driver catering takeaway out of necessity. On the back of the pandemic, and with the cost of living, it’s been staying afloat. So, it’s just to survive.” [Imran, age 35-44, Male, Asian Bangladeshi, Food delivery, 1-2 years]. Financial motivations included being able “to get a bit more money,” as Hassan put it. [Hassan, age 65+, Male, Somali, Hostel for the Homeless, more than 10 years]. For some, working at night was linked to a sense of higher pay than for day work. Jamal, for example, commented that: “My experience has been […] the financial side of it is very good, that's the incentive. I think of me and not speak for anybody else […] And I also get the time to also study or do my own thing, things that I like to do.” [Jamal, age 55-64, Male, Black Caribbean, Anti-social Behaviour Officer, more than 10 years]. Where there was an active choice to work at night, this ranged from passionately following a creative practice, “a love of mine” [Anika, age 25-34, Trans non-binary, Other Black, DJ, 3-5 years], to being drawn to the excitement and variety of night work as compared to day work, with its potential for different social possibilities and novel experiences. Often, the motivation to work at night was explained by reference to day-time family life and other personal commitments. It “was easier for me as her mother”, said Isabel, who had returned to work when her daughter was three and had chosen to work in the evenings. “I could stay with her and then leave her at home with my expartner and then go to work and then come home around 11/11:30.” [Isabel, age 4554, Female, Other White, Hospitality, more than 10 years.] Priya reported that she “started working as a night worker, mainly because it was easier to manage with my studies in the day.” [Priya, age, Female, Asian Indian, Customer Service, 6 months-1 year.] In other circumstances, night work was the only option available. In some professions, there is a requirement to work a certain number of night shifts. For instance, Sophie pointed out that: “most jobs in nursing you work are rotation of days and nights and weekends because most areas are open 24/7.” [Sophie, age 35-44, Female, White British, Health, more than 10 years.] Ravi, working in retail, felt that he had had no choice in switching from day work to night shifts: “I was made redundant from my job, I think, five years back, and that was a day job, and because they closed down the checkout [...] Then they said, if you want to continue working in the supermarket [...] I decided to work at night, and I was a part-timer.” [Ravi, age 3544, Male, Asian Indian, Retail, 3-5 years.] 33 5.2 Negative experiences: no duty of care at all Participants reported a range of negative experiences associated with night work – from poor working conditions to difficult interactions with members of the public, and situations where they had to involve the emergency services. Negative experiences often stemmed from the workplace itself, including harassment at work and controlling work cultures. As Dwayne put it: “The experience of work culture at night is that on the side of the managers they see you interfering with that culture […] I’ve come across some managers who in the middle of the night they will come for inspection to see whether you are sleeping.” [Dwayne, age 65+, Male, Black African, Care Support Worker, 6-10 years.] Night workers also commented on negative interactions with their clients and customers, especially due to intoxication. For example, Morgan, an emergency service operator, perceived that young people sometimes called ambulances improperly when they were very intoxicated. They noted that this “affects my work because you know, they’ve got so pissed that, you know, they need to call an ambulance. They’ve got themselves into a terrible state. Meanwhile, granny’s having a heart attack, and she can’t get an ambulance. So, everything that we talk about in terms of how our communities are affected is [linked to] how our work is affected.” [Morgan, age 55-64, Non-binary, Other Ethnic Group, Emergency services, 1-2 years.] Another out-of-hours keyworker, Emily, gave an example where they had suffered an injury, and rather than offering help, passers-by assumed that they were drunk and ignored them. “I managed to get this cab to drop me home”, they commented, “because I was so near my home I thought, let me go home first. I’ve gone home. I’ve crawled up the stairs. I’ve had to wake my wife up. Hello, look, I’ve done something really bad to my ankle. We phoned 999. They weren’t sending out ambulances, they were sending out cabs, so I’ve had to struggle into another cab, but there was no communication. So, this cab just dropped me at UCH [University College Hospital] actually, but no help, no, to get out. I literally fell out of the cab in between the cab and the curb and because people thought I was drunk, I ended up shouting for security, saying, look, I’m not drunk I need a wheelchair.” [Emily, age 4554, Female, White British, Out-of-Hours Response and Patrol Officer, more than 10 years.] This incident is illustrative of the strongly negative perceptions of night-time behaviour on night workers’ own experiences, even when they work in roles that focus on making things safer at night. Night workers also repeatedly reported very traumatic experiences. Leila, a DJ, reported that her drink had been spiked while at work: “I got spiked at ******** in the ******** room. So, basically, like, there was CCTV, like, the people that worked there 34 saw it. They thought I was having a heroin overdose and gave me Narcan and put me in an ambulance and basically all it was, I just been spiked by someone. And there was no duty of care. They just assumed that I’d gotten myself into that state. There was no follow up, no, nothing like that. I was quite obviously quite disappointed because that’s a really big nightclub. And I was a performer, so I would technically, I was essentially like a member of staff, because I was there working. No duty of care at all.” [Leila, age 35-44, Female, White and Asian, Hospitality, more than 10 years.] 5.3 I’d rather have a meal: food provision Inadequate food provision was a recurring theme among participants. They were concerned that, while daytime workers in some sectors receive meals or discounted food, those working at night must either bring their own food or rely on limited options, such as vending machines or takeaway meals. The absence of late-night food options goes beyond workplace provision. With a general lack of healthy food outlets open at night, participants feel the need to rely on whatever is available post-shift, or to prepare meals at home after long working hours. Dwayne questioned this, remarking that: “One of the issues that I’ve come across in my line of night work was that we need a canteen service or food during the night [due to the absence of other options]. When you work during the day a meal is provided [...] How do you balance that discrepancy?” [Dwayne, age 55-64, Male, Black Caribbean, Care Support Worker, more than 10 years.] Some night-time workplaces offer food and/or drink, but it is often insufficient, or deemed unhealthy, leading workers to question why nutritious, sustaining meals were not more readily available. DJs and hospitality workers, for example, observed that while free drinks are common in clubs, food provision is rare, despite the physical demands of their work. Anika argued that: “Anybody who works at night should get food, period. But in nightlife, the only thing promoters will give you is free drinks. I’d rather have a meal before playing than multiple drinks, because it’s affecting my body. It’s not sustainable. If meals are provided for daytime workers, they should be provided at night too.” [Anika, age 25-34, Trans non-binary, Other Black, DJ, 3-5 years.] It can also be difficult for night workers to bring their own food to work, particularly in environments where staff may not have access to microwaves, back-of-house storage, or permission to bring or carry food, even if they work in supermarkets. For example, working in retail, Ravi reported: “Another problem that we face in supermarkets is that the canteen closed out few years back. So even people who are working during the daytime buy sandwich, which is not proper food, and at nighttime there is no provision [of food]. So, people eat very unhealthy snack. Every few 35 hours they pick up items from the shop floor and they buy it. So, I don’t think that’s a very useful way of looking at food and dietary habits.” [Ravi, age 35-44, Male, Asian Indian, Retail, 3-5 years.] The impact of poor food provision is intensified where workers have to undertake long shifts; and because of the bodily impact of working at night. For example, Jamal noted that working a 13-hour shift as a council noise assistance officer, at first, he “would eat through the night,” and that he has seen health benefits after changing his habits to avoid eating after a certain time. [Jamal, age 55-64, Male, Black Caribbean, Anti-social Behaviour Officer, more than 10 years.] 5.4 Back-to-back shifts and work-life balance Many night workers experience scheduling conflicts that affect both their health and their ability to maintain a balanced life. Participants highlighted the difficulties of back-to-back shifts with inadequate rest periods, sometimes needing to assert their rights to prevent exhaustion. Dwayne, for instance, recounted having to confront his manager about the lack of sufficient breaks between shifts, framing it as a health and safety issue. “I told my manager I couldn’t do back-to-back shifts [6 pm to midnight and 6 am to 2 pm], with only a few hours of rest. I had to explain that if something happened at work, I’d hold them accountable. I was proud to stand up for my health and safety.” [Dwayne, age 55-64, Male, Black Caribbean, Care Support Worker, more than 10 years.] Another dilemma night workers face is the limited availability of social and leisure options after work. Some participants expressed frustration with how cities remain structured around a daytime economy, making it difficult for those working unconventional hours to achieve the same work-life balance. Highlighting the sense of a work-life balance that is out-of-sync with dominant patterns, Elena, shared the following: “I always end up getting conflicted because it's 1 am and I’m done with work and I want to go for a pint. But then, do I want to make someone else work even later than me?” [Elena, age 25-34, Female, Other White, Hospitality, 6 months1 year.]. Additionally, Elena also highlighted the lack of current options for those who work at night: “it would be nice to have options to have a bite or go for a drink given that half of the world works at night”. 5.5 Pay and the cost-of-living-crisis Many night workers struggle to secure fair pay. There is a lack of standardised rates, and newcomers often accept lower fees, making it harder for established workers to demand better wages. This lack of collective bargaining leaves many feeling isolated when trying to assert their rights. 36 Talking about the challenges of night work, Morgan reported: “I didn’t choose to do night work, I just need to stay afloat and pay my bills and have some mobility. With the amount of effort I’m giving, I just feel that it’s not enough. […] It’s difficult, it’s hard and under-appreciated.” [Morgan, age 55-64, Non-binary, Other Ethnic Group, Emergency services, 1-2 years.] While night workers may find their jobs personally fulfilling, they often describe them as financially unrewarding. Working in the hospitality sector, Leila, for example, commented: “Our work is rewarding, but not financially. We put ourselves through so much physically, emotionally and mentally, and the pay just doesn’t match up. I love making someone’s night, but I also need to pay my bills.” [Leila, age 35-44, Female, White and Asian, Hospitality, more than 10 years.] Additionally, many working in nightlife venues operate permanently under precarious employment structures, often invoicing as freelancers despite working regular hours, a situation sometimes referred to as ‘perma-lancing.’ The financial pressures of the cost-of-living crisis have also contributed to the precarity of working in nightlife venues. Rising rents and the increasing costs of alcohol mean that venues pass expenses onto customers, who, in turn, drink less, and go out less often. 5.6 Positive experiences and benefits A significant number of participants highlighted the positive ways in which nightlife fosters strong communities, and how working at night served as a gateway to meeting other local artists and creatives. This can be particularly evident for specific groups, such as the queer community in Dalston. Despite her misgivings about pay and conditions, Leila, for example, reported that “certain spaces can be like a community hub, which is really important to the structure of nightlife and night workers.” [Leila, age 35-44, Female, White and Asian, Hospitality, more than 10 years.] Positive experiences were also shared regarding workplace welfare and employee safety. For example, Anya described how the venue they work in as a security guard ensures safe transport for both staff and customers: “At the venue where I work, we have a policy that ensures anyone leaving, whether staff or customers, who cannot find their way home is provided with a cab, and we absorb that extra cost. All our staff have a standard £10 Uber expense they can claim back. If a customer is unable to get home, we simply book them a cab. Unlike many clubs that just send people out, we take that responsibility.” [Anya, age 25-34, Non-binary, White and Asian, Security, 3-5 years.] Sophie, a nurse, reflected on how her experience of working at night was specific to the nature of her job, shift pattern and employment situation: “My experience is quite 37 different because I travel to work during rush hour, taking the tube, which means my working hours are still relatively sociable. I work in a hospital, which is a controlled and safe environment, so working nights doesn’t affect how safe I feel at all.” [Sophie, age 35-44, Female, White British, Health, more than 10 years.] In the hospitality sector, Kofi described how working at prestigious events across London shaped his positive impressions of night work: “Since it was my first time doing night shifts, it was a new experience, being on my feet constantly, carrying trays, attending to guests, coordinating with chefs. There’s a lot of physical effort and energy involved. But despite that, I still love the nightlife and the way things work.” [Kofi, age 25-34, Male, Black African, Estate Operative, 3-5 years.] For many participants, night work was seen to offer benefits, and these were cited by participants when they explained their pathways into night work. One key perceived advantage is higher pay, described by Kwami as “an incentive to overcome all the hurdles that you face at night.” [Kwami, age 55-64, Male, Black African, Carer, more than 10 years]. Emily understood pay “as the main thing that is keeping me in night work, especially as I get older.” [Emily, age 45-54, Female, White British, Out of Hours Response and Patrol Officer, more than 10 years.] Another perceived benefit is flexibility of time or the correspondence between night work and participants’ sense of their own rhythm. “I do my best work at night”, remarked Mei, due to being able to “work very, very quietly, peacefully.” [Mei, age 45-54, Male, Other Asian, Professional Services, more than 10 years]. For Kwami [55-64, Male, Black African, Health, more than 10 years], “sleep is not a problem.” Some workers, such as Jamal, chose night shifts to “study or do my own thing” during the day, or to spend more time with their family, especially if they did not feel that sleeping during the day was an issue for them. [Jamal, age 55-64, Male, Straight, Black Caribbean, Anti-Social Behaviour Officer, more than 10 years.]. Others, including Sophie, reported loving the city’s atmosphere at night and enjoying the experience of going back home, “when everyone else is going to work. It’s a beautiful feeling.” [Sophie, age 35-44, Female, White British, Health, more than 10 years.] 5.7 Health 5.7.1 ‘It is affecting my body now’: health, sleep and well-being Our survey asked night workers whether they had experienced health issues due to their work. While sleep disturbances were the most common concern, 16% of respondents (out of 51 individuals who responded to this question) reported experiencing stress. Other issues mentioned included chronic back pain, breathing difficulties, insomnia, chest pains, diabetes and migraines. 38 Figure 10. ‘Have you experienced health issues as a result of night work? If so, please specify.’ 5.7.2 Sleep and insomnia It is well-known that working night shifts can disrupt circadian rhythms, leading to chronic sleep deprivation, which in turn affects mood, cognitive function and overall well-being.3 The evidence from our survey and long tables emphasises that working night shifts has significant negative impacts on both physical and mental health, and highlights the variety of health challenges faced by London’s night workers. Many workers reported struggling to get consistent sleep, and often sleep in short, fragmented cycles. “The biological clock and the demands of the work do not synchronise,” Hassam surmised. [Hassan, age 65+, Male, Somali, Hostel for the Homeless, more than 10 years.] Even on days off, some participants felt that their bodies remained wired to a night schedule, negatively affecting relationships and family life. Contrasting a vision of 24-hour cities with his embodied reality of night work, Hassan went on to assert: “I suffered because of the 24/7 idea.” For some, the safety risks of commuting after a night shift added another layer of health-impacting stress. Dwayne expressed concern about this on multiple levels: “After a 12-hour night shift, your cardiac rhythms and mental state are affected. Would you be expected to drive? To take public transport and risk falling asleep? For women, travelling alone at 6 am after a shift is even more concerning.” [Dwayne, age 55-64, Male, Black Caribbean, Care Support Worker, more than 10 years.] In other circumstances, Kwami decided to take a nap in his car after work, reporting: “I was getting really exhausted and I had to stay back, do extra work, and I was so exhausted. So, on the M25, I knew I was going to veer off the road. So, I [took a nap and then] heard a knock at the window and there was a police officer. Obviously, he gave me a ticket because I was parked on the [hard] shoulder.” [Kwami, age 55-64, Male, Black African, Carer, more than 10 years.] 3 See for example: Boivin, D. B., Boudreau, P., & Kosmadopoulos, A. (2022). Disturbance of the circadian system in shift work and its health impact. Journal of Biological Rhythms, 37(1), 328. https://doi.org/10.1177/07487304211064218. James, S. M., Honn, K. A., Gaddameedhi, S., & Van Dongen, H. P. A. (2017). Shift work: Disrupted circadian rhythms and sleep. Implications for health and well-being. Current Sleep Medicine Reports, 3(2), 104–112. https://doi.org/10.1007/s40675-0170071-6. Josephine, A. (2010). Shift work: Coping with the biological clock. Occupational Medicine, 60(1), 10-20. https://doi.org/10.1093/occmed/kqp162. 39 Access to healthcare was another challenge reported by participants. For night workers, scheduling or attending daytime medical appointments after finishing a shift can be taxing on multiple levels. As Dwayne recalled: “I finished a night shift and had a doctor’s appointment. By the time I got there, I was exhausted and in a bad mood. I felt like the doctor wasn’t listening, but maybe I was just too tired to explain properly.” [Dwayne, age 55-64, Male, Black Caribbean, Care Support Worker, more than 10 years.] The mismatch between usual healthcare service hours and night workers' schedules can leave them struggling to prioritise their health, even while they recognise and worry about the health risks of working at night and the harms associated with some night-time workplaces, cultures or roles. 5.7.3 Exhaustion The mental strain of night work also manifests in exhaustion at work and outside of work. For some, there was an accumulative exhaustion from switching between day and night shifts, or from long runs of shifts. Anya was relieved to avoid the expectation of drinking while on shift: “I'm quite happy that I switched from bar to doing security because I have to be sober.” [Anya, age 25-34, Non-binary, White and Asian, Security, 3-5 years.] Drinking alcohol had previously left them feeling drained and unable to maintain a positive attitude in night-time customer service roles. Anika reflected that negative impacts on their body would not be sustainable in the long run and contrasted the provision of food or discounted food in some daytime workplaces with the provision of free drinks as a “benefit” for hospitality workers. [Anika, age 25-34, Trans non-binary, Other Black, DJ, 3-5 years.] They commented: “I feel like anybody who works at night should get food, period. But when you're working in nightlife and in the clubs, the only thing that promoters will give you are drinks, just free drinks. And I've recently been thinking about, 'why are we not just getting a food voucher [or] money so that we can get food, because I think that would be more helpful [...] There is so much drinking, and I feel like I would rather have a meal before I play, rather than just multiple drinks. 'Cause it just is affecting my body now, as I'm doing this more and more, I'm already feeling, I'm feeling it, I'm feeling it, and it doesn't, it just doesn't feel like it's something that is going to be sustainable in the long run. And I think it would be nice if people who work in the clubs get food.” On a more general level, this points to many night workers’ sense of a lack of responsibility taken by their employers towards their health and safety, which was understood to be neglected, or to be an optional consideration. 5.7.4 Mental health and emotional wellbeing As well as physical health, mental and emotional wellbeing were strong themes in both the survey respondents’ and the long table participants’ accounts of the 40 negative impacts of night work. These themes ranged from reports of the stress involved in certain kinds of work and the effects of sleep deprivation on mood to a sense of long-term detriment to wellbeing and anxiety caused by actual, perceived or future physical or emotional harm as a result of work patterns or environments. To illustrate the latter, Ravi, working in retail, focused on memory loss and lack of sleep as a cause of dementia: “One of the reasons that doctors say why you get into that state [of memory loss] is because you cannot, don’t sleep enough. The minimum adults should sleep [is] between 6 to 8 hours. […] This morning, I woke up at around 6 o’clock. So, I slept five and a half hours. So, every day I’m sleeping like five hours, five and a half hours [...] But that is not very helpful. So, the cases of, you know, dementia is going up and up in this country.” [Ravi, age 35-44, Male, Asian Indian, Retail, 3-5 years.] Imran, working as a food delivery rider, observed the interdependent relationship between sleep, health, emotional wellbeing and relationships: “During night-time work, I’m still […] catching up on my sleep, and that [is] affecting my family and my loved ones […] There’s that pattern [which] starts to occur and becomes a vicious cycle. Then it affects you and the family, and then the mental health aspect of it, that comes with night-time working. I mean, I didn’t choose to do night work. I just needed to stay afloat the cost-of-living doing my upmost to try and pay my bills and have some mobility. And in the amount of effort I’m giving, I just feel that it’s not enough. And on top of [that], […] how they treat you, how they view you. You know that that compounds the problem for you. You ask the question: why am I doing it? But it’s difficult. It’s hard and under-appreciated.” [Imran, age 35-44, Male, Asian Bangladeshi, Food delivery, 1-2 years.] Social isolation was also prominent in reported experiences. This included, for Anya, working in nightlife hospitality, feeling “like you don’t have anyone to talk to a lot of the time” at work. [Anya, age 25-34, Non-binary, White and Asian, Security, 3-5 years.] They were concerned about an absence of support structures and opportunities to be supported with personal issues and pressures. Some participants similarly commented on isolation outside of work when working a disruptive night shift pattern. Emily, for example, recalled: “I’m going through my phone, like, which mates are awake?” [Emily, age 45-54, Female, White British, Outof-Hours Response and Patrol Officer, more than 10 years.] Another observed how social media use outside of work exacerbated the disruptions to their living pattern created by night work. Many participants highlighted their disproportionate proximity to risk. This included exposure to alcohol and drug misuse in the hospitality sector, whether partaking themselves or being around others who are; or, taking risks due to tiredness, such as driving too fast, or eating unhealthily. Kwami’s memories of speeding illustrate this 41 well, in an account which also reported suicidal thoughts linked to work pressures: “So, obviously at night time the road is open, so we are driving, and I found out that when you are tired you tend to want to drive faster, and sometimes I find myself doing 100 miles per hour. I’m not realizing that I’m doing 100 miles per hour but I’m just trying to get to work in time. You know, and that was one of the downsides. But I had to leave that job as I felt I was going to kill myself.” [Kwami, age 55-64, Male, Black African, Carer, more than 10 years.] Participants also emphasised ways in which they had learned from negative experiences, as when Leila, a DJ and club booker who had experienced many challenges, subsequently become an advocate for mental health and nightlife safety. [Leila, age 35-44, Female, White and Asian, Hospitality, more than 10 years.] 5.7.5 Diabetes and its links to night work Three participants reflected on their personal experiences of developing prediabetes, managing diabetes, or worrying about diabetes, each linking it to the impact of night shift work on their health. [Amina, age 45-54, Female, Black African, Security, 1-2 years; Ravi, age 35-44, Male, Asian Indian, Retail, 3-5 year; Dwayne, age 55-64, Male, Black Caribbean, Care Support Worker, more than 10 years.] Dwayne reported: “I had a blood test. I kept feeling really tired and lethargic. Then I was told I had prediabetes. I had to change my lifestyle, even though I was already health conscious.” He had been unaware of the correlation between “doing night work and diabetes,” stating that when deciding to do night work he had “never, ever considered [this] was an issue”. He noted that he has since had to make adjustments to cope with undertaking night work with his condition. Emily compared the shift patterns of night staff to day staff, highlighting a disparity in break times, and the impact this has on their ability to maintain healthy habits: “We work a seven-and-a-half-hour shift, including a break, whereas day staff work an eight-hour shift, but they get an hour for lunch. At night, we’re only getting half an hour.” [Emily, age 45-54, Female, White British, Out-of-Hours Response and Patrol Officer, more than 10 years.] 5.8 Identity-related issues: between racialised exploitation and positive representation In one of the long table discussions, Dwayne shared his understanding that a disproportionate amount of night work is undertaken by “ethnic minorities.” For him, this was connected to socioeconomic pressures and specific social and cultural backgrounds: “I am of the belief – I could be proven wrong – but I am of the belief that a lot of the night works are done by ethnic minorities. And that plays a crucial 48 Working in very tight clubs with no ventilation is really dangerous and can basically increase [the transmission of] COVID.” [Anika, age 25-34, Trans non-binary, Other Black, DJ, 3-5 years.] Lastly, issues related to lighting and safety at work were also raised. For example, Anya observed: “Where I work, it's a privately owned yard space. I've told the landlord multiple times (and so many other businesses) [that they] need to put up more lights in specific areas because I've watched multiple people get knifed or nearly knifed.” [Anya, age 25-34, Non-binary, White and Asian, Security, 3-5 years.] Drawing a link between lighting and the nature of so-called meanwhile spaces, in the context of night spaces in London, Leila pointed out: “In terms of lighting, that’s a really interesting point, because right now what you’re having is lots of nightlife spaces opening in meanwhile spaces. These are temporary, maybe they’ll be there for two years, three years, before that gets redeveloped into something else. These aren’t necessarily going to be places that have really good lighting or really good access. If councils are trying to encourage entrepreneurs and business owners and nightlife spaces to move into these small spaces, but they’re not providing the infrastructure, then we’re not actually giving customers safety in any way.” [Leila, age 35-44, Female, White and Asian, Hospitality, more than 10 years.] 5.11.2 Training The majority of night workers who participated in the long table discussions raised the need for more, and more appropriate, training, scheduled at times suitable for those working evening and night shifts. They frequently reported that training does not cater for them, either because of a lack of relevant training opportunities, or because of the timing. For example, as Ade, a care worker, reported: “They put me on training at 9:45 am while I finish work 8 am. From where I am to [the place of the training], you can’t reach it with traffic, but [we are told] there’s nothing we can do. After I've arrived late [I’ve asked] to please change the time? At least 11, 11:45 am? [They said] no, it can’t be because of me. [But] I said others have the same problem, [It’s not] that they don’t know about working at night, they know but they don't want to care.” [Ade, age 65+, Male, Black African, Care Support Worker, 6-10 years.] Alternatively, Kwami, another care worker, suggested, “[Employers] should find a way of giving us some days off, or give us some compensation for the fact that we are going to train, you know, either night or day time.” [Kwami, age 55-64, Male, Black African, Carer, more than 10 years.] The theme of training also included discussion of the need for more training for nighttime-oriented organisations and businesses, including venues, on issues such as safety, and on how to better support individuals working nights. [Dwayne, age 5564, Male, Black Caribbean, Care Support Worker, more than 10 years.] 5.11.3 Public awareness, education and campaigns are important to night workers Additionally, night workers noted how public awareness, education and campaigns are crucial for improving their conditions. Amina was one of the participants who 49 expressed a need for more public discussion about safety for night workers. She emphasized the importance of campaigns to bring awareness to people and the community: “You might not know this, but campaigns talk about menopause, breast cancer, things like that. Equally, the government can put money into campaigns where it becomes so normalized to talk about night workers.” [Amina, 45-54, Female, Black African, Security, 1-2 years.] Going further, She emphasised the need for night workers and their knowledge and experience to be central in these discussions: “We're all really important, but it's just to make sure that we're now visible in society and in our communities when actually being invited to talk about our roles, our positions and what we do to make them become visible, as opposed to the traditional ‘a doctor's going to give a talk’. You never think of inviting night workers.” [Amina, age 45-54, Female, Black African, Security, 1-2 years.] As the evidence we have gathered strongly demonstrates, night workers face significant challenges, which often compromise their health, well-being and sense of security, while at the same time they are attempting to fulfil the demands of family responsibilities and cope with financial pressures. Ravi again highlighted the need for these issues to be debated and discussed in public and in organisations and institutions with a view to informing evidence-based policy decisions: “We can improve it with real interventions from civil society, the state, or other conscious people within the community. There has to be debates, discussions, round tables, and citizens' assemblies where people get together to find solutions.” [Ravi, age 3544, Male, Asian Indian, Retail, 3-5 years.] Morgan also called for societal education to reduce the exploitation of healthcare services: “We need to standardize education and work closer together,” they said, referring to the need for responsible night clubs to employ paramedics at night, and for better first aid training for venue staff. [Morgan, age 55-64, Non-binary, Other Ethnic Group, Emergency services, 1-2 years.] On a more specific note, safety concerns were also raised in relation to public education, with one worker, Anika, sharing their experience of feeling unsafe while travelling home at night. They called for better education for men to promote understanding that certain behaviours are unacceptable. [Anika, age 25-34, Trans non-binary, Other Black, DJ, 3-5 years.] Rafi also stressed a specific point, namely, a need for local authorities to be more aware of night workers’ vulnerabilities. [Rafi, age 35-44, Male, Asian Bangladeshi, Self Employed Freelancer, 3-5 years.] 5.11.4 Transport-related improvements Travel at night is a critical issue for night workers. Kofi emphasised the importance of providing travel assistance, stating: “I think it’s also important that travel is provided to night workers, especially those that live far or don't have access to like a vehicle of their own”. [Kofi, age 25-34, Male, Black African, Estate Operative, 3-5 years.] Additionally, the current transport system in London does not cater well for night workers, as they can be, as Sophie, a health worker, pointed out, in effect financially penalised for making outward and return journeys over two days. [Sophie, age 3544, Female, White British, Health, more than 10 years.] The need for better infrastructure and more reliable public transport also arose. “I just feel as though whoever is responsible needs to take more ownership [of 50 systems] like the bus. I don't mind if the bus comes every half an hour, but the bus sometimes doesn’t come at all. I'm putting my life at risk, especially with what's happening in the world now. For me, [the bus is] very important because the trains don't work at night.” [Rafi, age 35-44, Male, Asian Bangladeshi, Self-employed Freelancer, 3-5 years.] Suggestions for improvements included late public transport, more frequent night buses, and lower fares at night. Although he perceived that night bus services had improved during his time in London (since the 1990s), comparing London to other cities that are more vibrant at night, Mei remarked: “I don't understand why we can't have that kind of metabolism that goes on that keeps a city kind of buzzing, so people don’t feel like they’re walking in darkness.” [Mei, age 4554, Male, Other Asian, Professional Services, more than 10 years]. Businesses also have a role to play in supporting their night workers by providing transport. Anya, working in security, suggested that it would be good “to have a communal bus that night workers take to go back to a certain location. I think businesses should be doing more if they have people that work at night and they don't have a car to go home.” [Anya, age 25-34, Non-binary, White and Asian, Security, 3-5 years.] Innovative solutions, such as sensors at bus stops that can detect when someone is waiting alone and which could connect them to a call for support, would also enhance safety and perceived safety: “I found it was such a creative idea to make people not feel alone at 3 am in the middle of the night”, commented Priya, a retail worker, adding: “It is such a simple solution.” [Priya, age 25-34, Female, Asian Indian, Customer Service, 6 months-1 year.] 5.11.5 Pay remains critical Beyond health and safety and trainingand transport-related improvements, night workers discussed pay as a significant concern, often feeling their hard work is “undervalued”, as reported by Imran. [Imran, age 35-44, Male, Asian Bangladeshi, Food delivery, 1-2 years.] Ravi’s comments encapsulated the challenges: “Employers should be more aware about the conditions of working at night, and there should be awareness about the hard work at night, better wages, better conditions of work, more breaks, more holiday allowance by employers, and more flexible working hours, with the night rate starting from 9 pm, not midnight.” [Ravi, age 35-44, Male, Asian Indian, Retail, 3-5 years.] He further highlighted how, in supermarkets, changes to night pay were also deemed unfair: “The idea is to give extra money for working from 9 pm ’till 6 am. Now they have changed that rule to midnight ’till 6 am, so colleagues are losing three hours of night pay, which is completely wrong.” Finally, there was a call for a specific charter for night workers, articulated by Dwayne: “They should have a charter for night workers, specific rules that outline what is good practice and what is bad practice. Maybe there should be a provision of food or vouchers. Similar to the minimum wage, which started off as a charter and then became a policy over the years.” [Dwayne, 55-64, Male, Black Caribbean, Care Support Worker, more than 10 years.] However, Ravi was cautious: “There needs to be bespoke solutions to this problem, not necessarily universal declarations. People from different cultural and ethnic backgrounds need to come together to discuss and address these issues.” [Ravi, age 35-44, Male, Asian Indian, Retail, 3-5 years.] 51 5.11.6 Stronger together: from educating oneself to being more vocal collectively In reflecting on negative experiences as night workers, participants often expressed a desire to look out for their own rights and needs in future; and for positive change to improve conditions for others. In Rafi’s words: “What I'm getting out of this is, is hopefully I'm going to learn to be more vocal back to my workplace.” [Rafi, age 3544, Male, Asian Bangladeshi, Self-employed Freelancer, 3-5 years.] In one of the long table discussions, Leila, working in the nightlife sector, described her growing personal awareness of the impact of workplaces: “For me personally one of the things I've been trying to do is educate myself. So, I've been studying mental health advocacy in the workplace so that when I start hiring people again […].” [Leila, age 35-44, Female, White and Asian, Hospitality, more than 10 years.] She reflected that, in the nightlife sector, “Things have changed hugely since I started but there’s a long way to go to prioritise the safety of women, people of colour, disabled folk and LGBT people.” These comments can be read in relation to Anika’s statement of the constraints on venues in improving pay and conditions: “I think ways to improve, specifically, work in nightlife in terms of clubs and bars, like those spaces actually need better funding. Especially the small, queer parties.” [Anika, age 25-34, Trans non-binary, Other Black, DJ, 3-5 years.] Participants also discussed the power of collective action when demanding improvements at work. “There has to be some kind of intervention,” said Ravi, “which will bring about these issues more clearly, like the unions, [which] can bring them very forcingly. There has to be a kind of national kind of monitoring into [night work] more carefully.” [Ravi, age 35-44, Male, Asian Indian, Retail, 3-5 years]. Some of the ideas floated included the setup of a union-like collective for DJs to negotiate better pay and working conditions. Anika argued: “[We should] just start a collective, because I'm sure DJs will appreciate guidelines for [negotiating] salary. I would look at getting a group as DJs together and saying, ‘This is what we want!’.” [Anika, age 25-34, Trans non-binary, Other Black, DJ, 3-5 years.] Rafi concluded that: “What I feel I will take from this [long table] is […] I will advocate more for my own mental health and I will try to maybe join a union or a body where I can have my views more effectively represented that way. I feel that’s the only way in which I feel leadership or management will be able to know about our, my concerns, along with my colleagues and that’s the only way to have a voice, I feel, in my capacity, in my role. So those are things I will take on board.” [Rafi, age 35-44, Male, Asian Bangladeshi, Selfemployed Freelancer, 3-5 years.] 5.11.7 Improvements related to the policy environment The role of London’s Night Czar was acknowledged by multiple participants. They were aware of this role and had various views about it. Commenting on the debates about nightlife in London, Dwayne stated: “The Night Czar shows that London or the UK is moving to a 24-hour society. It’s about putting structures in place to support night workers. With a 24-hour economy, you’ve got the London night tube at the weekends, so you’ve got all those workers working into the night. We need to look at the policy that Transport for London has put in place to support those people, and 52 whether that same policy can be transferred over to other sectors like hospitality, healthcare and retail.” [Dwayne, age 55-64, Male, Black Caribbean, Care Support Worker, more than 10 years.] A concern was raised about certain councils that were perceived as being biased against nightlife businesses and which would hinder the improvement of conditions for night workers. Leila shared her worries: “I'm just wondering if certain councils are more predisposed to not wanting more nightlife. For example, in Hackney, they've got the special policy area. I don't know if they still have it, but I know that they tried to limit new businesses moving in, because Dalston has grown rapidly in the last 15/20 years. They might be more predisposed to not encouraging nightlife, so they’re not going to put these things in place that we all desperately want and need to improve our safety.” [Leila, age 35-44, Female, White and Asian, Hospitality, more than 10 years.] Calling for lobbying and policy-making to support night workers across various sectors, Dwayne commented: “You need to write to these people, lobby them, and say, ‘What about our sectors? What about the shop workers?’. Let’s have a policy, a table talk session like we’re having now [in the long table]. We need to listen and put strategies in place. Health, well-being, mental health, pain management and childcare all need to be in place to support the individual. Otherwise, you just end up being a statistic. Good policy and round tables like this could be transferred to the government, showing our report and recommendations regarding night work and the night-time vision.” [Dwayne, age 55-64, Male, Black Caribbean, Care Support Worker, more than 10 years.] 5.11.8 And finally . . . action Some participants who had experience of participating in discussions about night work expressed frustration about a lack of concrete action. Imran expressed this clearly, saying: “I've been in so many forums, we've talked, research has been published. But I've reached that stage where now, in terms of action, [I ask:] ‘How are you going to implement this? Are you going to improve my life as a night-time worker?’ Because there's been so much research and dialogue, so many forums on that, and I'm all for that. But then there comes a time when you say, ‘you know what, let's see how that would be implemented. How will that affect my family?’ And I think a lot of people that I know are asking the same questions.” [Imran, age 35-44, Male, Asian Bangladeshi, Food delivery, 1-2 years.] He makes a clear call for actionable plans rather than mere discussion: “Present us with an action plan on how you would implement your opinion rather than do cheap talk!” [Imran, age 35-44, Male, Asian Bangladeshi, Food delivery, 1-2 years.] 53 Research team biographies Ben Campkin (he/him) is Professor of Urbanism and Urban History at The Bartlett School of Architecture, University College London, and Vice-Dean Public and City Engagement for The Bartlett Faculty of the Built Environment. Ben is the author of Queer Premises: LGBTQ+ Venues in London Since the 1980s (Bloomsbury, 2023) and Remaking London: Decline and Regeneration in Urban Culture (I.B. Tauris, 2013); and co-author with Lo Marshall of LGBTQ+ Cultural Infrastructure in London: Night Venues, 2006-present (UCL Urban Laboratory, 2016). He was Co-Director of UCL Urban Laboratory 2008–2011 and 2018–2023 and Director from 2011–2018. Ben was UK principal investigator on the EU-funded collaborative project, Nightspaces: Migration, Culture and Integration in Europe (NITE, 2019–23). Dr. Alessio Kolioulis (he/him) is a Lecturer in Urban Economic Development and Director of Training and Advisory Services at The Bartlett Development Planning Unit (DPU), University College London. He is a Co-Investigator on the Facing inequalities and democratic challenges through co-production in cities (FairVille) Horizon Europe Project (2023-27) and previously Postdoctoral Research Fellow on the project NITE with Professor Ben Campkin. His publications include "Integrating night studies into climate science" in Nature Climate Change (2024) and the forthcoming Routledge Handbook of the Night-time Economy (2026). 54 References Acuto, M., Seijas, A., McArthur, J. and Robin, E. (2021). Managing cities at night. 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Current Sleep Medicine Reports, 3(2), 104– 112. https://doi.org/10.1007/s40675-017-0071-6. Josephine, A. (2010). Shift work: Coping with the biological clock. Occupational Medicine, 60(1), 10-20. https://doi.org/10.1093/occmed/kqp162. Kolioulis, A., Siravo, J., Apostolidis, P., Kummer-Buléon, C., Matheou, L., & Campani, C. (2021). Working Nights. Municipal Strategies for Nocturnal Workers. London: Autonomy Institute. MacQuarie, J. (2023). Invisible Migrant Nightworkers in 24/7 London. Springer Nature Switzerland Office for National Statistics (ONS). (2023, January 24). The night-time economy, UK: 2022. ONS website. Weaver, L. (undated). Long Table. Split Britches. Retrieved from https://www.splitbritches.com/long-table. 55 Appendix 1 – Analysis of the demographic characteristics of the surveyed participants Our research captures insights into the lived experiences of night workers through a structured survey (number of responses = 98) and two long table (LT) discussions involving 20 participants. The survey sample represents the outcome of outreach efforts rather than a representative reflection of London’s night workforce. In the following analysis, we describe the key characteristics of the survey and long table sample.4 4 Please note that most classifications used in the survey (such as age ranges or lists of genders) are drawn from the Census 2021 to ensure consistency with national demographic data. Additionally, the industry categories in our survey (see the section Which sector do you work in?) do not correspond to the Greater London Authority (GLA) 24-hour team night work groupings. 56 Age Range The survey sample’s age profile is skewed towards younger participants, with 37% aged 25-34 and 19% aged 35-44. Note, however, that the LT sample intentionally included older workers in order to capture their perspectives as longterm night workers. Participants aged 55-64 and 65+ each make up 20% and 10% of the LT sample respectively. These introduce viewpoints from long-tenured night workers who have experienced different roles and differential levels of support over time. 57 Gender Identity How night work is experienced differently according to gender is another dimension that the researchers were keen to consider. The survey sample is predominantly male (51%) and female (40%), with 10% identifying as non-binary and 5% as trans non-binary. The LT sample reflects this diversity, capturing the experiences of non-binary and trans non-binary individuals alongside male and female participants. While gender diversity was a key consideration in structuring the LT sample, its composition was also influenced by factors such as participant availability and representation across night-time sectors. This reflects a move to incorporate perspectives that are frequently marginalised in workforce studies, particularly in relation to precarious employment. By including these voices, the LT discussions capture the lived experiences of gender-diverse workers, adding to our understanding of gender in the context of night-time precarity. 64 A comparison between the long tables sample and ONS data on night workers in London (2023) The comparison between the LT sample and data on night workers in London (ONS 2023), published under London at night: An updated evidence base for a 24-hour city, reveals both similarities and differences across age, gender, ethnicity, and employment type. In comparing this data, the LT sample emerges as a more diverse representation of London’s night-time economy workforce. Its higher proportion of mature workers, inclusion of gender diversity beyond binary categories, greater granularity and variety in the classification of ethnic backgrounds, and a higher prevalence of casual employment roles indicate a workforce composition more diverse than the average for night workers reported in the ONS/GLA 24-hour data for London (2023). Age Comparing age profiles is challenging due to differences in age bands between the two datasets. However, the LT sample features a more mature workforce than the London average. The ONS data further highlights a slightly younger night-time workforce in London compared to the LT sample. Gender and Ethnicity 65 The gender distribution across the LT sample and data for London highlights significant differences, with the LT sample showing a more balanced gender representation and broader inclusivity. According to the ONS data, males constitute the majority of night workers (evening and late night) in London, making up 65% of the night-time workforce. However, the LT sample comprises only 45% males. Females represent 40%. Moreover, the LT sample includes 15% of respondents identifying as non-binary, trans non-binary or other gender identities. This inclusion points to a diversity in gender representation absent from the ONS data, which only considers binary gender categories. The ethnic composition of the LT sample reveals a much broader and more finegrained spectrum of diversity compared to the ONS data, which generally categorises night workers as either White or BAME (Black, Asian, and minority ethnic). According to the ONS data, White individuals make up 64% of the night workforce, while BAME groups represent 36%. The LT sample has a different distribution, with only 20% identifying as White (10% English, Welsh, Scottish, Northern Irish, or British; 10% Other White), and 80% who identify as what would be designated ‘BAME’ if using the ONS categories. This broader ethnic representation suggests that specific ethnic groups are likely to be underrepresented in dominant night workforce statistics. Additionally, the LT sample provides more granular details within the BAME category, with individuals identifying as Black African (20%), Black Caribbean (10%), Other Black (10%), and Mixed White and Asian (10%) Employment Employment Type ONS Percentage LT Percentage Employee 79 70* (includes full time and part time) Self-employed 20.7 20 Casual/Other 0.3 10 While both data samples show that traditional employment types dominate the nighttime workforce, with employees making up the majority in both (78% in the ONS data and 70% in the LT sample) and self-employed night workers making up approximately 20% in both set of data, an important difference concerns workers in casual or other employment roles. The ONS data reports only 0.3% of night workers 66 in casual or other types of roles, whereas the LT sample includes a significantly higher 10% in casual employment. Satisfaction, Well-being, Support and Safety Concerns We complete the descriptive quantitative analysis by looking at night workers' experiences across the Voices of Night Workers sample as a whole, covering aspects of job satisfaction, well-being, employer support, and safety. Job Satisfaction While 24% of respondents are ‘very satisfied’ with their night work, the largest segment (31%) report being ‘somewhat satisfied.’ 14% are ‘somewhat dissatisfied’ and 5% are ‘very dissatisfied,’ indicating mixed feelings about night work. Well-being Ratings of overall well-being skew towards the lower end, with 44% indicating ‘fair’ well-being, 17% poor, and only 13% feeling it is ‘excellent.’ 67 Employer Support Support from employers was considered moderate, with a balanced distribution across satisfaction levels. However, a significant proportion (21%) rate it as ‘poor’ and 7% as ‘very poor,’ implying areas for improvement. Safety in Commuting Safety concerns were apparent, with 37% only ‘sometimes’ feeling safe while commuting, and 11% ‘rarely’ or ‘never’ feeling safe. This highlights a potential need for safer commuting options or strategies and is an area that participants explored in more detail in the long table discussions. Safety and Health Issues 68 A majority of respondents have experienced safety issues (68%) and health (57%) issues due to night work, pointing to significant risks associated with night working that could require mitigating interventions. Other characteristics surveyed Sexual Orientation Nationality Primary Language 69 Dependents Physical or Mental Health Conditions or Illnesses Other Survey Questions The following questions and responses have been coded as part of our qualitative analysis and are reported in the main body of the report: • What is your job title/role? • What are the primary reasons you work at night? • Have you experienced any safety issues as a result of night work? If so, please specify. • Have you experienced any health issues as a result of night work? If so, please specify. • Do you feel that your contribution as a night worker is valued? If yes, why? If not, why not? • What improvements would you like to see in how night work is understood and/or valued? 70 Appendix 2 – Long Table Etiquette 71 Appendix 3 – Participation Information Sheet and Consent Form 72 73